Journal of Greek Archaeology

Home , Adam of Macedonia, Amphipolis, Catania, Katerini, Locri, Pella

2017 Access VOLUME 2 Open

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© Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Subscriptions to the Journal of Greek Archaeology should be sent to Archaeopress Publishing Ltd, Gordon House, 276 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7ED, UK. Tel +44-(0)1865-311914 Fax +44(0)1865-512231 e-mail [email protected] http://www.archaeopress.com

Opinions expressed in papers published in the Journal are those of the authors and are not necessarily shared by the Editorial Board.

Editor in Chief John Bintliff (Edinburgh University, UK and Leiden University, The Netherlands) Assistant Editor Corien Wiersma (Groningen University, The Netherlands)

Editorial Board Judith Barringer (Edinburgh University, UK) Jim Crow (Edinburgh University, UK) Andrew Erskine (Edinburgh University, UK) Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones (Cardiff University, UK) Ben Russell (Edinburgh University, UK) Keith Rutter (Edinburgh University, UK)

Editorial Advisory Board Oscar Belvedere (University of Palermo, Italy) Branko Kirigin (Archaeological Museum, Split, Croatia) Johannes Bergemann (Gottingen University, Kostas Kotsakis (UniversityAccess of Thessaloniki, Greece) Germany) Franziska Lang (Technical University Darmstadt, Ioanna Bitha (Research Centre for Byzantine Germany) and Postbyzantine Art of the Academy of Athens, Irene Lemos (Oxford University, UK) Greece) Maria Mouliou (University of Athens, Greece) Franco D ‘Andria (University of Lecce, Italy) Open Robin Osborne (Cambridge University, UK) Jack Davis (University of Cincinnati, USA) Franco de Angelis (University of British Columbia, Giorgos Papantoniou (University of Cyprus and Bonn Canada) University) Jan Driessen (University of Louvain, Belgium and Athanasios Rizakis (Institute of Greek and Roman Belgian School in Athens, Greece) Antiquity, Athens, Greece) Sylvian Fachard (Université de Genève, Jeremy Rutter (Dartmouth College, USA) Switzerland) Guy Sanders (American School of Classical Studies, Nena Galanidou (University of Crete, Rethymno, Athens, Greece) Greece) Susan Sherratt (Sheffield University, UK) Chrysanthi Gallou (Centre for Spartan and Andrew Stewart (University of California Berkeley, USA) Peloponnesian Studies, ArchaeopressUniversity of Nottingham, UK) Gocha Tsetskhladze (University of Melbourne, Australia) Lita Gregory (Australian Institute, Athens) Tania Valamoti (University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Timothy Gregory (Ohio State University, USA) Athanasios Vionis (University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus) John Haldon (Princeton University, USA) Konstantinos Kopanias (University of Athens, Greece)

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ISSN: 2059-4674 (print) 2059-4682 (online)

Volume 2 2017

Contents

Editorial: Volume 2 ��v John Bintliff

New insights into the Upper Pleistocene archaeology of Northwestern Greece The evidence from three open-air sites and its implication for Middle and Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers’ activity and behaviour in Southeastern Europe ��1 S. Ligkovanlis

Prehistory and Proto-History Access Preserving memory in Minoan CreteFilled-in bench and platform deposits from the First Palace of Phaistos ��33 Ilaria Caloi

Cattle in ritual practice and iconography in BronzeOpen Age Cyprus ��53 Jennifer M. Webb

Variation on a theme: Mycenaean early civilisation in a comparative perspective ��81 Marcus Bajema

Mercenaries or refugees? the evidence from the inscriptions of Merenptah on the ‘Sea Peoples’ �� 115 Konstantinos Kopanias Archaic to ClassicalArchaeopress A Greek battleground in southern Italy: new light on the ancient Sagra ��131 Paolo Visonà and James R. Jansson

Cutting down the tallest ears of grain: archaeological evidence for tyranny and sumptuary law in ‘wealthy’ Corinth ��155 Angela Ziskowski

Where the children are: an insight into ‘age markers’ in western Greece. Astragali from the burial area of Locri Epizefiri ��171 Barbara Carè

Results of the field surveys at Teos and environs (2007–2009): revealing the Archaic landscape ��195 Elif Koparal and Numan Tuna

i © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Manliness, violation, and laughter: rereading the space and context of the Eurymedon vase ��217 Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones

Hellenistic

Macedonian lionesses: Herakles and lion jewelry in elite female dress (c. 325–275 BCE) ��231 Alexis Q. Castor

Revisiting the ‘Slipper Slapper’ and other sculpture dedications in the clubhouse of the Poseidoniasts of Beirut ��253 S. Rebecca Martin

Roman to Late Roman

Public baths in Roman Dion (Colonia Iulia Augusta Diensis) ��283 Anastasios Oulkeroglou

Post-Medieval to Modern

Integrating Local History and Landscape Archaeology: two case studies from western Greece ��321 Helene Simoni and Kostas Papagiannopoulos Access The Karavas Water Project: an archaeological and environmental study of interaction and community in northern Kythera ��339 Lita Tzortzopoulou-Gregory and Timothy E. Gregory Open Multiperiod

Ancient magic artefacts and people: interpreting symbols, tracking personal experiences in Greek archaeological museums ��373 Marlen Mouliou

Book Reviews

Prehistory and Proto-History

Florence Gaignerot-Driessen and Jan Driessen. Cretan Cities: Formation and Transformation ��Archaeopress �� 391 Maria Iacovou

Robert B. Koehl (ed.). Studies in Aegean Art and Culture. A New York Aegean Bronze Age Colloquium in Memory of Ellen N. Davis. ��397 Oliver Dickinson

Jana Mynářová, Pavel Onderka and Peter Pavúk (eds). There and Back Again – The Crossroads II. Proceedings of an International Conference Held in Prague, September 15-18, 2014. ��400 Oliver Dickinson

Leslie Preston Day, HeidiM.C. Dierckx, Kimberly Flint-Hamilton, Geraldine C. Gesell, Kevin T. Glowacki, Nancy L. Klein, David S. Reese and Lynn M. Snyder. Kavousi IIC: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda. Specialist Reports and Analyses. Kavousi. The results of the Excavations at Kavousi in Eastern Crete ��404 Ilse Schoep

ii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Archaic to Classical

Lieve Donnellan, Valentino Nizzo, Gert-Jan Burgers (eds) Contexts of Early Colonization Lieve Donnellan, Valentino Nizzo, Gert-Jan Burgers (eds) Conceptualising Early Colonisation �� 408 Matthew Fitzjohn

Josiah Ober. The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece ��412 John Bintliff

Alexander Heinemann. Der Gott des Gelages. Dionysos, Satyrn und Mänaden auf attischem Trinkegeschirr des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. . ��413 Diana Rodríguez Pérez

John H. Oakley (ed.). Athenian Potters and Painters. ��419 Robin Osborne

Stella Spantidaki. Textile Production in Classical Athens N.K. Rollason. Gifts of Clothing in Late Antique Literature ��421 Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones

Franco de Angelis. Archaic and Classical Greek Sicily. A SocialAccess and Economic History Andrey Bezrukov. Trade and Economic Contacts Between the Volga and Kama Rivers Region and the Classical World ��423 Lieve Donnellan

Donald C. Haggis and Carla M. Antonaccio (eds). OpenClassical Archaeology in Context: Theory and Practice in Excavation in the Greek World ��429 Florence Gaignerot-Driessen

Hellenistic

John Boardman. The Greeks in Asia Elisabeth Katzy. Hellenisierung Nordmesopotamiens am Beispiel des Khabur-Gebietes ��432 Andrew Erskine

Chavdar Tzochev. TheArchaeopress Athenian Agora Volume XXXVII. Amphora Stamps from Thasos ��439 Mark van der Enden

Pierre Leriche (ed). Art & Civilisations de l’Orient Hellénisé: rencontres et échanges culturels d’Alexandre aux Sassanides ��441 Meg Moodie

Roman to Late Antiquity

Manolis Korres. The Odeion Roof of Herodes Atticus and other Giant Spans ��445 Ben Russell

Alexandra Eppinger. Hercules in der Spätantike. Die Rolle des Heros im Spannungsfeld von Heidentum und Christentum ��448 Gary Vos

iii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Medieval

Michael Dekker. The Byzantine Dark Ages ��452 John Bintliff

Michael J. Walsh, Tamás Kiss and Nicholas S.H. Coureas (eds) The Harbour of all this Sea and Realm: Crusader to Venetian Famagusta ��453 Mike Carr

Jonathan Harris. The lost world of Byzantium ��455 Emanuele E. Intagliata

Joanita Vroom. Byzantine to Modern Pottery in the Aegean. An Introduction and Field Guide �� 456 John Bintliff

Multiperiod

Ruth M. Léger. Artemis and her cult Martin Eckert. Die Aphrodite der Seefahrer und ihre Heiligtümer am Mittelmeer. Archäologische Untersuchungen zu interkulturellen Kontaktzonen am Mittelmeer in der späten Bronzezeit und frühen Eisenzeit ��457 Lieve Donnellan Access

Oliver Henry, and Ute Kelp (eds) Tumulus as Sema. Space, Politics, Culture and Religion in the First Millennium BC ��461 Naoíse Mac Sweeney Open S. Müth, P. I. Schneider, M. Schnelle, P. D. DeStaebler (eds) Ancient Fortifications. A Compendium of Theory and Practice ��464 Hans Lohmann

Rune Frederiksen, Silke Müth, Peter I. Schneider and Mike Schnelle (eds) Focus on Fortifications. New Research on Fortifications in the Ancient Mediterranean and the Near East ��467 Hans Lohmann

Janet Burnett Grossman. The Athenian Agora Vol. XXXV: Funerary Sculpture ��471 Nigel Spivey Archaeopress

Michalis Karambinis. The island of Skyros from Late Roman to Early Modern times ��473 Emanuele E. Intagliata

Laura Gawlinski. The Athenian Agora Museum Guide ��476 Alana N. Newman

Pietro Maria Militello and Hakan Öniz (eds) SOMA 2011. Proceedings of the 15th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, held at the University of Catania 3-5 March 2011 ��478 Chrysanthi Gallou

David Abulafia (ed.) The Mediterranean in History ��486 John Bintliff

David K. Pettegrew. The Isthmus of Corinth. Crossroads of the Mediterranean world. ��487 Dean Peeters

iv © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. John Bintliff

Editorial: Volume 2

This issue maintains our mission to publish across the whole time range of Greek Archaeology, with articles from the Palaeolithic to the Early Modern era, as well as reaching out from the Aegean to the wider Greek world. Lithics and Ceramics are accompanied by innovative Art History and Industrial Archaeology. Our book reviews are equally wide- ranging. Our authors are international, and include young researchers as well as long- established senior scholars. I am sure you readers will find a feast of stimulating studies and thoughtful reviews.

John Bintliff General Editor

Access

Open

Archaeopress

v © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Access

Open

Archaeopress

vi © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Hellenistic

Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (2017): 231–252

Macedonian lionesses: Herakles and lion jewelry in elite female dress (c. 325–275 BCE)1

Alexis Q. Castor

Franklin & Marshall College Department of Classics, Lancaster, PA 17603, USA [email protected]

‘Alexander….also wore the lion’s skin and club just like Herakles.’2

Lions, of all animal quarry, rank among the most daunting and dangerous prey for hunters. Heroes and rulers demonstrated their physical strength in lion hunts and depicted them in historical records and images as a way to affirm their authority.3 Lions and the iconic lion-slayer Herakles, who was important in Macedonia as the ancestor of the royal Argead clan, became especially prominent in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Macedonian art.4 Kings and elites drank from vessels with Herakles emblems, dined in rooms decorated with lion hunts, andAccess used armor embossed with lions, as seen on a shield device from Derveni Tomb A.5 (Figure 1) Alexander III’s references to Herakles as an ancestor, illustrated by the quote above, and his own exploits in the east, stimulated new archetypes of royal and divine power. Studies of this imagery have demonstrated the complex Open

Archaeopress

Figure 1. Iron shield attachment, Derveni Tomb A. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ

1 This project has developed over several years. I first presented aspects of this research in a colloquium ‘Facture Speaks: Material, Technique and Meaning in Ancient Art’ organized by Mont Allen at the 2010 AIA Annual Meeting and a revised version in 2014 at the workshop ‘Rethinking Ancient Jewellery’ in Leiden. Beth Carney and Michael Flower commented on an early draft that helped to refine its direction. I am particularly grateful to Ann Steiner and Gretchen Meyers for their insights as the project progressed. I am grateful to the American School of Classical Studies at Athens for assistance with photographs and permissions. 2 Ephippus, FGrH 126 F 5.26–28 = Athen.Deipn 12.537e–38b. 3 Jackson 2010: 96–106, for the association between lions and the ancient heroes and 154–184, for lion hunts by kings (ancient and modern) and sports hunters. 4 Hdt. 5.22; 8.137–9. The hero was also claimed by the Antipatrids and much of the surviving evidence of royal support of Herakles cults dates to the end of the 4th or early 3rd century. Iliadou 1998, 15–36. 5 Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997: 45; for comparable decoration on the chryselephantine shield from Vergina Tomb II, see Kottaridi 2011a: 66–72.

231 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Alexis Q. Castor

layers of royal self-presentation, elite competition and masculinity it represents.6 Lions carried connotations of royalty and heroic prowess that were exploited increasingly in art as the northern kingdom grew into an empire.

Yet another category of Macedonian high-value trappings deploys similar iconography: women’s gold jewelry. But little of the symbolism assigned to the male goods has been credited to those used by women. While most jewelry of this era emphasizes female beauty and natural fecundity, a pronounced interest in lions and Heraklean imagery appears on multiple jewelry types. Lion heads were used as ornamental terminals on necklaces and hoop earrings, while Herakles was depicted wearing the Nemean lion skin on fibulae and referenced symbolically through the Herakles knot found on necklaces, wreaths, and diadems. A similar convergence of male iconography and female ornaments occurred in Hasanlu, Iran earlier in the 1st millennium, and offers an intriguing parallel. In the following analysis, I consider the transfer of this charged masculine and royal imagery into women’s personal adornment. I argue that the Macedonian court established a cultural context in which women could display connection to their rulers through their dress. A possible inspiration for the practice may have come from Achaemenid Persia, where kings dispensed jewelry to male favorites. Such a custom could not transfer directly to Macedonia, since men avoided wearing body jewelry, but the urge to do so may have been adapted for women. The late 4th century witnessed massive social changes for elites in Macedonia. The very concept of kingship altered radically after Alexander III and this affected not just the ruler, but also the court elites.7 Traditionally powerful families and newcomers required avenues to display their statusAccess in this changing community. I suggest that these circumstances established public roles for some women that called for them to adopt symbols of male power in their jewelry. Powerful men and women in Hasanlu: a possibleOpen analogy This spread of masculine iconography into elite female ornaments in Macedonia resembles a scenario proposed for the site of Hasanlu in north-west Iran.8 In two studies of the Iranian dress ornaments, Marcus analyzed a group of pins that were distinctive both in size (10–13cm as compared to the usual length of 5–6cm) and decoration. Much as in Macedonia, lions garnished Hasanlu weapons and metal vessels normally associated with men.9 Bronze-and-iron dress pins with hybrid lion creatures entered female costume around 900 BCE. Both the bi-metallic technology and the weight of the pins indicate that they were an elite ornament.10 (Figure 2) At Archaeopress

Figure 2. Bronze and iron lion pin, Hasanlu. Purchase, Mrs. Constantine Sidamon-Eristoff Gift, 1961. © CC0- Metropolitan Museum of Art.

6 Briant 1991; Palagia 2000; Carney 2002; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2004; Cohen 2010; Graekos 2011; Franks 2012. 7 Paschidis 2006. 8 Marcus 1993, 1994. 9 Marcus 1993: 161–162. 10 Metropolitan Museum of Art 61.100.10.

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this time, Hasanlu faced significant external pressure from Assyria and Urartu. Changes in burial practices that included more frequent deposits of metal weapons and an increased use of military and hunt iconography in public spaces point to new expressions of warrior identity for males. In dress ornaments, females wore the same themes found on swords and daggers. Garment and shroud pins from female graves bore the same decorative motifs found on men’s sword and dagger hilts, further connecting elite males and females through their dress.11 Foreign incursions that the military and political leaders faced helped to create a stronger group identity, Marcus argued, and one that included all members of the family, even those who did not fight in battle. Additional study of the Hasanlu jewelry by Megan Cifarelli finds further evidence that long, sharp dress pins reflect female ‘militarization’ in dress, especially among elites.12 The multi-layered messages that the Hasanlu pins conveyed did not center solely on gender but also embodied aspects of rank and group identity that superseded gender-specific iconography. At this critical junction, an elite woman or girl could assume male symbols into her dress to show her familial role as a protector of Hasanlu. These studies provide a useful model with which to consider the intersection of gender, social rank, and group identity represented in dress. Strongly gendered artifacts, like jewelry and armor, which signify rank may unite certain men and women rather than separate them into separate categories by gender.

Lions and Herakles in Macedonia: a man’s world?

Success in wild animal hunts was an essential rite of passage in Macedonia.Access Group hunts in which the king and companions participated had a long history in the Argead monarchy.13 Sawada draws a link between symposia and hunts since both occasions provided personal access to the king and facilitated strong bonds between a ruler and his court.14 Only after dispatching a boar without a net could a Macedonian man recline at the symposium,Open a custom reported because Cassander supposedly had to sit at his father Antipater’s feet until he reached the age of 35.15

Herakles provided the heroic model of a lion-slayer but few mortals had the chance to emulate his feat in Greece; it was not until the Macedonian army crossed into Asia that a king or soldier could reasonably expect to encounter a lion.16 The lion-skin that Ephippus describes Alexander wearing was surely made from a lion that he had killed himself in order to achieve the maximum assimilation of his ancestor’s persona. Historical accounts of lion hunts during Alexander’s campaign show that Alexander’s Companions received as much attention as the ruler himself.17 Both Craterus and Lysimachus noted lion hunts with Alexander as part of their claim to succeed him.18 Rulers in earlier Near Eastern empires unquestionably understood that the prestige gained from killing a lion couldArchaeopress reinforce or elevate their status. 19 Alexander’s success as a lion hunter was a court practice that appealed to both Macedonian and Asian courtiers.

The surge in lion hunt imagery in Macedonian art dates to this era when the great cat became part of the life experiences of Alexander and his Companions. In addition to the armor devices described above, sympotic equipment with lions or Herakles has been found in male burials at Vergina, Derveni Tomb A, Nikesiane, and Pydna.20 In the House of Dionysos at Pella (c. 325–300), the mosaic from an andron shows a lion caught between two young, nude hunters; the hunting theme continues with a griffin attacking a stag on the threshold mosaic. Studies of the scene have

11 Marcus 1994, 4. 12 Cifarelli 2014, 2017a, 2017b. 13 Carney 2002. 14 Sawada 2010: 402. 15 Athen.Deipn.I. I.18a 16 Cohen 2010: 68–71 for evidence of lions in Greece. 17 Plut.Alex.40.3–41.1; Curt.8.1.14. 18 Craterus: Plut.Alex.40.4. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993b; Paspalas 2000; Cohen 2010: 76–78; Franks 2012: 36–41; Dunn and Wheatley 2012. 19 Briant 1991; Briant 2002: 230–232; Brosius 2007, 44–45; Llewellyn-Jones 2013, 130–133; Seyer 2007; Müller 2014. 20 Zimi 2011: 27–28.

233 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Alexis Q. Castor

emphasized how it fits into the wider adoption of the lion hunt as a display of male dominance and heroic/royal glory.21 Cohen’s analysis of hunt mosaics at Pella seems apt for the other representations of lion hunts when she writes, ‘The spectacular feats accomplished on the mosaics exude a kind of ready-made significance that individuals who did not make world history could well appreciate and incorporate into their own modest lifestyles.’22 A Late Classical marble hunt group found at Vergina was set up in the gymnasium, perhaps in honor of Herakles.23 Architectural elements, furniture fittings with lion paws, and door attachments with lion heads holding rings in their mouths in elite homes and palaces added to the visual repertoire in which the lion was found.24 Living lions may have been exceptional sights in Greece, but they were symbolically rampant in communal male gatherings. Women shared these spaces and objects. Even if wives and female relatives did not participate in the same activities that men did, they would be aware of the new congruity of Herakles and the mortals who carried out their own lion hunts.

Heraklean jewelry types

Herakles knots and lion heads appear on multiple forms of jewelry first documented in the second half of the 4th century. With the exception of the Macedonian fibula type, which appears in 5th- century burials, all of the Heraklean types are new and distinct from contemporary jewelry. Such visual contrast is important when considering the clarity of decorative devices on small objects like earrings.25 Other Late Classical jewelry relies heavily on elaborate floral forms for decoration.26 Disk earrings with dangling pendants and woven strap necklaces Accessare typical of the period. Human and animal figures embellished earrings; winged creatures, nymphs, and Erotes were favorite forms. With the exception of Heraklean motifs then, most ornaments celebrate the beauty of the feminine world. Chronologically, lion-head and Herakles-related imagery are closely linked in jewelry that dates to between c. 325–275. Both motifsOpen continue well into the Hellenistic period, but other animals replace lions as terminal decoration of earrings and necklaces and Herakles knots are no longer finished with lion-heads to reference the hero.

Previous studies of Herakles and lion jewelry have proposed a general association between the iconography and Alexander III. Michael Pfrommer, in his 1990 study of Hellenistic jewelry, suggested that the Herakles knot jewelry originated in Macedonia because of genealogical links the Argead house made to the hero.27 The nature of the connection was not explored deeply, however, other than suggestions that Heraklean jewelry served as a souvenir or trinket or made some vague political reference to the king. The fact that women’s jewelry had not referenced a ruler before or afterwards was not addressed. One of the few personal ornaments considered from the perspective of female political messagingArchaeopress is the gold and enamel diadem found in the antechamber of Vergina Tomb II. A central Herakles knot is embedded in the center of the headdress and lion’s heads decorated the strap terminals (only one terminal survived intact). The headdress rested on the gold-and-purple textile that was wrapped around remains of the female.28 Ann Nicgorski’s 2005 analysis of Alexander and the Herakles knot device offers one of the only explicit discussions of

21 Palagia 2000; Cohen 2010: 78–82; Franks 2012: 61–64. 22 Cohen 2010: 79. 23 Graekos 2011:78–80. 24 Bronze door fittings have been found at Olynthus, House A13: Olynthus X: 249, no. 989, pl. LXVI-II and in a third-century tomb at Pydna: Bessios 1990: 86 A. In a mortuary setting, a bronze lion-head door fitting was found in the pyre associated with Tomb II at Vergina. It is reconstructed as the door decoration for the wooden structure that was burned along with the body of the male: Kottaridi 2011a: 62. Lions were painted on a funerary kline in Macedonian tomb 1 at Amphipolis: Lazaridis 1960: 71, pl. 55a. 25 Castor 2017 for issues of visibility with respect to jewelry. 26 Williams and Ogden 1994, passim. 27 Pfrommer 1990: 13–22. Pfrommer’s catalog includes 24 examples of Hellenistic Herakles knots that he attributed to Macedonia, Thrace, and Illyria. Of these, only nine were excavated in Macedonia. Since the majority of artifacts he cataloged lack archaeological provenance, both his regional and chronological framework have been challenged. See Miller 1993 for a critical assessment of Pfrommer’s method. Rudolph 1995: 137, deemed the interpretation as ‘overly literal’ and saw the motifs, ‘…as more of a fashion trend, not as political propaganda expressed through jewelry.’ 28 Andronicos 1984: 191–97; Kottaridi 2011a: 90–94.

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royal iconography in female jewelry in her study of the diadem. She reviewed the amuletic history of the knot, its associations with divine Egyptian pharaohs, and Alexander’s use of Herakles’ image in his exploits and personal goods. After his death, she argued, these connotations merged to make the knot a personal symbol of Alexander. The Vergina diadem, which she identified as belonging to Adea Eurydike, would show the queen’s connection to the mythical ancestor of the Argeads and to the ‘new Herakles’, Alexander.29 The interpretation is compelling in its recognition that symbols of Herakles represented Argead royal ideology in women’s dress. It is also sensitive to the type of ornament on which the knot appears – a headdress with high visibility. Nicgorski’s argument has received support and opens several avenues of inquiry with respect to other jewelry with the same iconography.30 She described the knot as bearing ‘a combination of ideological, political and purely ornamental significance’ for its wearers but cautioned that we cannot sort out these complex meanings in most instances of non-royal graves.31 While it is true that specific intentions elude us, patterns of jewelry use within a region and time period invite closer inspection.

The jewelry discussed here derives from grave contexts where it formed part of an elaborate funerary ritual, described in more detail below. It is presented in tabular form in the Appendix with the known evidence concerning tomb type, forensic analysis (if available), grave contents, and date. Some ornaments come from fully published tombs, such as those from Sedes Grave Γ, Derveni Grave Ζ, Aineia Grave III, and a handful of others. Most are from rescue excavations or contexts presented only in preliminary notices with little information about the rest of the tomb. Still others are listed in reports without specific graves associatedAccess with the objects. Excavators have assigned general dates for the grave or object, often based on their initial findings, and I use those dates as a terminus ante quem. An objective chronology for jewelry is almost impossible to establish, since artifacts found in tombs might be heirlooms and stylistic development of luxury goods is inherently conservative. Full publication of Openthe tombs and jewelry will undoubtedly refine the current picture and until then, close comparison of the contexts cannot be accomplished with any confidence. Stylistic and technical analysis of these pieces is not yet possible because of their incomplete publication. In the survey of Heraklean jewelry types below, I focus on general iconographic characteristics and readability of the motifs.

Diadems and wreaths

Gold head ornaments, in the form of diadems or foil leaf wreaths, were the most visible body decoration that a man or woman could wear.32 Several different styles of diadems date to the 4th and 3rd centuries; they belong almost exclusively to women.33 Embossed sheet gold strips or pediment-shaped diademsArchaeopress were probably only used for funerary costume, but more substantial ornaments may have been worn in life.34 Leaf and floral wreaths have been found in male and female burials, although they were not always placed on the head of the deceased. Instead, they

29 Nicgorski 2005: 114–115. For a good survey of the issues surrounding the date of Tomb II and its occupants, see Franks 2012, Appendix; Hall 2014: 97–117, also discusses the history of its interpretation and challenges the assumptions that underlie the identities of the occupants. Antikas and Wynn-Antikas 2015 and Bartsiokas et al. 2015 provide the latest analysis of the remains at Vergina. Antikas and Wynn-Antikas identify the male in Tomb II as Philip II and the 30–35-year-old female as a Scythian wife (unattested in the ancient sources), because of a leg injury she possibly incurred from a riding accident. Carney 2016, re-examines the historical and material evidence for each of Philip II’s wives as well as for Adea Eurydike as candidates for the female in the antechamber. While she finds no clear support for a particular royal woman, she interprets the assortment of military gear placed in the antechamber as creating an ‘Amazonian’ persona for her. The participation of royal women in military situations is discussed in more detail below. Bartsiokas et al. 2015, instead identify the male in Tomb I as Philip II because of damage to the left knee that could correspond to an injury suffered by Philip. For the purposes of this discussion, the specific individuals are less important than that the tomb dates to the Late Classical period and belongs in the Argead burial ground. 30 Kyriakou 2014: 274 n. 14; Greenwalt 2015: 344–348. 31 Nicgorski 2005: 114. 32 Tsigarida 1993; Despoine 1996: 28–30, nos. 28, 21–33; Tsigarida 2001–2002, 2006a, 2006b, 2012: 333–40; Ignatiadou and Tsigarida 2011. 33 An exception is the silver circlet from Tomb II at Vergina (Andronikos 1984: 174, figs. 138–139; Prestianni Gialloambardo 1986, 1990; Tsigarida 2001–2002). This unique object, with a representation of a Herakles knot in gold, is too large to be worn on a bare head and was thus passed over some sort of head covering which Tsigarida 2006a, 141, connects to priesthood. 34 Kyriakou 2014, 273.

235 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Alexis Q. Castor

Figure 3. Gold diadem, Sedes Tomb Γ. ΜΘ 5410. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ were set on vessels that held cremated remains or hung at the corners of a grave. Wreaths made of densely packed leaves, embedded figures, and insects, and set on springs would have created a glowing halo when the wearer moved. Debate continues about whether the wreaths found in graves were solely for funerary purposes or were worn in life, but a combination of functions seems likely.35 The diadems from Tomb II at Vergina and Sedes Grave Γ (AppendixAccess #1) are complex compositions. (Figure 3) On the Vergina diadem, scrolling gold tendrils, palmettes, flowers, insects, blue-enamel flowers and buds, and even a small dove surround the gold knot. The abundance of vegetation and color dominates the viewer’s impression, but the very intricacy of the ornament invites closer inspection. The Sedes diadem is composed of open oval links with acanthus leaves and palmettes attached to tendrils and gold wire spirals. An Eros figureOpen stands at the center of the Herakles knot.36 Touratsoglou identified this piece as the earliest surviving example of the Herakles knot motif in jewelry.37 Both diadems were equipped with lion-head finials at the ends; the creatures hold a ring in their mouths for a taenia or cord to fasten the ornament around the head. Since the diadems belonged to female burials, we see that the combination of lion and Herakles symbols entered into women’s ornaments at the same time that they were emblazoned on men’s armor and the other material culture discussed above. To date, these are the only two diadems that incorporate both the Herakles knot and lion motifs. The double reference to Herakles found on the Sedes and Vergina diadems appears to be most relevant in the first generation after Alexander. An early 3rd century gold diadem from Lete (Appendix #21) retained the Herakles knot but not the lion heads. A Herakles knot is foundArchaeopress on a sheet gold diadem from Amphipolis (Appendix #6) where the device was added separately to the sheet gold backing.

Leaf wreaths occasionally employ Herakles knots. Three myrtle wreaths, one from a male cist-tomb at Pydna, another from a male tomb at Stavroupolis, and a third, illegally excavated in Macedonia and recently returned to Greece by the Getty Museum, include a small Herakles knot.38 Herakles knots were situated in the center of diadems and wreaths, but were often embedded in the floral decoration of the headpiece and difficult to see.

Lion-head hoop earrings

This new earring type appeared in second half of the 4th century and became one of the most popular ear ornaments through the Hellenistic period.39 (Figure 4) The hoops are made of two or

35 Despoine 1996: 28–30. 36 Jackson 2006: 49–57, on Eros in Hellenistic jewelry. 37 Touratsoglou 1998: 32. 38 Tsigarida 2010: 308–311. 39 Despoine 1996: 33–34; Tsigarida 2006a, 144; 2009: 549–555; 2012, 341.

236 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Macedonian lionesses: Herakles and lion jewelry in elite female dress (c. 325–275 BCE)

more tapering wires twisted together to terminate in a lion’s head, which was formed separately in a mold and then attached to the hoop. A decorative collar, at its widest behind the mane, serves as a transitional element between the lion head and the hoop. Most collars had filigree designs set between a tongue-pattern filigree border on the upper and lower edge of the collar. On carefully made earrings, the open lion’s mouth clasps the opposite terminal of the hoop. When worn, the lion head was set upside down with the mouth facing the earlobe. Thus, the lion was dismembered and effectively defanged when women wore it. Those who saw the earrings would be confronted with the rippling mane of the lion and the decorative band, but not the creature’s muzzle. This change in the viewer’s perspective of the lion would reduce the Figure 4. Gold lion-head hoop earring, Pydna. ΜΘ potency of the feline image, but even so, the mane Πυ 1082. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ. was sufficient to convey the essential feature of a lion head. Lion-head hoop earrings were discovered in eleven tombs (Appendix #1, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 25) and several others have been reported.40 Access

Lion-head hoop earrings are well represented in northern Greek graves for about fifty years and spread widely throughout the Mediterranean. After a few generations, however, other animals begin to replace the king of beasts. A far tamer menagerieOpen – smaller cats such as lynxes, speedy mammals like antelopes, gazelles, and dolphins, or dogs, man’s best friend – adorns Hellenistic hoop earrings.41 Lion-head terminals become less common in Macedonia after the first quarter of the 3rd century. What began as a reference (albeit a firmly domesticated one) to kingship, masculine potency, and the power of a great wild beast was subsumed into a menagerie of pets and exotic creatures.

Necklaces

Herakles knots and lions on necklaces took many different forms. Large, central Herakles knots with small lion-head finials at the end of the four ‘ropes’ that created the ligature, such as that found at Sedes (AppendixArchaeopress #1), date to the late 4th century. (Figure 5) At Tsagezi (Appendix #2), a long necklace may have been wrapped around the body rather than the neck. Necklaces could be made of braided loop-in-loop chains similar to the strap necklace of the same period, or open-link chains, which would require far less gold. The knotted pendant would be worn in front. Its form was distinctive in comparison to other contemporary necklaces, such as the strap necklace with a row of pendants, or beaded neck ornaments. The specific combination of the lion head with the Herakles knots was short-lived, with the main flourishing in the last quarter of the 4th century. A chain necklace from Abdera (Appendix #14) shows female heads replacing the lion head finials.

Another form of Herakles knot jewelry has been discovered in recent excavations at Amphipolis (Appendix #6), Pydna (Appendix #9, 13), and Agios Athanasios (Appendix #19): sheet gold oval beads in the shape of Herakles knots.42 Several beads could be strung together as a necklace. Finally, the Herakles head from Derveni Tomb Z (Appendix #18) is, to date, a unique pendant; a large opening

40 Akanthos: Grammenos 2007: 192–193; Pella: Lilimpaki-Akamati 2011: 250; Pydna, Aiginou: Bessios and Tsigarida 2000: 183; Kassandreia: Grammenos 2007: 212. 41 Higgins 1980: 125; Deppert-Lippitz 1985: 148–150. 42 Pydna: Seven sheet gold Herakles knot beads with blue inlay, Bessios 1990: 109.

237 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Alexis Q. Castor

Figure 5. Gold necklace with Herakles knot, AccessSedes Tomb Γ. ΜΘ 5411. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ. Open

on the bottom could allow the piece to be attached to a rod, but the suspension ring at the top also equipped it for use as a pendant.43 (Figure 6)

Lion-head finials (Appendix #6, 13, 23, 24) were the only ornament on several open-link chain necklaces. (Figure 7) As was the case with Archaeopress the Herakles knot necklaces, the confronting felines would be visible at the front of the neck to show off the decorative fastener.44 Like the lion-head hoop earrings, by the 3rd century, other animals would replace lions on the necklace terminals.

Macedonian fibulae

The earliest appearance of lion and Herakles imagery in women’s jewelry appears on a fibula type developed in Macedonia. Its distinctive features are the embellished arch and decorative terminals that covered the

Figure 6. Gold Herakles head, Derveni Tomb Ζ. ΜΘ

Ζ4. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ 43 ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ. Dági 2011: 15–16. 44 Pydna: Bessios and Tsigarida 2000: 188; Grammenos 2007: 80, fig. 3

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Figure 7. Gold chain necklace with lion-head terminals, Pydna. ΜΘ Πυ1110. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ Access ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ. Open functional hinge and catchplate.45 A gold example of the type was recovered in Tomb K1 at Vergina, a partially looted cist-grave dating to c. 430–420.46 Fibulae of the late 4th century apply decorative beads or paddlewheel attachments to the arch. (Figure 8) Embossed lion and Herakles heads are set on the square plates at the terminal; often, a small Pegasos figure perches above the catchplate. Lion and Herakles heads are the most common devices found on the fibulae, suggesting that even when shown alone, the lion should be understood in connection with Herakles, presumably standing for the Nemean Lion. Occasionally, the figure with the lion skin has been labeled as Omphale, but the prevalence ofArchaeopress young, beardless Herakles heads in the luxury arts does not support this

Figure 8. Gold Macedonian fibulae, Sedes Tomb Γ. ΜΘ 5412–5413. © ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΥ & ΑΘΛΗΤΙΣΜΟΥ. ΤΑΜΕΙΟ ΑΡΧΑΕΟΛΟΓΙΚΩΝ ΠΟΡΩΝ.

45 Despoine 1996: 42; Tsigarida 2012: 345. 46 Kottaridi 2011b: 106, cat. no. 225.

identification.47 Although pins and dress fasteners were regularly part of Archaic burials, they become less frequent in the 4th century and largely disappear by the 3rd century. Five Late Classical tombs (Appendix #3, 8, 10, 12, 18) included fibulae. Most are found in pairs, two to six per grave. At Aineia (#10), three fibulae were fastened through the handles of the bronze kalpis that served as a cremation urn, with two others placed inside. Here, the ornaments were not functional to clasp a shroud or burial dress on a corpse. Likewise, at Derveni Tomb Ζ (#18), the deceased was cremated; the fibulae may have closed a textile wrapping the remains.

Finger rings

A silver finger ring with a Herakles knot was found at Pella (Appendix #18) and is the only example of the knot found in a secure context; a gold version is in the collection of the British Museum.48

The variety of jewelry types decorated with Heraklean imagery demonstrates that the motifs enjoyed popularity in women’s ornaments as well as in male luxury goods.

Court dress in Persia and Macedonia

Royal courts created complex social relationships that required regular rituals of integration and reaffirmation.49 In Persia, gold jewelry, clothing, and horse trappings given by the king represented political prestige and socialization both for courtiers present at Accesscourts and those representing it far away. Texts and material culture record a desire for members of the empire to conform to what Llewellyn-Jones describes as the ‘template of the court.’50 Public display of jewelry and clothing was an essential component of this court practice and one that brought rewards to both the giver and the wearer.51 Courtiers reinforced their loyalty to the king by wearing court dress. In doing so, they implicitly accepted the king’s authority andOpen gave a clear signal of their support for their leader and the hierarchy that he established.52 Much as livery or military gear communicated solidarity in courts of later eras, this early version demonstrated a ruler’s power to all who saw the army or court in full dress.53 Greek authors indicate that fellow subjects and foreigners alike readily recognized these goods as the king’s awards and understood the social capital that the jewelry represented. ‘Whose gifts are more recognizable than some of those given by the kings – bracelets, necklaces, and horses with gold bridles? For no one there is allowed to have these things unless they have been presented by the king’, wrote Xenophon.54 Representations of high-ranking courtiers and soldiers show them wearing Achaemenid-style ornaments.55 Ptah-hotep, an Egyptian treasurer in service to the king records his honors from Darius I both in text and visual form on a sculpture now in the BrooklynArchaeopress Museum.56 (Figure 9) The confronting ibexes on his torc and bracelet on one surviving arm presumably depict the court jewelry he was awarded.57 The Achaemenid preference for animal-head jewelry decoration could easily have inspired its appearance on Late Classical Heraklean jewelry and offers circumstantial support for the idea that Macedonian women emulated eastern court jewelry.

The Macedonian court also used dress to indicate special court and military roles. At least by the time of Alexander, the kausia, chlamys, and krepides sandals essentially had become a Macedonian

47 Omphale: Williams and Ogden 1994: 78–79; Despoine 1996: 42, argues for Herakles. 48 British Museum R913. Despoine 1996: no. 217. 49 Winterling 1997; Spawforth 2007a for an overview of these issues in ancient courts. 50 Llewellyn-Jones 2013: 33; Dusinberre 2013: 76–81. 51 Sancisi-Weerdenberg 1984: 134. 52 Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1984: 135; Briant 2002; Moyer 2006; Dusinberre 2013: 267–68; Llewellyn-Jones 2013: chapter 2. 53 Mansel 2005: 18–36. 54 Xen.Cyro.VIII.2.7–8. 55 Harper (ed.) 1992: 227. 56 Brooklyn Museum 37.353. 57 Colburn 2014: 791–794.

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uniform.58 The late 4th-century Macedonian tomb at Agios Athanasios includes several male figures – horsemen, soldiers, diners, and servers – wearing different types of dress.59 Attention to the costume details shows in the variety of colors used for the tunics, cloaks, and caps, as well as the military equipment that some of the men wear. Purple-dyed cloaks are prominent and noteworthy because the king gave his Hetairoi a purple chlamys and kausia to denote their status within the court.

Apart from his lion skin, Alexander wore an array of clothing as he marched eastward, but ‘nearly every day he wore a purple cloak, a purple tunic with a white middle, and the Macedonian kausia with the royal diadem.’60 As he sported more elements of eastern costume, he attracted negative commentary, as it was supposed to mark the internal shift of the king away from Argead norms towards a more eastern style of rule. In contrast, the aging veterans of the Macedonian Accessarmy clung to their own clothing, even as it deteriorated into rags, rather than adopt new, foreign dress. Their resentment at non- Macedonians assuming their dress is reported when the 30,000Open young reinforcement troops, the Epigonoi, arrived wearing Macedonian garb and trained in Macedonian tactics.61

Remarkably, Macedonian female military garb is Figure 9. Schist sculpture of Ptah-hotep, Brooklyn recorded in the aftermath of Alexander’s death. Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund, 37.353. © Creative Commons-BY. When Adea Eurydike and Olympias faced each other in battle, each wore dress designed to inspire their troops. Adea Eurydike donned the armor of a Macedonian infantryman, crossing gender and class roles by adopting the clothing of a male foot soldier. Olympias garnished herself with an ivy-leaf wreath and dressed as a Bacchant.62 Scholars have questioned whichArchaeopress outfit would appeal best to the army, but, in the end, they sided with Olympias (for this encounter anyway). It is clear that both women understood that their dress could convey messages to encourage their army and perhaps to lure defectors from the other side.

While Macedonian kings and courtiers wore special clothing to signify their rank, jewelry that referenced court dress would have to belong to Macedonian women. Much as earlier generations of Athenians had adapted certain items of Persian luxury – parasols, fans, and flywhisks – into female costume, the Macedonians may have modified the royal custom of dispensing gold jewelry to men into a new purpose for women’s accessories.63 Although we do not know exactly what the Persian court jewelry looked like, animal-head decoration on bracelets and necklaces was a

58 Fredericksmeyer 1986; Kingsley 1991; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993a. 59 Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005: 109–49; Collins 2012. 60 Ephippus FGrH 126 F 5.26–28 = Athen. Deipn. 12.537e–38b 61 Arr.7.6 62 Athen. Deipn. 13.560f. Carney 1995. 63 Miller 1997.

common Achaemenid motif. The new prominence of lion-head terminals on Herakles knots and earrings could be a citation of the eastern court jewelry as it was adapted for Macedonian use.

Macedonian lionesses

Who might these women be? The archaeological evidence for Macedonian women uncovered in the past few decades has prompted reconsideration of their position and their public presence in comparison to women elsewhere in Greece.64 As tempting as such assessments are, the current disparity in the kinds of evidence – primarily burials in Macedonia, with few contributions from domestic, sacred, or civic contexts – does not allow for meaningful comparisons. It is, however, evident that some elite women were accorded the same extravagant funeral rituals as men, indicating they played an important part in the family identity as a whole. This elite familial identity expressed through funerary ritual recalls aspects of the scenario Marcus and Cifarelli suggested for the Hasanlu burials.

Macedonian burials of the Late Classical era are notable for the investment of resources they represent. Elites employed many of the same practices as royals, making funerals an arena in which they demonstrated their common values and perhaps even aspirations.65 Certain funeral customs apparently emulate Homeric rituals, particularly the ritual of cremation on a funeral pyre to transform the body for the afterlife.66 Both males and females were cremated; sometimes their remains were interred in the same tomb and occasionallyAccess even the same container.67 At Derveni and in Vergina Tomb II, the joint burial of an adult male and female, presumably spouses, prioritizes and affirms their identity as a couple for eternity.68 Several tomb types were used at this time: pit-graves, cist-graves lined with stones, and Macedonian chamber tombs. Cist-graves and Macedonian tombs could be painted or stuccoed.Open69 Wooden or stone klinai have been found in tombs of both sexes, with wooden couches now represented by gilded terracotta plaques, glass, and ivory inlays that decorated them.70 These couches, combined with metal and clay drinking vessels, show an emphasis on an eternal banquet in which male and female progenitors of elite families participated. Textiles originally covered the couches, probably in a baldachin arrangement, or wrapped bones. Gold or gilded textile attachments and sometimes a few cloth fragments survive.71 Bronze and iron weapons and bronze or, less often, silver drinking vessels of the sort described above are found regularly.

Overall, the extensive use of gold in these graves is notable. While the increased wealth of the region at this time could account to some extent for these costly funerary goods, the imperishable, gleaming quality of Archaeopressgold also suits goods required for eternity.72 Gold leaves with Orphic texts placed in some Macedonian tombs suggest that new ways of expressing notions about the afterlife were in use and gold had symbolic value for the dead beyond intrinsic wealth.73 The presence of some or all of these goods in a tomb points to an image of an elite status, usually labeled as the royal Companion class, especially if weapons are found.74 But a specific description of female Companions has yet to be determined, and gold jewelry embellished with the Herakles knot or lion heads may be one signifier of it.

64 Much of the analysis has centered on Archaic female burials: Chrysostomou and Chrysostomou 2000; Carney 2000: 234–44; Lilimpaki- Akamati 2004; Castor 2008; Carney 2010b; Kottaridi 2011b; Archibald 2012. For the Classical and Hellenistic period, see Mirón Pérez 2000; Le Bohec-Bouhet, 2006; Carney 2012 and Elizabeth Carney’s extensive work on Macedonian queens: 1995, 2004, 2010a, 2012. 65 Guimier-Sorbets and Morizot 2006. 66 Kottaridi 2001. 67 Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997: 146–147. 68 Jaccottet 2008. 69 Brecoulaki 2006; von Mangoldt 2012. 70 Sismanidis 1997: 200–220. 71 Andrianou 2012. 72 Touratsglou 1996; Holt 2016. 73 Hatzopoulos 2006; Tzifopoulos 2012. 74 Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997: 186–191; Archibald 2005, 2013: 297–320.

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The tomb contexts with Heraklean jewelry collected in the appendix show a range of the practices described above. Graves from ancient Lete, Sedes Grave Γ (Appendix #1) and Lete Tomb 4 (Appendix #21), and those found at Amphipolis (Appendix #6), Makrygialos (Appendix #13), and Derveni Tomb Ζ (Appendix #18) include more than one Heraklean jewelry type as well as other prestige goods. These also represent many of the notable funerary practices ascribed to the Companion class: cremation, decorated tombs, tombs in family groups, as well as prestige goods. A recent study of the Sedes jewelry by Marianna Dagì showed that the same goldsmith made all of the pieces, which could account for the unusual unity in the iconography. She also noted that the jewelry showed no signs of wear.75 In her wider study of Late Classical Macedonian jewelry she discovered that about half of the pieces were unused when interred. Funerary jewelry has usually been classified as sheet gold or gilded terracotta imitations of known styles, but Dagì’s research indicates that even well-crafted pieces functioned solely as grave garb. Four girls’ graves contained Heraklean jewelry: Amphipolis (Appendix #6), Alykes Kitrous (Appendix #9), Lete Tomb 4 (Appendix #21) and K15 (Appendix #22). Two of the girls were buried with diadems (Appendix #6 and #21) and costly goods such as bronze mirrors and metal vessels. Life stage as represented by mortuary ritual is a promising avenue of research in Macedonia and one that will further illuminate family identity expressed in burials.76

The Companion class in Macedonia was enriched in part by royal land grants, documented first in the time of Philip II, but continuing into the 3rd century.77 When Alexander left on his campaigns for the east, he took many, if not most, Macedonian leaders withAccess him. When they discuss them at all, the ancient sources give conflicting force numbers for his army. Scholarly interpretation of the numbers varies significantly. At a minimum, Alexander took 12,000 infantry with him in 334, leaving behind anywhere from 5,000–12,000 infantry and 1,500 cavalry for Antipater.78 Alexander requested additional levies and AntipaterOpen had to muster significant forces for his own battles. In the half-century or so after Alexander’s death, civil and foreign wars placed further demands on Macedonian manpower and migration to other lands increased. We cannot have a true understanding of the demographic effects of these numbers because of the lack of data for the Macedonian population as a whole.79 Those serving in Alexander’s army had an extensive campaign and their absence would have a significant impact on those families.80 He sent one force of newly married men home the winter after he left to visit their wives.81 Occasional furloughs and decommissioning of troops occurred, but the majority of Alexander’s troops remained with him or settled abroad. During the wars of the Successors, passage in and out of Macedonia continued. Royal women appeared in essential, but unusual, political, military, and civic roles at this time, suggesting this was an era of changing public roles.82 The Macedonian Penelopes waiting for the return of their husbands,Archaeopress sons, and brothers could well have become more visible in their communities and at court as they kept their households in order. After Alexander’s death, civil war placed even more demands on manpower; politically important men would suffer most in the struggle.83 A reduction in the numbers of elite males could have occasioned new situations in which women were prominent. The departure of men for battle and the return of troops would call for the presence of women and family members, who may also have been present when Alexander sent back booty, when news arrived about the outcome of various battles, or the latest death or

75 Dági 2011: 15. 76 Saripanidi 2016, for analysis of an Archaic burial of a young boy at Sindos. 77 Archibald 2005: 15–19; Greenwalt 2007. 78 Bosworth 2002: 67. Billows 1995: 182–220, argued against a significant effect on population levels. 79 Hamilton 1999. 80 Historians of World War I have considered the profound social effects of a lost generation of men on European women in particular. See Nicholson 2008 for British women of all ages affected by the loss of family, friends and potential husbands and Kuhlman 2012 for widows in Germany and the United States. Evans 2007 examines the role of mothers’ sacrifice of their sons in Canada. I thank Prof. Maria Mitchell for discussing this literature with me. 81 Arr.1.24.1 82 Carney 1995: 192. 83 For example, Diod.19.11.3–9 records that Olympias killed one hundred Macedonian supporters of Cassander.

assassination of a potential claimant to Alexander’s throne.84 Those families who were not separated presumably jockeyed for wealth and social position with women participating in the appropriate social arenas to protect or advance the family. Activities like this, which would be out of place for Greek women in Athens or Corinth, are more typical of the oligarchic, clan society found in the northern Aegean. Preservation of family status required men and women to act together to secure advantageous marriages and maintain alliances between elite families. Jewelry that signaled solidarity with the Argead dynasty would have been appropriate testimony to the wearer’s support of a relative serving with Alexander or to mark membership in a Companion family.

Late Classical jewelry with representations of Herakles would carry many messages: he was the ancestor of the royal family, a hero who could kill lions, presaging actual feats accomplished by Alexander, and a hero raised to immortal status, as Alexander was. After the death of the last Argead, Cassander maintained an affiliation with Herakles, drawing on, and perhaps even expanding, the authority of the hero to try to legitimize his own family’s claim to the throne.85

Conclusions

In this study, I have proposed a new way of studying jewelry iconography, one that posits elite women wore jewelry to display affiliation with the Macedonian court. Representations of lions, lion hunts, and Herakles formed a powerful symbol in the era after Alexander, normally found in connection with elite or royal male settings. The transfer of thisAccess imagery into gold jewelry for women evokes a similar situation proposed for first-millennium Hasanlu. Drawing on previous scholarship that has established that the Herakles knot originated in Macedonia and had links with Alexander’s association with Herakles, I have suggested that we think of Herakles knot and lion-head jewelry as a Macedonian version of courtOpen jewelry used in the east, one that applied to women. Persian rulers dispensed readily identifiable jewelry to men who had served them well; recipients wore the ornaments to indicate their personal prestige and connection to the ruler. Such a practice was not directly transferable to the men of the Macedonian court. But the notion that gold ornaments could signal membership among the elite (either actual or aspirational) may have inspired a new use of jewelry, one that drew on iconography that resonated with the royal house and was applied to women’s dress. In such a tumultuous period women’s dress could incorporate hints of court connection as a way to visualize family status. The disruptions, both positive and negative, of the late 4th century and absence of male leaders would push their wives and mothers into public roles, just as queens did, in order to maintain their prestige within elite networks. As Alexander robed himself like Herakles, women could wear jewelry embellished with the same motifs to harness bothArchaeopress the hero’s strength and the qualities of their late king.

Herakles knots and lion-head jewelry become noticeably less prevalent in Macedonian graves by the mid-3rd century, although the motifs continued to be popular elsewhere in the Mediterranean for another two centuries. The entangled social conventions that linked Heraklean jewelry with the Argeads may have weakened significantly following the deaths of Philip III Arrhideos and Alexander IV and the subsequent loss of the clan’s political dominance. The women who wore and were buried with these badges of the dynasty displayed an innovative use of jewelry as a political statement.

84 Carney 2015 outlines this difficult period and its possible social effects in Macedonia. 85 Hatzopoulos 1994: 102–111.

244 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Macedonian lionesses: Herakles and lion jewelry in elite female dress (c. 325–275 BCE) Other Goods Gold coin Alexander III Bronze coin Alexander III Funeral couch fittings, alabaster alabastra, ivory plaques Gold bead appliques for textile, funeral couch fittings, (5), gold buttons (6), terracotta couch fittings, textile fragments bone plaques from a box, 101 astragaloi Gold coin Alexander III, ivory couch fittings Gilded bronze wreaths (5), terracotta figurines (2), funeral couch, linen textile fragments Alabaster alabastron, gilded terracotta attachments Pottery unless (Black-glaze otherwise noted) Skyphos Three cups West Slope pyxis, skyphos Skyphos Kerch-style pelike Terracotta figurines Lekythos, hydriskos Silver coin of Akanthos, Aryballos-lekythos Bronze coin Philip II Gilded kotyle, 26 alabastra, glass calyx- skyphos, 8 Attic vessels, 2 local vessels Other Jewelry unless otherwise (Gold noted) Gilded terracotta necklace beads Pendant, Eros earrings, gold ring, ivy leaf wreath Lion-griffin earrings, finger ring Disk-and-Eros earrings, finger rings (2), silver pin, clay and bone beads Bronze ring, gilded bronze wreath Disk-and-Eros earrings, necklace clay necklace beads Bead necklace, finger ring Finger ring Snake finger ring Disk-and-Eros earrings, bead necklace, finger ring

Access Jewelry (HK=Herakles knot) Jewelry (HK=Herakles Diadem, chain HK necklace, one lion-head earring Necklace w/HK Macedonian fibulae (2) Chain necklace w/HK and lion- head terminals Silver HK finger ring chain necklaces w/lion-heads, sheet gold HK beads for second necklace Lion-head earrings 6 Macedonian fibulae Gilded bronze wreath 10 HK beads 5 Macedonian fibulae Finger rings (2), gilded Open Lion-head earrings 6 Macedonian fibulae, lion-head earring (1) Lion-head earrings, 7 HK beads, chain necklace w/lion-head terminals HK chain necklace Metal GoodsMetal Heraklean Gold Silver kalyx cup, bronze mirror, phiale, iron strigil Bronze phiale , mirror, strigil Bronze mirror Sheet gold diadem w/HK, Bronze kalpis (heirloom), bronze mirror Cremation (C) or (C) Cremation (I) Inhumation C C I Archaeopress Age/ Sex Adult F Girl I N/A I Girl P=Painted Date Type 325 Cist (P) F I 325-300 Cist (P) Young 325-300 Cist 325-300 Cist (P) 325-300 Mac Tomb 325-300 Pit 325-300 Pit (disturbed) 325-300 Cist 325-300 Pit 325-300 Cist (P) Adult C 325-300 Pit 325-300 Cist (P) 350-300 325-300 Cist Kotzias 1937 Bessios and Tsigarida 2000: 372-373 Bonias 2000 Makaronas 1940 Rhomiopoulou 1989 Chrysostomou & Zarogiannis 2005 Peristeri, Zografou, Salonikios 2006: 239 Bessios 2010: 236-237 Bessios 2010: 214-215 Vokotopoulou 1990: 65-66 Bessios 2010, 184 Bessios 2010: 201-202 Bessios 2010: 189 Treasures of Ancient Macedonia 1979: 102 No. Tomb 1 Sedes 4 Tomb 52 Alykes Kitrous, 6 A. Grave Amphipolis. 2 Tsagezi 3 Tomb A Veroia, 5 Λ 26 Tumulus B, Grave Pella, 7 T15 Serres. 8 Tomb 71 Alykes Kitrous, 9 Tomb 22 Alykes Kitrous, 10 III Grave Tomb A, Aineia, 11 Tomb 232 Makrygialos, 12 Tomb 1 Makrygialos, 13 Tomb 10 Makrygialos, 14 800 Grave Abdera, Appendix

245 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Alexis Q. Castor Bronze coin Alexander III Textile fragments Funeral couch fittings, bronze coin of Cassander, bronze shoe ring Gilded clay couch fittings, gold rosette appliques II, terracotta figurine, astragaloi Two shells, bronze coin of Cassander, 123 astragaloi Other Goods Funeral couch fittings, textile fragments Gold textile appliques, astragaloi, bronze coin of Cassander terracotta figurine Attic pelike Three vessels 2 gilded mastoi , 5 skyphidia, aryballos Three vessels Fragments of vessels Two bronze coins Philip Hydria, skyphos, pyxis, plate, perfume vessels (7) Pottery unless (Black-glaze otherwise noted) Alabastra Skyphos Alabastra Skyphos, alabastron Gold textile applique, Disk-and-boat earrings, strap necklace, bead necklace, 2 finger rings, one w/name Kleita Pin, chain necklace Silver female head pendant gilded clay necklace beads, bronze ring Other Jewelry unless otherwise (Gold noted) Gilded bronze crown fragments Pin with chain, finger rings (2) silver female head pendant, finger ring, gilded clay necklace beads Bead, applique

Access Herakles head, 6 Macedonian fibulae Lion-head earring (1) Silver finger ring w/HK Lion-head earrings, three sheet gold HK beads Non-matching lion-head earrings Lion-head earrings Pair of lion-head earrings Silver ring, glass beads, Jewelry (HK=Herakles knot) Jewelry (HK=Herakles Lion-head earrings Diadem w/HK knot, lion-head earrings Open Chain necklace w/lion-head terminals Silver kalyx, bronze krater, situla, lebes, 2 phialai Bronze vesel fragments Metal GoodsMetal Heraklean Gold Silver skyphos, bronze vessel, mirror Bronze mirror Chain necklace w/lion-heads Disk-and-Eros earrings, C I C Cremation (C) or (C) Cremation (I) Inhumation Archaeopress Age/ Sex P=Painted (plundered) Tomb Tomb (plundered) 300-280 Pit (P) Date Type 320-300 Cist (P) 300 Pit 300 Pit 300-280 Cist (P) Girl 300-280 Macedonian 300 Cist (P)300 Pit Girl 300-275 Pit 325-300 Macedonian 300 Themelis & Touratsoglou 1997:121-129 Tomb Macedonian Themelis & Touratsoglou 1997, 130-132 Descamps-Lequime 2011: 140-142 Tsakalou-Tzanabari 1989: 307-308 Tsakalou-Tzanabari 1989: 310-312 Karamitrou-Mentesidi 2007: 39-41 B, Λ 26 B, Chrysostomou & Zarogiannis 2005: 481-482 Chrysostomou & Zarogiannis 2005: 431 Grammenos 2007: 296-298 Tsimbidou-Avoliniti 1993: 252 Rhomiopoulou 1989: 39-40 18 Tomb Z Derveni, 19 Aghios Athanassios, 21 Tomb 4 Lete. No. Tomb 17 Tumulus Archondiko, Pella, 20 Giannitson Mesiano Pella, 23 Tomb K15 Lete. 15 Aghios Athanassios 22 Tomb 14 Lete. 24 Tomb Γ Veroia, 25 Tomb 162 Aiani 16 Tomb H Derveni,

246 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Macedonian lionesses: Herakles and lion jewelry in elite female dress (c. 325–275 BCE)

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