Acquisition, Ownership and Use of Natural Resources in South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1929-1969

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Acquisition, Ownership and Use of Natural Resources in South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1929-1969 Acquisition, Ownership and Use of Natural Resources in South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1929-1969 By Noel Ndumeya Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements in Respect of the Doctoral Degree Qualification in Africa Studies in the Centre for Africa Studies in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Free State December 2015 Supervisor: Prof. I.R. Phimister Co-Supervisor: Dr. C. Masakure Table of contents Abstract i Opsomming ii Acknowledgements iii Abbreviations and Acronyms iv List of Place Names vi List of Tables vii List of Graphs viii List of Maps ix Chapter One: Introduction 1 About the Administrative system 3 South Eastern Zimbabwe: the Place and its People 7 Whites’ perspective of the Melsetter area 9 Literature review 10 Methodology 17 Thesis Structure 20 Chapter Two “Of the Least Progressive Farmers and Most Law Abiding Natives”: State, Settlers and African Relations, 1929-1945 Introduction 23 Colonial occupation of the Melsetter District 24 The Depression and War: Reflections on the Settler community, 1929-1945 31 Reflections on War and White Settler Relations 40 African Land Rights and Land Use Systems: an Overview 43 Perceptions and the Reality about Africans during to the Great Depression 47 “Breaking the Law in order to observe the Law”: the South African Alternative 62 Facets of Organised Protest 70 Conclusion 75 Chapter Three “It is obviously not in the national interest to devote a part of the country’s forest estate to permanent African occupation”: of Plantations, Evictions and African Livelihoods; 1945- 1959 Introduction 76 The Second World War as catalyst for 77 The Timber Industry and the Labour Question 89 Evictions, Livelihoods and Accumulation in non-European Areas 95 Game Slaughter Campaign and Rural Infrastructure 104 Other Rural Livelihood Strategies 111 Of Subtle and Active Protest 117 Conclusion 124 Chapter Four ‘The Soil, Our Greatest Resource’: Natural Resources Conservation and Conflict in the South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1948-1959 Introduction 126 Towards conservation policy and practice 128 Environmental Issues in the Chipinga-Melsetter farming districts 130 Relations between the NRB and Commercial Farmers 133 NRB relations with Africans on Crown Lands 146 The NRB and the ABM 149 When labour Interests Came First: the Case of TTC 152 Contestations over Chirinda Forest 155 Chirinda Forest and the local Peasantry 163 Chirinda Forest, the ABM, Tourists and Business 168 Conclusion 174 Chapter Five The Coffee Industry, Land Use Transformations and African Response, 1961- 1969 Introduction 175 The Role of the State in Development of the Coffee Industry 176 The Chipinga Coffee Settlement Scheme, 1964-1969 188 Settlement, Progress and Challenges 196 When nature takes its course; the frost challenge on Christina Block 205 Coffee Agriculture and the Demise of Labour Tenancy on the Chipinga Highlands 207 African Active Protest 216 Conclusion 221 Chapter Six: Conclusion 223 Bibliography 232 Abstract This study examines patterns of natural resources distribution and land use in south eastern Zimbabwe, originally known as Melsetter, and later Melsetter and Chipinga Districts. The study focuses on land utilisation, water, game and indigenous timber uses from 1929 to 1969. Prior to white occupation of this area, Africans owned and used these resources under precolonial communal tenure systems. The means by which these resources were seized, particularly in what became the white settler areas of the Melsetter and Chipinga Highlands, is traced from the mid-1890s onwards. Thereafter changing ownership and land use transformations are examined in detail among the diverse inhabitants of this region. African livelihood experiences during the Great Depression of c 1929-1939 are closely analysed, and their agency is brought out through the ways in which they challenged colonial policy. In the pre-1945 era, although the best land had already been alienated, Africans continued to use these resources as labour tenants. That the Melsetter District had great agricultural potential partly explains why it attracted white settlement as early as the mid-1890s. The study also analyses why, when compared to other white settled districts, for more than fifty years after colonial occupation, Melsetter remained an agriculturally backward and undercapitalised settler region. After the Second World War, parts of the region were transformed by the acquisition of land by corporate timber concerns. In the 1960s, coffee growers who arrived mostly from east Africa settled in parts of this region. By embarking on commercial coffee production, they had a significant impact on the agricultural history of the area. These secondary land acquisitions are explored at three levels; firstly, as a local reflection of changing global political and economic conditions; secondly, the intensive use of land resources, and how this had a direct impact on the Africans who formerly utilised this land as tenants and, thirdly; changing African reactions especially where this led to direct confrontation. These historical developments are examined within the broad context of the heterogeneous societies inhabiting this region. Keywords acquisition, ownership, land use, natural resources, livelihoods, agency, labour tenancy, reserves, plantations, coffee, conflict. i Opsomming Hierdie studie ondersoek die verspreidingspatrone van natuurlike hulpbronne en grondgebruik in suidoos Zimbabwe, in die gebied oorspronklik bekend as Melsetter, en later as Melsetter en Chipinga Distrik. Die ondersoek fokus op die gebruik van grond, water, wild en inheemse hout tussen 1929 en 1969. Voordat hierdie area deur Europeërs beset is, het Afrikane hierdie hulpbronne binne ‘n prekoloniale stelsel van gemeenskaplike besit, gebruik. Die manier waarop hierdie hulpbronne buitgemaak is, veral in die latere wit setlaararea van Melsetter en Chipinga Hoogland, word vanaf die middel-1890s ondersoek. Volgende word veranderende patrone van eienaarskap en grondgebruik onder die diverse bewoners van hierdie gebied deeglik ondersoek. Nadere ondersoek word na die bestaanservaringe van Afrikane gedurende die Groot Depressie van ca. 1929 tot 1939 ingestel, en daar word aangedui hoe hul agentskap veral in die manier waarop hulle koloniale beleid uitgedaag het, na vore kom. Alhoewel die beste grondgebied reeds voor 1945 onteien is, het Afrikane as huurarbeiders hierdie hulpbron aanhou benut. Die ryk landboupotensiaal van die Melsetter Distrik bied ‘n gedeeltelike verduideliking vir waarom dié distrik reeds so vroeg as die middel-1890s Europese setlaars gelok het. Hierdie ondersoek analiseer waarom Melsetter, in vergelyking met ander wit setlaarsdistrikte, vir meer as vyftig jaar ná koloniale besetting steeds ‘n landboukundig agterlik en onderkapitaliseerde setlaarstreek was. Ná die Tweede Wêreldoorlog is gedeeltes van die streek deur korporatiewe houtondernemings se verkryging van grond getransformeer. In die 1960s het koffieprodusente, meestal uit Oos-Afrika, hul in dele van die streek gevestig. Kommersiële koffieproduksie sou ‘n belangrike impak op die landboukundige geskiedenis van dié area hê. Hierdie sekondêre proses van grondverkryging word op drie vlakke ondersoek: eerstens, as ‘n plaaslike weerspieëling van globale politieke en ekonomiese toestande; tweedens, in terme van die intensiewe gebruik van grondhulpbronne, en die direkte uitwerking daarvan op die Afrikane wat die grond bewerk het; en, derdens, Afrikane se veranderende reaksies, veral waar dit tot direkte konfrontasie gelei het. Hierdie historiese gebeurtenisse word binne die breë konteks van die heterogene samelewings wat hierdie streek bewoon, ondersoek. Sleutelwoorde Grondverkryging, Eienaarskap, Grondgebruik, Natuurlike Hulpbronne, Agentskap, Afrikane as Huurarbeid, Reserwes, Plantasies, Koffie, Konflik. ii Acknowledgements This work could never have taken this shape without the support of various individuals and institutions. I am particularly indebted to my supervisors, Prof. Ian Phimister and Dr. Clement Masakure, who were central to the productions of this thesis. They engaged in very stimulating and thought provoking discussions during which they provided me with professional guidance and advice. I am also deeply appreciate the financial support I got from the International Studies Group, without which this work could never have been the way it is. I also owe enormous gratitude to Mrs Le Roux of the International Studies Group. She remained kind and supported me in various ways throughout the period of my study. The same goes with Amai Anashe, who was also very helpful and approachable whenever I needed relevant study material. Dr. I. Manase, thank you so much for going through my work at short notice. Professor N. Roos, Dr K. Law, Dr A. Cohen, Dr. D. Spence, Dr. R. Williams, Dr L. Koorts, Dr D. van Zyl-Hermann all supported me in various ways. I also treasure the support I got from all my colleagues, T. Nyamunda, K. Chitofiri, A. Daemon, I. Mhike, P. Tirivanhu, T. Marovha, O. Mutanga, L. Passemiers, A. Tembo, C. Muller and several others with whom we shared experiences. I am also indebted to the National Archives of Zimbabwe, from which I got most of my research material. I am especially thankful to the Director, for allowing me access to the Records Centre where I got some of the material that is still to be processed. Great thanks also go to the rest of the staff of the National Archives for giving me the necessary support. Last but not least, I thank my family, starting with parents, siblings, my wife Memory and children;
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