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CHAPTER The Bilingual Brain: Language, 3 Culture, and Identity

Nairán Ramírez-Esparza and Adrián García-Sierra

Abstract This chapter reviews studies of the bilingual brain from a variety of disciplines, employing multiple theoretical approaches and methodologies. For example, developmental psychologists and speech and hearing scientists focus on the development of the bilingual brain in infants and children using cognitive tasks, brain measurements, and observational techniques. Linguists and educational psychologists study the impact of bilingualism on language development and in the society at large with in-depth interviews, longitudinal-observational studies, and parental reports. Social psychologists and cultural scientists investigate the effects of switching languages on thoughts and feelings utilizing self-reports, observational techniques, priming, and laboratory studies. The goal of this chapter is to provide an in-depth analysis of the fascinating world of the bilingual brain, from infancy to adulthood. Key Words: bilingualism, biculturals, cultural identity, language development, speech perception, ­executive control, personality, emotion, LENA

Young Henry Lee stopped talking to his parents when he was twelve years old. Not because of some silly childhood tantrum, but because they asked him to. That was how it felt anyway. They asked—no, told—him to stop speaking their native Chinese. It was 1942, and they were desperate for him to learn English. “No more. Only speak your American.” The words came out in Chinglish. “I don’t understand” Henry said in English. “Hah?” his father asked. Since Henry couldn’t ask in Cantonese and his parents barely understood English, he dropped the matter, grabbed his lunch and book bag and headed down the stairs and out into the salty fishy air of Seattle’s Chinatown. Excerpt from the book Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet (pp-12–13)

Although the United States has been historically this trend has changed in recent years. As parents populated by immigrants from all over the world, who are raising two bilingual children in the United parents taught their children to speak only English States, we see that the advantages of bilingualism as soon as they arrived in the United States. Parents are beginning to be recognized by the larger soci- believed one must speak English to be an American, ety. For example, many of our friends and neigh- and that English is the gateway to becoming a part bors mention that they wished their children of American society (Fillmore, 2000). However, could become bilingual; and bilingual day care,

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immersion schools, and bilingual nannies are very The mother tongue is the first language and, in the popular among monolingual parents. Not only is case of our children, English is considered their sec- this trend apparent in everyday life, there has been ond language. Simultaneous bilinguals are the focus increasing scientific interest in understanding the of many developmental studies since they provide bilingual brain. an opportunity to study the effects of exposure to In this chapter, we discuss three characteristics two languages on the representation of language in of bilingualism: age of second language acquisi- the brain. Defining simultaneous bilingualism has tion, competence in first and second languages, been a challenge for researchers, which we will dis- and cultural identity. We first review research on cuss later in this chapter. infant bilingualism. This research provides infor- Second language learners are bilinguals who learn mation about the bilingual brain early in develop- a second language after the mother tongue has been ment as well as implications for raising a bilingual established. We are second language learners. We child. Then, we concentrate on research that has learned English as a second language in a bilingual attempted to understand the effects of language school in Mexico after our first language was very mode on perception, personality and emotion in well established, around 5 years of age. Although bilinguals. Specifically we discuss the role of culture second language learners can become bilinguals at and cultural identity in the relationship between any point in development, there is some consensus thoughts and feelings in bilinguals as they alternate that second language learners are those who learn between their two languages. This is particularly the second language after 3 years of age (Genesee relevant to the goals of this handbook demonstrat- et al., 2004). ing the close coupling of language, culture, and Language competency also has various defini- cultural identity, which together influence thought tions. McNamara (1967), for example, proposes that and emotion. Please note that the experience of a bilingual possesses a minimal competence in one bilingualism can be different across cultures, and of four language skills (i.e., listening comprehen- in this chapter we focus on bilingualism from an sion, speaking, reading, and writing) and in a lan- American perspective. However, we also consider guage other than the mother tongue. Simultaneous international research, which provides information bilinguals and second language learners may or may about the bilingual brain and insight into raising a not be fully competent in each of their languages. bilingual child. Many bilinguals can speak two languages fluently but have difficulty writing in their second language. Bilingualism and Biculturalism For some researchers, the most important charac- Bilingualism is the ability of an individual to teristic of bilingualism is language competency speak two languages. This broad definition is dif- regardless of age of acquisition. For example, many ficult to operationalize, and researchers have speci- bilingual studies discussed in this chapter required fied a variety of definitions. For example Hamers reading proficiency in both languages from bilin- and Blanc (1989) identify different dimensions gual participants. Other studies required bilingual of bilingualism, including competence, cogni- participants to be competent speaking two lan- tive organization, age of acquisition, the usage of guages, focusing on social interactions in which the second language in the community, social sta- spoken language confidence was required. tus of the two languages and group membership. Cultural identity is a third characteristic of In this chapter we ask the question: How does an bilingualism. Bilingualism can also be associated individual become bilingual? We attempt to answer with multiculturalism (LaFromboise, Coleman, this question by considering three characteristics & Gerton, 1993). Many simultaneous bilinguals of second language acquisition: Age of acquisition, learn two languages while also learning about the language competence, and cultural identity. Some cultures associated with the languages. These two bilinguals learn two languages simultaneously from cultures may be internalized as part of their identity. birth and are described as simultaneous bilinguals Individuals who have been exposed to, and have (Genesee, Paradis, & Grago, 2004). For example, internalized, two cultures are referred to as bicul- our children have been exposed to both English tural (Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002, and Spanish from birth: They listen to English from Chapter 13 in this volume). For example, we expect their nanny and Spanish from their parents. In this our children to be bilingual (Spanish-English), and case Spanish would be considered the children’s also bicultural (Mexican-American). However, not mother tongue because that is the family language. all bilinguals necessarily internalize two cultures.

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For instance, in Europe many individuals become associated with assimilation of their two cultures, second language learners of English and are highly and the social status of first and second languages. proficient in that language, yet they do not necessar- This linkage between culture and language is ily identify consciously with an English dominant crucial to investigations of the bilingual/bicultural culture. Therefore, they are considered monocul- brain from the perspective of social and psychologi- tural. Here in the United States, however, many cal phenomena including studies of language as a bilinguals are bicultural, and each language is asso- cultural identity capable of affecting personality ciated with a culture. This is the case in the excerpt and emotion. For example, Hong and colleagues Hotel on the Corner of Bitter and Sweet. Young (Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Benet-Martínez, 2000, see Henry Lee is bicultural: English is associated with also chapter 2­ in this volume) showed that bicultur- the American culture, Cantonese with the Chinese als are able to switch their perceptions in response culture. Relative ability to speak two languages can to cultural cues: Chinese-American biculturals dis- be related to the degree that bilinguals “perceive play more internal attributions when primed with their mainstream and ethnic cultural identities as American icons (e.g., American flag, Superman), compatible and integrated vs. oppositional and and more external attributions when primed with difficult to integrate” (Benet-Martínez, Leu, Li, & Chinese icons (e.g., Chinese dragon, Great Wall). Morris, 2002, p. 9). Bilinguals who have high bicul- In this study culture and identity interacted affect- tural identity integration (BII; i.e., they are able to ing the attributions of bicultural individuals. In integrate their two cultures and see them as compat- many of the studies that will be addressed in this ible, Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, 2005) are more chapter, the bilingual brain is investigated from the likely to use the languages of their two cultures in perspective of language as a cultural identity. How their everyday lives. In contrast, bilinguals who have language influences personality switch in bilinguals low BII (i.e., they see their two cultures in opposi- and how that switch matches personality differences tion and in conflict, Benet-Martínez & Haritatos, across cultures. Or how emotions change when 2005) are less likely to maintain the languages of using two languages and how those emotions are an both cultures. In many instances, the integration expression of their two internalized cultures. of two languages and two cultures is related to the Conclusion. The characteristics of bilingualism degree that the mother tongue is associated with low just outlined are relevant to the research reported in or high social status. In the United States, English this chapter (Table 3.1). Bilinguals may learn their would be the high status language and it is associ- two languages concurrently from birth (simultane- ated with socioeconomic power, whereas Spanish ous bilinguals), or later in their life (second language would be the low status language and it is associ- learners). They vary in proficiency in each of their ated with less or no socioeconomic power (Genesee languages and may be considered monocultural or et al., 2004). Thus, language fluency in bilinguals is bicultural.

Table 3.1 Bilinguals and biculturals: Characteristics and terms used in this chapter. Characteristics Types of Bilinguals Terms Used in this Chapter

Age of Acquisition Both languages were acquired Simultaneous bilinguals Genesee et al. (2004) simultaneously from birth.

Second language is acquired after the first Second language learners language (or mother tongue) is established.

Competence Individuals who possess a minimal competence in Bilinguals who are competent in McNamara (1967) one of four language writing in both languages skills and in a language other than the Bilinguals who are competent in mother tongue. speaking both languages

Cultural Identity Individuals who identify themselves with Monocultural bilinguals Benet-Martínez and one culture and speak two languages. Haritatos (2005)

Individuals who identify themselves to two Bicultural bilinguals cultures and speak two languages.

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Bilingualism in Infancy: Language support their cultural traditions by maintaining and Development and Cognitive Advantages expanding their children’s proficiency in the mother In many countries, bilingualism is the norm. tongue. As a result, most children become English For instance, in 2006 the European commission dominant or English monolingual when they start reported that more than 50% of individuals living their school years (Fillmore, 2000). in the European Union are able to hold a conversa- In this section, we discuss research that has tion in a second language, and close to 30% are able emerged in recent years questioning the notion that to use a third language. In contrast, according to the bilinguals experience difficulties due to early expo- U.S. census 80% of the U.S. population speaks only sure to two languages. Specifically, we review inves- English at home. Although there has been a steady tigations that compared monolingual and bilingual increase in the number of individuals that speak a infants and children at different stages in their lan- second language at home in the past three decades, guage development—from the perception of speech the United States is a generally monolingual culture. sounds to the production of words. Do bilinguals This is surprising since the United States population perceive speech sounds differently than monolin- is largely multicultural. For instance, a recent report guals? Is vocabulary growth faster in monolinguals from the United States census shows that 50.4% of than bilinguals? Although the answers to these ques- the population under one year of age were minori- tions are not simple and straightforward, they have ties as of July 1, 2011 (Bernstein, 2012). What provided insight into similarities and differences accounts for this combination of monolingualism in monolingual and bilingual speech and language and multiculturalism? development. Furthermore, we also review research One reason, discussed earlier, is the relatively that showed some cognitive advantages for simulta- lower status of a non-English mother tongue, neous bilinguals and second-language learners. which may cause families and institutions to sup- press the lower status language (Genesee et al., Speech production in monolingual 2004; Hamers & Blanc, 1989). However, the most and bilingual children salient reason may be the prevalent misconception The idea that learning two languages will affect that learning two languages will cause speech and developmental milestones of speech and language in cognitive delay (King & Fogle, 2006). For example, the bilingual child is a misconception that persists until recently switching back and forth between among parents and educators (De Houwer, 1990). their two languages in simultaneous bilinguals, Empirical studies carried out in recent years exam- sometimes called code-switching, was interpreted ined the effects of learning two languages on language as a sign of confusion (Werker & Byers-Heinlein, development in the bilingual child. The results from 2008). Parents, therefore, instructed their children these studies have shown that monolinguals and to speak only the dominant language, even when bilinguals do not differ in the achievement of devel- communication was disrupted within the family, opmental milestones in a variety of areas, from bab- as was the case with young Henry Lee. Although bling (Oller, Eilers, Urbano & Cobo-Lewis, 1997) simultaneous bilinguals effortlessly acquire two or to word production (e.g., Holowka, Brosseau-Lapré, more languages early in life, some parents and edu- & Petitto, 2002; Pearson, Fernández & Oller, 1993; cators still view bilingualism as an impediment in Petitto et al., 2001). language development. Petitto and colleagues called Oller and colleagues (1997) carried out a longi- this phenomenon “the bilingual paradox” (Petitto, tudinal study of the effects of early bilingual expe- 2009; Petitto, Katerelos, Levi, Gauna, Tetreault, & rience on early babbling, known to be related to Ferraro, 2001). This idea of “language contamina- later speech development (e.g., Oller, Eilers, Neal, tion” (i.e., exposure to another language before the & Schwartz, 1999). Monolinguals and simulta- first language is fully established) is reflected in con- neous bilinguals were recruited at four months temporary educational practice (Crawford, 1999). and followed until they were one-and-half years For instance, in the United States, many children old. Monolinguals and bilinguals did not differ in start formal instruction in another language in high canonical babbling (or production of well-formed school, after they have already established their syllables). Other studies have reached similar con- first language (Petitto, 2009). Because opportuni- clusions when comparing vocabulary in monolin- ties to learn second languages in schools are lim- gual and simultaneous bilingual children. ited for young children in the United States, it is Researchers often use the MacArthur-Bates more difficult for parents of bilingual children to Communicative Development Inventory (CDI)

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(Fenson et al., 2007) to assess language develop- old. The monolingual families filled out the English ment. This survey has been proven to be reliable and version of the CDI, and the bilingual families filled valid for children between the ages of 8–36 months. out both the English and Spanish versions of the Parents report the number of words the child pro- CDI. The number of words produced was based duces based on the vocabulary checklist section of on the vocabulary checklist section of the CDI in the CDI. The CDI also measures other commu- English and in Spanish. nication skills in different sections such as First The results showed that monolinguals produced Communicative Gestures and Sentence Complexity. significantly more words in English than the bilin- The CDI has been translated to other languages and guals across the five ages measured (seeFigure 3.1, ­ current research has shown that if both languages Graph A), but if words produced in English and in are included when comparing the vocabulary to Spanish are summed for the bilinguals, then both monolingual norms, then bilinguals show the groups show similar patterns of language develop- same developmental pattern as monolinguals. For ment (see Figure 3.1,­ Graph B). These results are example, vocabulary size in Spanish-English bilin- consistent with previous work demonstrating that guals’ is comparable to monolinguals when words linguistic milestones are comparable in mono- in both Spanish and English are combined to assess linguals and bilinguals when both languages are total vocabulary (e.g., Pearson et al.,1993). More included (Holowka et al., 2002; Pearson et al., recent studies show that the first-word milestone 1995, Petitto et al, 2001). Please note that there and first-50-word milestone are commensurate to are multiple approaches to creating combined lan- the monolingual norms in simultaneous bilinguals guage measures in bilinguals. The data reported in if first and second language vocabularies are com- ­Figure 3.1 summed the words produced in English bined (Holowka et al., 2002; Petitto et al., 2001). and Spanish. Other investigators have employed We also replicate the preceding findings in CDI word quantification from video-recorded inter- data we collected as part of an ongoing large-scale actions among parents and their infants (e.g., study at the Institute for Learning & Brain Sciences Holowka et al., 2002; Petitto et al., 2001). Another (e.g., García-Sierra, Ramírez-Esparza, & Kuhl, approach utilizes translations equivalents—words 2010; Ramírez-Esparza, García-Sierra, & Kuhl, in each language that refer to the same concept 2010; 2012). Specifically, we collected CDI Words (e.g, water in English and agua in Spanish). The and Sentences surveys from English monolingual average percentage of translation equivalents at infants (N = 26) and Spanish-English bilingual the first-50-word milestone in bilingual infants is infants (N = 21), at five different points: when the approximately 30% (Pearson et al., 1995; Petitto participants were 18, 21, 24, 27, and 30 months et al., 2001). Researchers argue that the fact that

700 700

600 600 d d 500

uce uce 500 od 400 od 400 300

an words pr an words pr 300 200 Me Me

100 200

0 100 18 21 24 27 30 18 21 24 27 30 Age in months Age in months Graph A Graph B

Group Monolingual Bilingual

Figure 3.1 Word count for monolingual and bilingual infants across time.

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bilinguals are able to use different words for the decreasing sensitivity to non-native speech sounds same concept demonstrates that bilinguals are able (Best & McRoberts, 2003; Kuhl, Stevens, Hayashi, to separate their two language systems and do not Deguchi, Kiritani, & Iverson 2006; Werker & Tees, confuse them (Holowka et al., 2002; Pearson et al., 1984; for reviews see Kuhl et al., 2008 and Werker 1995, Petitto et al, 2001). The research on word & Curtin, 2005). Neural commitment depends on production in bilingual children has been pivotal in language exposure: The more infants are exposed the ongoing slow improvement of negative attitudes to their native language, the faster they will lose toward bilingualism in early childhood; however, their ability to perceive non-native sounds. This there are still some concerns about bilingualism in view leads to the prediction that infants whose children with disabilities in speech and language. It early discrimination abilities are better for native as has been argued that children with language impair- opposed to non-native contrasts will initially show ments are not capable of learning two languages. more rapid language development than infants who However, Paradis, Crago, Genesee, and Rice (2003) continue to show sensitivity to contrasts that do find that monolingual and bilingual children with not occur in the native language. Researchers first language impairments do not differ in their acquisi- tested this hypothesis using a behavioral method, tion of language morphology at 7 years of age. This the well-established conditioned head-turn proce- suggests that children with language disabilities who dure, in which the infant is conditioned to turn his are learning two languages may not be disadvan- head in response to a change in speech sounds (see taged in comparison to those with similar language Kuhl, 1985; Werker, Polka, & Pegg, 1997). Infants disabilities who are exposed to only one language. who show commitment to their native language Conclusion. Studies of speech production in at 6 months produce more words when they are bilingual infants and children demonstrate that two years of age (Kuhl, et al., 2008; Tsao, Liu, & they are similar to their monolingual counterparts Kuhl, 2004). in the achievement of developmental milestones. The association between neural commitment and Language acquisition, however, begins with speech word production was confirmed in follow-up studies perception long before the production of the first in which event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were word. Thus, there is strong interest in speech per- used (Kuhl et al., 2008; Rivera-Gaxiola, Klarman, ception of preverbal simultaneous bilinguals, García-Sierra, & Kuhl, 2005). Event-related brain especially the representation of speech sounds in potentials provide some advantages over behavioral bilingual infants and its relationship to later word methods; it controls for potential contribution of production. We focus on the studies in this area cognitive factors, such as attention, to experimental that employ electrophysiological methods; however, results. Discriminatory abilities in ERPs are mea- there is a substantial body of work using behavioral sured by means of phonetic changes in the form of methods (see Werker & Byers-Heinlein, 2008 for the mismatch negativity (MMN) in both infants review). and adults (e.g., Näätänen et al., 1997; Cheour et al., 1998; Rivera-Gaxiola, Silva-Pereyra, & Kuhl, Speech perception and speech production 2005; Rivera-Gaxiola et al., 2007). The MMN is in monolingual and bilingual infants elicited by presenting a repetitive sound that estab- Research has shown that exposure to a par- lishes an auditory memory trace for that sound. ticular language reduces infants’ abilities to dis- Then, a new sound that differs from the memory criminate speech sounds foreign to that language. trace (in frequency, localization, duration, intensity, Infants around 6-months of age are able to dis- etc.) is presented. The degree of deviance between cern differences among the phonetic units used in the memory trace and the new sound is reflected the worlds’ languages (Eimas, Siqueland, Jusczyk, by the ERP amplitude, so that the MMN response & Vigorito, 1971). For example, American and increases as the acoustic differences between stan- Japanese infants are equally good at discriminating dard (memory trace) and deviant increase (Tiitinen, the acoustic properties that distinguish the sound May, Reinikainen, & Näätänen, 1994). “ra” from “la” when they are 6 months, but Japanese The ERP studies showed that the ability to infants lose this ability as they grow older because discriminate native speech sounds in infancy was “la” is not part of their native language. Researchers related to later word production. Interestingly the interpret this as evidence of neural commitment ability to discriminate non-native speech sounds was during the first year of life, with infants showing related negatively to later word production (Kuhl increasing sensitivity to native speech sounds and et al., 2008; Rivera-Gaxiola, Klarman et al., 2005).

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That is, if infants are still uncommitted and “open,” validation of parental language input. Parents as evidenced by better non-native speech sound dis- completed an on-line screening questionnaire, an crimination, then language advancement is slower. extensive bilingual background questionnaire and This pattern of perceptual change raises questions were also assessed by experimenters in the lab. All regarding the development of speech perception in participants listened to either native or non-native infants who are exposed to two languages. Do bilin- speech sounds, whereas their neural activity was guals follow the same pattern as the monolinguals? assessed using functional near-infrared spectroscopy García-Sierra et al. (2011) carried out an electro- (fNIRS). The fNIRS is similar to its well-known physiological study of neural commitment to both cousin, functional magnetic resonance imaging native languages in simultaneous bilingual infants (fMRI), but with some key advantages. The fNIRS and compared them to a monolingual group. They is portable and virtually silent; it is also more com- recruited Spanish-English bilingual families from fortable for participant families—the infant can sit the San Antonio, TX area and assessed bilingualism on their parent’s lap as their brain activity is being using a questionnaire administered during in-home measured. The results of this investigation showed interviews. The questionnaire included questions that there was robust neural activation in the left about the amount of exposure to English and superior temporal gyrus across language group and Spanish the infant received from the nuclear fam- age, which Petitto and colleagues describe as the ily, extended family and other adults living in the area attuned to the basic units of language. On the home. Infants’ brain responses were assessed using other hand, the left inferior frontal cortex (which electrophysiology while they listened to native and includes Broca’s area) showed a difference for age non-native speech sounds. Discriminatory abilities and group. Specifically there was an increase in neu- were assessed by means of the MMN (mismatch neg- ral activation in the left inferior frontal cortex in the ativity). The results revealed that bilingual infants older, compared to younger, monolingual and bilin- do not show the same pattern of commitment to the gual infants. Furthermore, for the older bilingual speech sounds of their native languages (i.e., Spanish infants, this area of the brain showed activation for and English) seen in monolinguals (Rivera-Gaxiola, both native and non-native speech sounds, whereas Silva Pereyra et al., 2005; Rivera-Gaxiola, Klarman the monolingual infants showed robust activation et al., 2005). This suggests that bilinguals remain only for the native speech sound, and not for the more “open”—that is, less neurally committed— non-native speech sound. This latter finding pro- compared to monolingual infants at the same time vides evidence that bilingual infants remain uncom- in development. This investigation also replicated mitted to their native speech sounds and open to the relationship between neural commitment and language input for a longer period of time than later word production. That is, bilingual infants monolingual infants. who showed more commitment to English speech We propose here that in order to better under- sounds produced more words in English as toddlers. stand the bilingual brain in simultaneous bilin- Likewise, infants who showed more commitment guals, other variables must be taken into account, to Spanish speech sounds produced more words in such as socioeconomic status and the amount and Spanish as toddlers. One interesting finding of this characteristics of language input to infants. For investigation was the relationship between language example, in a recent study we found a relation- exposure and neural commitment. Infants who had ship between language input to infants in everyday high exposure to English were better able to dis- natural social interactions and language develop- criminate native English sounds, whereas infants ment (Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2012). Our results who had high exposure to Spanish were better able show that increased exposure to “motherese” (i.e., to discriminate native Spanish sounds. higher pitch, slower tempo, and exaggerated into- In a recently published study, Petitto and col- nation contours, Grieser & Kuhl, 1988) and leagues (Petitto et al., 2012) also found that bilin- increased interaction in a one-on-one context (i.e., gual and monolingual infants show a different infant is alone with the parent) in infancy results developmental pattern in a neuroimaging study. in larger productive vocabulary when children are Petitto et al. recruited monolingual and bilin- toddlers. On the other hand, increased exposure to gual infants from different age groups: younger adult-directed speech (i.e., normal, everyday voice) (i.e., approximately 4 months of age) and older and increased interaction in a group environment (i.e., approximately 12 months of age). Bilingual (i.e., the infant and the parent are with other peo- infants were defined by rigorous assessment and ple) results in a smaller productive vocabulary.

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Previous work by García-Sierra et al. (2011) Advantages of bilingualism: described earlier is, to our knowledge, one of the few Executive Control studies that has attempted to understand the bilin- Although research has shown that bilinguals do gual brain in infancy by combining contextual vari- not have an advantage or disadvantage in language ables (e.g., language exposure at home) with brain development compared to monolinguals, stud- measures. However, in order to investigate speech ies over the last four decades have shown cognitive perception and speech production in bilinguals, it advantages in bilinguals. Specifically, studies since is important to assess language exposure in a system- the early 1960s have reported that bilinguals have atic way in order to capture broader contextual vari- increased mental flexibility compared to monolin- ables (Werker & Byers-Heinlein, 2008). In our lab, guals (e.g., Peal & Lambert, 1962). Bialystok and we implemented LENA technology (LENA founda- colleagues called this cognitive advantage executive tion, Boulder Colorado) to assess language exposure control and they define it as “the set of cognitive skills in monolingual and Spanish-English bilingual fami- based on limited cognitive resources for such func- lies. The LENA system includes a digital language tions as inhibition, switching attention and working processor (DLP) that can store up to 16 hours of memory” (Bialystok, Craik, & Luk, 2012, p. 241). digitally recorded sound. The DLP weighs 3 ounces In a classic study, Bialystok (1999) finds that and can be snapped into a chest pocket in children’s bilingual children show an advantage in solving clothing, allowing the recorder to be “out of sight, problems that require construction of complex out of mind.” The audio recordings are downloaded representations of rules. She recruited Mandarin/ to a computer and analyzed by LENA software to Cantonese-English bilingual preschoolers who were characterize the acoustic environment over time, as competent in English as a group of monolinguals allowing efficient identification of segments with lan- who also participated in the study. The task con- guage activity, which are then coded for social behav- sisted of sorting cards into two different containers iors. We can quantify the numbers of words that the according to different criteria using a target stimu- infants heard in both English and Spanish, yielding lus. For instance, one container would have the tar- a more accurate assessment of language exposure as get stimulus of a red circle, and another container well as other social variables (Ramírez-Esparza et al., the target stimulus of a blue square. The children are 2010, 2012). The goal is to understand the bilingual given a set of cards with red circles or blue squares brain in infants by combining language input, brain and they are asked to sort the cards according to measurement of speech perception, and later word color (e.g., to sort all the red cards in the container production (Box 3.1). This will permit investigation with the red stimulus or all the blue cards in the of the relationship between language exposure and container with the blue stimulus). After complet- neural commitment to non-native speech sounds ing this task children are asked to sort according to in bilingual infants. The overall approach will allow shape (e.g., to sort all the circles in the container comparison of speech and language development in with the stimulus circle or all the squares in the con- monolingual and bilingual infants, identifying simi- tainer with the stimulus square). The sorting tasks larities and differences. are counterbalanced so that half of the participants Conclusion. In this section we discussed attempts sort according to shape first, and half of the partici- to understand the bilingual brain by investigat- pants sort according to color first. The challenge of ing the perception of speech sounds in preverbal the task is to follow the second instruction. Typically infants. These studies suggest that the bilingual it is extremely difficult for children to sort the cards brain remains more open (not neurally committed) according to the second criterion; they use the first for a longer period of time than the monolingual criterion to sort the cards even after the instructions brain. Importantly, the terms open and uncommit- have been changed. The results of this study showed ted do not suggest that bilinguals show delayed that bilinguals performed better on this task than language development; rather they indicate that the monolinguals. bilingual and monolingual infants differ in the pat- In another classic study, Bialystok (1988) finds tern of early commitment to the sounds of their that bilinguals outperform monolinguals in an native language(s). In this section, we also pro- arbitrariness of language task. Children of approx- pose that by using advanced technologies, such as imately 7 years of age were tested on their ability LENA, we can capture more information about the to understand the arbitrary connection between bilingual environment, which will shed some light linguistic form and reference in the world. The about the bilingual brain. task consisted of telling the children “suppose

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Box 3.1 Understanding the Bilingual Brain: Assessing Infants’ Language Development Using Multiple Techniques

you were making up names for things, could you the sky look like when you are going to bed? then call the sun ‘the moon’ and the moon ‘the Bilinguals outperformed monolinguals in this sun’ (p. 562). The children were persuaded that activity. Bilingual children are constantly alternat- this was possible and then they were told, “Now ing between their two languages systems that label suppose that happened and everybody decided to the same conceptual system, providing a cognitive call the sun ‘the moon’ and the moon ‘the sun’ ” advantage when they interchange labels to name (p. 562). Then the participants were given points the same concept (Bialystok, 1988). if they correctly gave the answer “sun” when they A recently published study Barac and Bialystok were asked: What would you call the thing in (2012) demonstrated that the advantages of bilin- the sky when you go to bed at night? And the gualism in executive control were not related to answer “dark” when they were asked what would other variables that may themselves influence

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performance. For example, it has been suggested bilingualism related to executive control? Bialystok that Asian children may have an advantage on et al. (2012) reviewed studies using various method- tests of executive control (Sabbagh, Xu, Carlson, ologies (e.g., EEG, fMRI, magnetoencephalography Moses, & Lee, 2006). The authors recruited or MEG) to understand the neural correlates that bilingual 6-year-olds (English plus Chinese, may help explain the relationship between bilin- Spanish, or French) and compared them with an gualism and cognitive control. They conclude that English-speaking monolingual group. The compari- “lifelong experience in managing attention to two son of the Chinese-English bilingual group with languages reorganizes specific brain networks, creat- the other bilingual groups allowed testing the idea ing a more effective basis for executive control and that cultural background could have an effect on sustaining better cognitive performance throughout performance. Likewise all groups were matched for the life span (p. 241).” Research investigating the socioeconomic status to control for the possibility effects of bilingualism on the onset of dementia that this variable influenced executive control. The and other age-related diseases is consistent with this results showed that all bilingual groups performed interpretation of the neural correlates of bilingual- better at a color-shape switching task than the ism. Bialystok, Craik, and Morris (2007) collected monolinguals. Furthermore, there were no differ- data from monolingual and bilingual people with ences among the bilingual groups. dementia. The results were staggering: Symptoms Most studies of executive control have studied started to appear in the bilingual people 4 years later children; however, Sebastián-Gallés and colleagues than their monolingual peers. These findings were (Sebastián-Gallés, Albareda-Castellot, Weikum, replicated on a sample of people with Alzheimer’s & Werker, 2012) recently published a study dem- disease—bilinguals had a 5-year delay in the onset onstrating cognitive advantages in bilinguals over of symptoms (Craik, Bialystok, & Morris, 2010). monolinguals as early as 8 months of age. The Although early research on executive control in authors assessed the capacity of Spanish-Catalan bilinguals was published three decades ago, media bilinguals and Catalan monolinguals to discriminate interest has just begun. Bialystok was interviewed French and English by watching silent video-clips of by Catherine de Lange, a reporter for the New speakers’ faces. The results showed that bilinguals are Scientist, in May of 2012 and said “For 30 years able to discriminate change in language much bet- I’ve been sitting in my little dark room doing my ter than monolinguals. Moreover, Spanish-Catalan thing and suddenly in the last five years it’s like the bilinguals and French-English bilinguals (a sample doors have swung open.” Indeed de Lange’s report assessed in a previous study by Weikum et al., 2007) titled One brain, two minds: The Surprising Impact of are equally good at the discrimination task. The Speaking Another Language was featured in the cover authors interpreted the fact that Spanish-Catalan of the New Scientist magazine (de Lange, 2012). In bilinguals are good at discriminating non-native the same month, the cover story in the Observer was languages as evidence of a perceptual attentiveness Speaking Your Mind: Bilingual Language, Culture, advantage of bilinguals over monolinguals. They and Emotion (Fields, 2012). As Americans are also concluded that their results show that bilingual learning about the benefits of bilingualism they infants are not at risk for confusing their two lan- are beginning to show an interest in raising their guages, and are better prepared than monolinguals children bilingually. If raising bilingual children to discriminate two unknown languages. becomes a laudable family goal in the United States, Conclusion. In this section we discussed the it is possible that opportunities for early instruction advantages of speaking two languages. We provided in a second language will become more available examples of studies that have shown that bilinguals in schools and negative stigmas about non-English have the ability to resolve tasks that require them languages will change in the near future. to manage attention, to understand concepts such as the difference between form and meaning, and Bilingualism in adulthood: Language to resolve problems requiring attention to the task context and the bilingual brain while ignoring misleading information. Indeed, the Although there is evidence that fluent bilinguals advantages of executive control among bilinguals show activation of both languages and some inter- are now well established in the literature. Adesope action between their languages at all times, there and colleagues, for example, show medium to large are contexts that activate one language more than effect sizes in a recent meta-analysis (Adesope, the other. Grosjean (2001) proposes that bilinguals Lavin, Thompson, & Ungerleider, 2010). Why is function along a continuum that reflects the state of

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activation of a given language at a given point in time native language influences the perception of speech during their everyday activities. At one end of the sounds, then how do bilinguals with two language continuum, bilinguals are in monolingual mode and systems perceive speech sounds? at the other end of the continuum, bilinguals are in Research assessing bilingualism and speech per- bilingual mode. In the monolingual mode, bilinguals ception began in the seventies studying the effects use one language while deactivating the other lan- of language context on perception across a con- guage to the greatest extent possible. In the bilingual tinuum of speech sounds in bilinguals. Researchers mode, bilinguals choose a base language and activate hypothesized that the perceptual boundary dividing the other language as needed. However, and impor- a voiced-voiceless continuum would be consistent tantly, Grosjean hypothesizes that bilinguals are gov- with the language a bilingual subject was using at erned by a “base language” that controls language the moment. That is, researchers asked if bilinguals processing at any given time. Therefore, in Grosjean’s show a double phonetic representation. Caramazza, view, bilinguals must be immersed in a specific lan- Yeni-Komshian, Zurif, and Carbone (1973) asked guage to establish the “base language.” In this sec- bilingual speakers of French and English to identify tion, we discuss studies of language-mode activation the same set of speech sounds in two conditions. In in bilinguals by immersing them in the language of one experimental session, English was emphasized interest, investigating the influence of language mode by having a brief conversation in English before on speech perception, as well as more advanced con- the experiment, whereas, in the second session, the structs such as personality and emotions. conversation occurred in French. Monolinguals, on the other hand, were only exposed to English Speech Perception Switch in Bilinguals conversations before the identification task. The Studies assessing bilingualism and speech per- results showed no differences in bilinguals’ percep- ception seek to understand whether bilinguals have tual boundaries across language contexts; however, two language systems or a single language system. bilinguals’ phonetic boundaries were at intermedi- Perceptions of speech sounds are used to investi- ate VOT values compared to those of monolingual gate this complex idea because they are typically speakers of English and French. Williams (1977) perceived categorically (Liberman, Harris, Kinney, showed a similar result; that is, bilinguals differed & Lane, 1961). The acoustic information in speech from the monolinguals, but their phonetic bound- sounds is perceptually grouped into phonetic cat- aries did not change across language contexts. egories. For example, Abramson and Lisker (1967) However, follow-up studies suggested that demonstrated that the interval between the release the double phonetic boundary might emerge if of the articulation and the onset of voicing (voice bilinguals are focused on the language of inter- onset time or VOT) differentiates /b-p/, /d-t/, and est throughout the entire experiment. In order to /g-k/. They also showed that speakers of different accomplish this focus, researchers used precursor languages categorize these speech sounds differ- sentences in the language of interest (e.g., Which ently. Accordingly, Abramson and Lisker (1967) sound do you hear? see Elman, Diehl, & Buchwald, synthesized a total of 37 speech sounds, varying 1977). Indeed, phonetic boundaries do shift in physically equal VOT steps, and presented the depending on the language context established speech sounds to monolingual speakers of dif- by precursor sentences (Flege & Eefting, 1987; ferent languages. The results showed that listen- García-Sierra, Diehl, & Champlin, 2009; Hazan & ers grouped the speech sounds into no more than Boulakia, 1993). However, Bohn and Flege (1993) three phoneme categories. Interestingly, the listen- found that language context shifted the voicing ers’ native language influenced category boundar- boundary in a similar way for both bilinguals and ies. These findings suggested two things: First, the monolinguals. These results suggested that the shift ability to discriminate a set of stimuli varying along in the voicing boundary might be the consequence one dimension is limited to the ability to identify of biases caused by precursor sentences. them as different sounds (Liberman et al., 1961). In order to control for biases that may be caused Second, native language influences the way speech by precursor sentences, researchers investigated bilin- sounds are categorized in individuals. Later research gual’s access to their language systems using ERPs. has supported the finding that native language Specifically García-Sierra and colleagues examined deeply influences the way speech sounds are per- whether the relationship between language mode ceived (Best, McRoberts, & Sithole, 1988; Kuhl, and speech perception observed in behavioral tests Williams, Lacerda, Stevens, & Lindblom, 1992). If persisted during ERP testing, when bilinguals do

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not attend to the speech sounds (García-Sierra, using behavioral techniques showed contradictory Ramírez-Esparza, Silva-Pereyra, Siard, & Champlin, findings. However, recent studies, using electro- 2012). Speech perception was assessed in the form physiological measures, show that bilinguals do, of the mismatch negativity or MMN. The results indeed, alternate between their languages accord- showed that the MMN changed as a function of ing to the language mode. That is, bilinguals’ the language context. For example, when bilinguals brain responses are more like a Spanish-speaker were reading Spanish, the new sound was perceived when they are inmersed in a Spanish language as belonging to a different category (i.e., there was an context and more like an English-speaker when MMN response); but when bilinguals were reading they are inmersed in a English language context English, the same new sound was not perceived as (García-Sierra et al., 2012). However, Peltola and belonging to a different category (i.e., there was no colleagues (2012) provide an intriguing theory, MMN response). These results provide evidence that that simultaneous bilinguals have merged their the basic sounds of a language can be processed differ- two language systems so that they no longer switch ently by the bilinguals depending on language mode. between language modes. It is as if they are always Peltola and colleagues (Peltola, Tamminen, in bilingual mode (Grosjean, 2001). Research in Toivonen, Kujala, & Näätänen, 2012) also tested this area is just beginning, and more important the idea that the perception of speech sounds questions remain. For example, what is the effect in bilinguals depends on the language context. of immersing monolinguals in two language modes? However, in this investigation, different types of Do their brain responses also switch? Recall that, bilinguals were assessed: Simultaneous bilinguals in a behavioral study, monolinguals also showed a and second language learners. The authors hypoth- switch associated with language context (Bohn & esized that simultaneous bilinguals have a single Flege, 1993). Therefore, more studies establishing system and, therefore, their perception of sounds language modes in monolinguals are also important would not be influenced by the language context, in the understanding of the bilingual brain. whereas second language learners would be more strongly influenced by the context, and their per- Personality Switch in Bilinguals ception of speech sounds would change accordingly. When we moved from Mexico to Austin, TX to They collected ERPs from Finnish-Swedish simulta- start our PhD programs, we had the opportunity neous bilinguals and Finnish second language learn- to interact for the first time with people who were ers of Swedish while they listened to a standard and simultaneous Spanish-English bilinguals. It was strik- a deviant speech sound in an oddball paradigm (i.e., ing to observe students shift between their languages the standard is presented repetitively and the devi- with ease. It was even more interesting to observe ant is presented infrequently). The speech sounds how their behaviors changed when they were speak- were members of the same category in Swedish, ing English or Spanish. I asked simultaneous bilin- but members of different categories in Finnish. As guals if they felt differently when they spoke English in García-Sierra and colleagues’ study (2012), an and when they spoke Spanish. Virtually all said that MMN indicated the two sounds were perceived as they felt their personality changed as they switched belonging to different categories (in this case in the between languages. Dewaele and Pavlenko (2001– Finnish language context, because the two sounds 2003) asked this question in a systematic way. They are in different categories in Finnish); in contrast, conducted an online study in which 1039 informants the MMN would be absent if the two sounds were responded the question “Do you feel like a different perceived as belonging to the same category (in this person sometimes when you use your different lan- case in the Swedish language context because the guages?” Of those questioned, 65% gave affirmative two sounds are in the same category in Swedish). answers. Likewise, Ozanska-Ponikwia (2012) pro- The results confirmed the authors’ hypotheses: the vided some interesting examples from writers who MMN was stronger in the the second language describe being a different person while using differ- learners of Swedish in the Finnish language context. ent languages: Conclusion. Researchers in the area of speech per- ception and bilingualism are attempting to under- Green (1993) and Tzvetan Todorov (1994) show stand how bilinguals access their language systems. that the same story takes a very different shape when The basic idea is that bilinguals alternate between writing in two languages. Green (1993, [p].‌ 62) writes their languages, depending on the language mode. that there was so little resemblance between the texts The original and later studies that tested this idea describing the same thing in English and French that

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it might be doubted that the same person wrote those using at the moment? Are any observed personality two pieces of work. (p. 218) differences consistent with personality differences associated with their two languages and cultures? Although the experience of feeling like a differ- Spanish-English bilinguals of Mexican descent were ent person when switching languages is commonly asked to participate in two language sessions. In the reported in bilinguals, this idea has been empirically Spanish session, the participants were interviewed in tested only in the last decade. In fact, when I began Spanish and then completed the Big Five Inventory studying this topic, I found only two studies that in Spanish (Benet-Martínez & John, 1998). The specifically addressed the question: Do bilinguals same procedure was repeated in the English ses- change personality when they alternate languages? sion and the participants responded to the Big Five Ervin (1964) examined whether French-English Inventory in English (John & Srivastava, 1999). bilinguals showed different personalities when Ramírez-Esparza et al. (2006) found that responses responding to the Thematic Apperception Test on the personality questionnaire depended on the (TAT) in English versus French. Her results showed language mode. Specifically, bilinguals were more that bilinguals use different themes when respond- extraverted, agreeable, and conscientious in English ing to the TAT, depending on language. For exam- than in Spanish and these differences were consis- ple, bilinguals use more verbal aggression toward tent with the personality displayed in each culture. peers in French stories than in English stories. She That is, Americans also scored higher in extraver- suggested that was a reflection of French educational sion, agreeableness and conscientiousness than the practices, which emphasize the use of oral argument Mexicans. These findings were robust since repli- in defense of insults from others. Hull (1996) evalu- cated across three different samples of bilinguals. ated personality changes in Spanish-English bilin- The results from this study were in agreement with guals responding to the California Psychological the Cultural Frame Switching effect (Hong, Chiu, Inventory (CPI). The results demonstrated a rela- & Kung, 1997; Hong et al., 2000, ­chapter 2 in this tionship between personality switch and language volume), where bicultural individuals shift values use. For example, bilinguals’ scores in the Good and attributions in the presence of culture-relevant Impression factor were higher in Spanish than in stimuli. By using the language of the questionnaire as English. Hull speculated that this is due to greater a cultural prime, it was possible to switch bilinguals’ concern about interpersonal harmony and pleas- own standing in a trait. However, it is important to ing others in the Spanish-speaking culture, as in note that the correlations between the Spanish and other collectivist cultures (Marín & Marín, 1991). English versions of the questionnaire are very strong Although these two studies provided results indi- (mean r = 0.80, also see Benet-Martínez & John, cating that bilinguals do change personality with 1998). This suggests that individuals tend to retain different language modes, they also suffered from a their rank ordering within a group but the group as number of limitations. First, as Hull himself points a whole shifts. Thus, an extrovert does not suddenly out, the CPI has been criticized as lacking a facto- become an introvert as she switches languages; rial foundation (see Domino, 1985; Eysenk, 1985; instead a bilingual becomes more extraverted when Goldberg, 1972). In addition, no clear compara- she speaks English rather than Spanish but retains tive evidence is provided regarding CPI and TAT her rank ordering within each of the groups. differences in monolinguals (i.e., French-speaking Ramírez-Esparza et al. (2006) demonstrated monolinguals response to the TAT in French or that personality changes, depending on the lan- English-speaking monolinguals response to the guage mode; however, the personality differences TAT in English). Finally, the findings have not been between Americans and Mexicans were inconsis- replicated in multiple samples. tent with well-known stereotypes about these cul- In a series of investigations, Ramírez-Esparza tures. Mexicans are polite and kind; they show and colleagues (Ramírez-Esparza, Gosling, Benet- respect toward others, avoid conflict, emphasize Martínez, Potter, & Pennebaker, 2006) attempted positive behaviors and deemphasize negative behav- to address these limitations by testing personal- iors. Cultural scientists have used the cultural ity change in several samples of bilinguals and by script Simpatía to label this kind of social interac- including personality differences among English tion among Mexicans and Latinos (Díaz-Loving & speaking and Spanish speaking monolinguals. The Draguns, 1999; Holloway, Waldrip, & Ickes, 2009; authors asked the questions: Do bilinguals change Triandis, Marín, Lisansky, & Betancourt, 1984). personality depending on the language they are However, on self-reports, Mexicans and bilinguals

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(when responding to the questionnaire in Spanish) interaction task. To avoid for possible gender effects saw themselves as less agreeable than Americans and these participants were interviewed by 4 males, 2 bilinguals (when responding to the questionnaire in Caucasians, and 2 Hong Kong Chinese. Using English). What could account for this paradoxical interviewers with different ethnic background finding? allowed observation of the interplay between cul- Ramírez-Esparza, Gosling, & Pennebaker tural norms and behavioral personality. The partici- (2008) observed behavior in bilinguals when they pants provided self-reports of personality in both switch languages in order to resolve the paradox. languages with a 2- or 3-week delay between reports Spanish-English bilinguals of Mexican descent were (counterbalanced). They were then interviewed in recruited to participate in two language sessions, in English and in Chinese by one Chinese interviewer, one session they provided answers to a personality and in English and in Chinese by a one Caucasian questionnaire in Spanish and participated in a social interviewer (each interview lasted 10 minutes). interview task in Spanish. During a second session, Observers rated the participants’ personality in the same tasks were completed in English. In order terms of extroversion and openness. The results to control for the possibility that bilingual interview- showed some interesting interactions between ers might themselves change their behavior as they behavioral personality and the interviewer’s ethnic spoke different languages, a “videotaped interview” background. Specifically, participants were rated as was created in which a fluent Spanish-English bilin- significantly more extroverted, and open to experi- gual was videotaped giving instructions and outlin- ence when talking with Caucasian interviewers than ing the questions in both English and Spanish. The when talking with Chinese interviewers, indepen- recorded bilingual interviewer had a neutral face dent of language. When talking with a Chinese and position when doing the interviews in both interviewer, they were perceived as more extroverted English and Spanish. This “videotaped interview” and open to experience in English than in Chinese. was presented to the bilinguals while they were in Interestingly, there were not significant differences a room alone, and they responded to the questions on self-rated personality across languages for these while looking into a video camera. dimensions. The personality differences across Judges rated the participants’ behavioral agree- languages and interviewers were in accordance to ableness by observing the videotaped interview with expected cultural differences. For example, native the volume off. Five judges coded the videotaped English speakers whose cultural norms are from interview when the participants were speaking in more individualistic cultures are expected to behave Spanish and a different group of five judges coded the as more extroverted and open to experience than same participants speaking in English. The results Chinese speakers whose cultural norms are from replicated previous findings on self-reports: bilin- more collectivistic cultures. guals saw themselves as less agreeable when Chen and Bond’s study is noteworthy because it responding to the questionnaire in Spanish than provides evidence that personality switch in bilin- when responding to the questionnaire in English. guals is dependent not only on language, but also on However, bilinguals’ behavior was rated as more cultural norms. However, this study has a limitation agreeable during the interview in Spanish than dur- that is difficult to address. Since the interviewers ing the interview in English. Ramírez-Esparza and were also bilingual, it is possible that their person- colleagues proposed that an underlying character- ality switched with interview language, which in istic of the cultural script Simpatía is modesty. In turn influenced the personality of the bilingual par- other words response to self-reports interacts with ticipants. Likewise the Caucasian interviewer may cultural values in bilinguals. When bilinguals read have acted more extroverted and open to experi- a question in Spanish, the modesty cultural value ence than the Chinese interviewer, influencing the is activated and they show modesty by diminish- participants’ personality. Thus, it is especially diffi- ing their standing on this trait. This set of find- cult to separate the effects of culture and language ings suggests that language and culture interact in in this study, since both variables have potential bilinguals—cultural values are activated along with effects in both the interviewers and the participants. language mode. Ramírez-Esparza et al. (2008) controlled for these Two more recent studies test personality change effects by engaging the bilingual participants in a in bilinguals by taking into consideration cultural social interaction task using a prerecorded inter- norms. Chen and Bond (2010) recruited 76 female view. This approach made it possible to observe Chinese-English bilinguals to participate in a social the effects of language rather than cultural norms.

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Although researchers attempt to control for cultural those participants who felt a disassociation between and language effects in investigations of personality their two cultural identities changed their person- switching, there is no doubt that these two variables ality in opposition to the “American personality.” are interrelated. The authors concluded “Thus, integrated bicultur- The effects of culture on personality can be als can follow the lead of cultural cues without feel- observed by using cultural primes other than immer- ing that they are leaving part of themselves behind. sion in a language mode. Mok and Morris (2009) Conversely, conflicted biculturals are more likely investigated changes in self-perceived personality to experience a cultural cue as threatening to their as a function of cultural primes in biculturals. The other cultural identity, spurring a need to retreat, or authors also observed the effects of bicultural iden- affirm that other identity to restore equilibrium in tity. In a previous study, Benet-Martinez and col- the bicultural identities” (p. 888). leagues (Benet-Martínez et al., 2002, see chapter 13­ Conclusion. In general, research suggests that in this volume) provided evidence that the degree of bilinguals switch personality when they switch lan- integration of two cultural identities within the indi- guages in a way that is consistent with the cultures vidual (BII) moderates the effects of attributional associated with each language. However the relation- bias. For example, attributions in Asian-Americans ship is not simple. When bilinguals are immersed with an integrated identity (high BII) change in the in a language, cultural values associated with that expected direction after being exposed to a cultural language are activated which influences response to prime: They make external attributions in response self-reports (Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2008). Studies to American primes and internal attributions in of personality shift in bilinguals that combine response to Chinese primes. In contrast, bicultur- self-reports and measurements of social behaviors als with conflicting identities (low BII) show the also indicate that bilinguals do change personal- opposite pattern: They make internal attributions ity when they switch languages (Chen & Bond, in response to American primes and external attri- 2010; Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2008). Furthermore, butions in response to Chinese primes. Mok and personality shift is also associated with cultural Morris tested the role of cultural identity in the con- identity and can be observed by activating culture text of personality in two studies. using subtle primes other than language in bicul- In Study 1, Asian American students completed turals (Mok & Morris, 2009). These studies reveal self-reports on the Need for Uniqueness after they the association between personality, cultural norms, were randomly assigned to view four book covers and language, as well as the difficulty in separating from American or East Asian culture. In Study 2 language and culture. Overall personality in bilin- Asian-American students completed self-reports on guals is dependent on both language and culture. extroversion after a more subtle priming manipula- How can we separate the role of language and tion: Participants were asked to play the role of a culture in bilinguals? One possible approach manager in North America or East Asia. Students is to ask bilinguals to describe their personal- in the American condition saw employees with ity in Spanish and in English, and identify the Western names, whereas participants in the Asian most salient themes in each of their languages. condition saw employees with Asian names. In both Ramirez-Esparza and colleagues (Ramírez-Esparza, studies, the participants were measured in terms of Chung, Sierra-Otero, & Pennebaker, 2012) dem- their bicultural identity. The results showed that onstrated that Mexicans and Americans differ in the highly integrated Asian Americans perceived them- themes they use when describing their personality. selves as more uniqueness seeking and extroverted For example, Mexicans use words about being nice following the American prime than the Chinese and agreeable (i.e, affectionate, responsible, help, hon- prime. In contrast, the opposite pattern was found est, sensible), whereas Americans use words related in individuals with low integration: that is, the par- to being outgoing and sociable (i.e., outgoing, shy, ticipants perceived themselves as less uniqueness open, meet, laugh, friendly). If bilinguals living in the seeking and extroverted following the American United States are similar to Mexicans when describ- prime than the Chinese prime. In other words, those ing their personality in Spanish, and are similar participants with strong and integrated cultural to Americans when describing their personality in identities changed their personality in response to English, we can infer that personality in bilinguals American primes to be more congruent to the ste- is more language dependent: Even if the bilinguals reotyped “American personality”—they saw them- are living in the United States, just by switching lan- selves as more unique and extroverted. However, guages they switch their personality. On the other

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hand, if bilinguals are similar to Americans when in Turkish were associated with memories from their describing their personality in both languages, we childhood, whereas the phrases in English were not can infer that personality in bilinguals is more cul- associated with any childhood memories. ture dependent: The American cultural context In a follow-up study Harris (2004) recruited influences the way they describe their personality in Spanish-English bilinguals who acquired both lan- both languages. Such studies could be informative guages in early childhood and compared them to in this regard (see Ross, Xun, & Wilson, 2002 for a Spanish-English bilinguals who learned English relevant study), and much work remains to be done later in their life. Interestingly, only the late learn- in this area. ers of English showed significant skin conductance differences to reprimand phrases. That is, the rep- Emotion Switch in Bilinguals rimand phrases in Spanish elicited significantly Another area of research that has been increas- higher skin conductance than reprimand phrases in ingly popular in the past years is emotional response English in late learners of English—differences were to language in bilinguals. For example, most bilin- not significant in the early learners of English. These guals indicate that they experience more emotional finding suggest that reprimands do not necessarily weight in response to the phrase “I love you” in have more emotional weight in one language or the their first language (Dewaele, 2008). Cursing or other. The early English learners almost certainly taboo words generally produce more emotional grew up listening to reprimands in both languages, intensity in the first language (Dewaele, 2004). and, therefore, autobiographical memory was not This area of research, however, is also limited by associated with a specific language. the methodological issues discussed in the previous In a series of follow-up studies, the authors section, and other weaknesses such as the definition investigated the linkage between memory and emo- of emotional experience. Caldwell-Harris and col- tions (Ayҫiҫegi & Harris, 2004; Ayҫiҫegi-Dinn leagues at Boston University employ an interesting & Caldwell-Harris, 2009). They used a standard definition of emotional weight: skin conductance emotion-memory measure, in which emotion- (for a review see Harris, Gleason, & Ayҫiҫegi, ally charged words are better remembered than 2006). This approach overcomes the methodologi- neutral words, that has been successfully tested cal concerns related to self-report in bilinguals: The in monolinguals. In the first study, they recruited method is not subject to translation concerns and Turkish-English bilinguals who arrived in the response-style biases. Furthermore, it has been well United States after age 17 to test emotion-memory established that emotionally charged words, such as effects in first and second languages (Ayҫiҫegi taboo words, produce higher skin conductance than & Harris, 2004). The task consisted of reading neutral words in monolingual participants (e.g., words on a computer screen, including childhood Mathews, Richards, & Eysenck, 1989). The associa- reprimands, taboo words, negative words, posi- tion of skin conductance and emotion makes it a tive words and neutral words in both English and good tool for studying language mode in bilingual Turkish. Each word was rated for emotional inten- participants, allowing the evaluation of relation- sity and a surprise recall task was performed at the ships between language and emotion. end. The authors expected bilinguals to remember Caldwell-Harris and colleagues recorded skin more words in Turkish because reading the word conductance activity in bilinguals associated with in their first language would have more emotional taboo words, reprimands, aversive words, positive effect. The results were in the opposite direction! words, and neutral words in their first and second Participants’ percentage recall was higher in their language (Caldwell-Harris & Ayҫiҫegi-Dinn, 2009; second language than in their first language, espe- Harris, 2004; Harris, Ayҫiҫegi & Gleason, 2003). cially for reprimand and taboo words. Furthermore, In one of the earliest studies, Turkish learners of their findings were not consistent with the results of English showed higher electrodermal activity in the their earlier studies using skin conductance (Harris first language than the second language, but only et al., 2003). to childhood reprimands (e.g., “Don’t do that!” or The authors attempted to disambiguate these “Shame on you” or “Go to your room”) (Harris conflicting findings in a more recently published et al., 2003). The authors argued that these findings study (Ayҫiҫegi-Dinn & Caldwell-Harris, 2009). were congruent with the idea that bilinguals can Specifically they made two methodological changes categorize autobiographical memories as occurring to the 2004 study. First, bilingual participants living in their first or their second languages. The phrases in Turkey were recruited. The authors hypothesized

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that residing in an English-speaking context affected Dewaele’s studies, hundreds of bilinguals responded emotional recall. Second, they performed different to his online questionnaire, and most reported that incidental memory tasks: The authors argued that emotionally charged words produce an stronger perhaps the English words were more amusing or emotional impact in their first language, however novel and, therefore, the English words were pro- this difference disappears in bilinguals who acquired cessed more deeply. The incidental memory tasks two languages early in life (Dewaele 2004; 2008). now varied on the degree of emotional process- The studies of Caldwell-Harris and colleagues using ing. For example a shallow task such as counting skin conductance are consistent with this find- the number of letters that are contained in a closed ing: bilinguals who acquire their second language circle was compared to tasks with deeper emotional later in life show higher skin conductance for some processing such as translating a word into the other emotionally charged words (i.e., childhood repri- language or associating as many words as possible mand phrases) (Harris et al., 2003). This difference with a target word. The bilinguals living in Turkey in electrodermal activity disappears in late bilinguals remembered significantly more reprimand words (Harris, 2004), and no consistent differences are in English than in Turkish. Other word categories found in other emotionally charged word categories did not show significant differences across languages (Harris et al., 2003; Harris, 2004). Furthermore, and/or did not show a consistent pattern across tasks. other methodologies, like the emotion-memory The authors concluded that the memory-emotion task, produce differences in the unexpected direc- effect for reprimand words cannot be attributed to tion: bilinguals have better recall of reprimand the language context of the current environment in phrases in their second language than in their first bilinguals, nor can they be attributed to the depth language (Ayҫiҫegi & Harris, 2004; Ayҫiҫegi-Dinn of emotional processing. What could account for & Caldwell-Harris, 2009), and no clear differences these paradoxical findings? A group of researchers are found for the other word categories (Ayҫiҫegi in Spain suggested that the differences could be the & Harris, 2004; Ayҫiҫegi-Dinn & Caldwell-Harris, result of methodological issues and the type of bilin- 2009; Ferre et al., 2010) even in simultaneous bilin- guals (Ferre et al., 2010). guals (Ferre et al., 2010). Ferre and colleagues (2010) tested the ­emotional- Here we argue that in order to capture real emo- memory effects of positive, negative, and neutral tional differences across languages in bilinguals, it words in Spanish-Catalan bilinguals who acquired is important to immerse the person in the lan- their second language (i.e., Catalan) early in their guage of interest, allowing the bilingual to “switch lives and Spanish-English bilinguals who acquired on” a language by “turning off” the other language their second language (i.e., English) later in their (Grosjean, 2001). In other words, in order to acti- lives. They implemented a new selection of words vate the emotions associated with a language it is based on a well-validated inventory that catego- important that the participant is in a monolin- rizes English words according to emotional dimen- gual mode for that language; feeling and think- sions, which has been translated into Spanish. In ing in one language so that memories associated this study, one group of bilinguals performed the with that language will be more accessible along emotion-memory task in Spanish and another with associated emotional response. We know of group of bilinguals performed the task in Catalan. two studies that took this approach in different Both groups recalled emotion category words bet- ways. Marian and Kaushanskaya (2004) recruited ter than neutral words. However when the task Russian-English bilinguals who immigrated to the was completed across languages in early bilinguals United States when they were about 14 years old to (i.e., Spanish-Catalan bilinguals) and late bilinguals participate in a recorded interview. The interviews (Spanish-English bilinguals), there were no differ- were divided in two parts: The first part was done ences in recall of word categories for the first and in Russian and the second part in English (coun- second language. Thus, there were no relationships terbalanced). The interview was done with the cue between remembering emotionally charged words word technique to access autobiographical memo- and language in either early or late bilinguals. ries by using key words (e.g., summer, neighbors, Unfortunately, childhood reprimands were not cat). The key words were used once and different included in the inventory, limiting the use of this words were used in each language. After all mem- study in the interpretation of earlier work. ories were recorded, participants had to indicate Do bilinguals switch emotion with language? in which language the memory occurred (i.e., in Well, yes and no, it all depends on measurement. In Russian, English or both). Finally raters coded

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all narratives as a function of emotion defined by the biculturals were immersed in a Western context two variables: Emotional intensity (i.e., from no a negative correlation between positive and negative emotion to extremely high intensity), and by the affect was found, but when they were immersed in valence of the emotion (i.e., from narratives that an Asian context the correlation disappeared. expressed completely negative affect to narratives Conclusion. In this section we reviewed literature that expressed completely positive affect). The about the association between language and emo- results showed that autobiographical memories tion. The literature is complex, employing a variety were scored higher in emotional intensity when of research questions and methodologies including the language in which the memory occurred and large-scale online single-question studies, physiolog- the language used in the interview matched than ical measures, memory tasks, and social-interaction when they did not match. Furthermore, memo- tasks. The involvement of memory increases the ries that occurred in the Russian language were complexity. Since there are strong associations rated as less positive that memories that occurred between emotions and memory, it follows that in English. The authors explained the results in emotions associated with language are most likely terms of cultural differences associated with each linked to autobiographical memories. We believe language. For example, individualistic cultures that the methodological approach used by Marian such as the United States tend to be more positive and Kaushanskaya (2004) is the most productive in their emotions than collectivist cultures such approach. By using an extensive interview task it as Russia. is possible to immerse bilinguals in the language of Perunovic and colleagues (Perunovic, Heller, & interest and affect their emotions in different ways. Rafaeli, 2007) tested emotion switch in East-Asian If the participants are thinking in Russian and they Canadian biculturals living in Canada using a diary are remembering aspects of their lives that occurred approach. The participants completed a self-report in a Russian-speaking context, then the autobio- emotional experience questionnaire (PANAS, graphical memory has more emotional intensity. Watson, Clark & Tellegen, 1988) 3 times a day over This finding is consistent with the idea that bilin- 10 days. The questionnaire asked the participants to guals change their emotions across languages and rate the extent to which each item described mood that emotions are experienced more strongly in in the specific moment (items include positive emo- the first language. A pivotal follow-up study would tions, such as excited, strong, and negative emotions use the approach of Marian and Kaushanskaya to such as, upset, strong, guilty). Then the participants evaluate simultaneous bilinguals. For example, do answered questions about cultural identification bilinguals who grew up in the United States listen- and language use. For example, they were asked ing to both languages simultaneously also change “during the past 2 hr, which specific cultural group their emotions as function of language? It is pos- did you most identify with?” (p. 609), and “during sible that the differences will disappear, but it is also the past 2 hr think of the person or group you spent possible that memories will be associated with a most of the time with. What language did you speak context (e.g., Spanish with the family context, and most of that time” (p. 609). The authors hypothe- English with the school context) and a similar pat- sized that when the participants were immersed in a tern of differences will emerge. On the other hand, Western context, they would respond the PANAS as Perunovic and colleagues (2007) observed language westerners do, whereas, when the participants were immersion using a diary technique. This approach immersed in an Asian context, they would respond allowed assessment of the cultural contexts that the questionnaire as the Asians do. Previous studies bicultural individuals encounter in their everyday have shown that East Asians are more dialectical in life. Although this study is not related to memory, it their emotional experience than westerns (Bagozzi, does provide support for the idea that bilinguals do Wong, & Yi, 1999). This means that East Asians change their emotions depending on the language. are able to experience both positive and negative emotions in any given moment, which suggests General Conclusion that the correlation between positive and nega- Being born in an English-speaking culture is tive affect should be less negative, or even positive, advantageous in many ways. As the editorial in the whereas Westerners tend to experience either posi- New Scientist write in their piece Oh, to Be Bilingual: tive emotions or negative emotions, which results in “There are many reasons to be grateful for being negative correlations between positive and negative part of the ‘Angloshpere’. English is the world’s affect. The results supported the hypotheses; when lingua franca, the language of science, technology,

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business, diplomacy and popular culture” (May References 2012, p. 3). For these reasons and others, English Abramson, A. S., & Lisker, L. (1967). Discriminability along the is a door to opportunities. Since our children are voicing continuum: Cross language tests. Paper presented at the growing up in an English-dominant culture, why Proceedings of the 6th International Congress of Phonetical Science, Prague. would we want to raise them bilingually? As we Adesope, O. O., Lavin, T., Thompson, E., & Ungerleider, C. reviewed in this chapter, being bilingual has pow- (2010). A systematic review and meta-analysis of the cog- erful advantages in cognitive function across vari- nitive correlates of bilingualism. Review of Educational ous domains such as attention, working memory, Research, 80, 207–245. ҫ ҫ and multitasking. This is the kind of “brain work” Ay i egi-Dinn, A., & Caldwell-Harris, C. L. (2004). Bilinguals’ recall and recognition of emotion words. 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Examination of perceptual reorganization for non- ferent social situations?” I had to acknowledge that native speech contrasts: Zulu click discrimination by I did not know of any research that could answer English-speaking adults and infants. Journal of Experimental this question, but I wanted to say yes. I like to Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 14, 345–360. imagine that bilingualism will be a tool that will Bialystok, E. (1988). Levels of bilingualism and levels of linguis- Developmental Psychology 24 help our children walk strong in this increasingly tic awareness. , , 560–567. Bialystok, E. (1999). Cognitive Complexity and Attentional Control multicultural-multilingual world. As the editorial in the Bilingual Mind. Child Development, 70, 636–644. from the New Scientist ends “In a fiercely competi- Bialystok, E., Craik, F. I. M., & Luk, G. (2012). Bilingualism: tive world, being born into an Anglophone culture Consequences for mind and brain. Trends in Cognitive is not quite the blessing it may first appear.” Sciences, 16, 240–250. Bialystok, I., Craik, F. I. M., & Morris, F. (2007). Bilingualism as a protection against the onset of symptoms of dementia. Author note Neuropsychologia, 45, 459–464. Some of the work reported in this chapter Bohn, O. S., & Flege, J. E. (1993). Perceptual switching in was supported by a National Science Foundation Spanish-English bilinguals. Journal of Phonetics, 21(3), Science of Learning Program grant to the LIFE 267–290. ҫ ҫ Center (SBE-0354453, Patricia K. Kuhl, PI). The Caldwell-Harris, C. L., & Ay i egi-Dinn, A. (2009). Emotion and lying in a non-native language. International Journal of authors are grateful to Patricia Kuhl and Yasmin Psycholophysiology, 71, 193–204. Wisecarver for their assistance and special thanks to Caramazza, A., Yeni-Komshian, G. H., Zurif, E. B., & Denise Padden for her valuable input regarding the Carbone, E. (1973). 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