Chronological Index of Miscellaneous Anti-Fascist Pamphlets and Leaflets
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Liberals, Labour and Leicester - the 1913 By-Election in Local and National Perspective by John Pasiecznik
Liberals, Labour and Leicester - The 1913 By-Election in Local and National Perspective by John Pasiecznik One of Leicester's most dramatic election battles took place in June 1913 when the Liberals, Conservatives and British Socialist Party fought a by-election in the borough. Most attention was focused on the fledgling Labour Party which did not contest the seat. Voting on June 27th took place amid accusations of treachery aimed mostly at Labour Party Secretary, Ramsey MacDonald - who held the second Leicester seat - and who was a member of the Labour Party National Executive Committee which decided not to run a candidate. As this article reveals, Labour was in a dilemma. Following the national Lib-Lab Pact of 1903, the Liberals agreed not to put up a second candidate in Leicester which enabled future Labour Party Leader Ramsey MacDonald to become an MP. But ten years on should Labour still adhere to the pact? If the second seat was contested, the agreement would end; if Labour did not fight, the party could not claim to be truly independent of all other parties. The singular events of the by-election in the double-member seat of Leicester forms part of the city's rich political history. Leicester was a Radical stronghold in Victorian Britain. The Municipal Corporations Act of 1835 ushered in Whig supremacy. The transfer of power was total and long-lasting. Except for the 1861 by-election, the Whigs (later the Liberals) won every seat in the double member constituency in a general or by-election from 1837 to 1895. -
The Membership of the Independent Labour Party, 1904–10
DEI AN HOP KIN THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, 1904-10: A SPATIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL ANALYSIS E. P. Thompson expressed succinctly the prevailing orthodoxy about the origins of the Independent Labour Party when he wrote, in his homage to Tom Maguire, that "the ILP grew from bottom up".1 From what little evidence has been available, it has been argued that the ILP was essentially a provincial party, which was created from the fusion of local political groups concentrated mainly on an axis lying across the North of England. An early report from the General Secretary of the party described Lancashire and Yorkshire as the strongholds of the movement, and subsequent historical accounts have supported this view.2 The evidence falls into three categories. In the first place labour historians have often relied on the sparse and often imperfect memoirs of early labour and socialist leaders. While the central figures of the movement have been reticent in their memoirs, very little literature of any kind has emerged from among the ordinary members of the party, and as a result this has often been a poor source. The official papers of the ILP have been generally more satisfactory. The in- evitable gaps in the annual reports of the party can be filled to some extent from party newspapers, both local and national. There is a formality, nevertheless, about official transactions which reduces their value. Minute books reveal little about the members. Finally, it is possible to cull some information from a miscellany of other sources; newspapers, electoral statistics, parliamentary debates and reports, and sometimes the memoirs of individuals whose connection 1 "Homage to Tom Maguire", in: Essays in Labour History, ed. -
A Socialist Schism
A Socialist Schism: British socialists' reaction to the downfall of Milošević by Andrew Michael William Cragg Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Marsha Siefert Second Reader: Professor Vladimir Petrović CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 Copyright notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract This work charts the contemporary history of the socialist press in Britain, investigating its coverage of world events in the aftermath of the fall of state socialism. In order to do this, two case studies are considered: firstly, the seventy-eight day NATO bombing campaign over the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, and secondly, the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in October of 2000. The British socialist press analysis is focused on the Morning Star, the only English-language socialist daily newspaper in the world, and the multiple publications affiliated to minor British socialist parties such as the Socialist Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain (Provisional Central Committee). The thesis outlines a broad history of the British socialist movement and its media, before moving on to consider the case studies in detail. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Chris Harman
How Marxism Works Chris Harman How Marxism Works - Chris Harman First published May 1979 Fifth edition published July 1997 Sixth edition published July 2000 Bookmarks Publications Ltd, c/o 1 Bloomsbury Street, London WC1B 3QE, England Bookmarks, PO Box 16085, Chicago, Illinois 60616, USA Bookmarks, PO Box A338, Sydney South, NSW 2000, Australia Copyright © Bookmarks Publications Ltd ISBN 1 898876 27 4 This online edition prepared by Marc Newman Contents Introduction 7 1 Why we need Marxist theory 9 2 Understanding history 15 3 Class struggle 25 4 Capitalism—how the system began 31 5 The labour theory of value 39 6 Economic crisis 45 7 The working class 51 8 How can society be changed? 55 9 How do workers become revolutionary? 65 10 The revolutionary socialist party 69 11 Imperialism and national liberation 73 12 Marxism and feminism 79 13 Socialism and war 83 Further reading 87 Introduction There is a widespread myth that Marxism is difficult. It is a myth propagated by the enemies of socialism – former Labour leader Harold Wilson boasted that he was never able to get beyond the first page of Marx’s Capital. It is a myth also encouraged by a peculiar breed of academics who declare themselves to be ‘Marxists’: they deliberately cultivate obscure phrases and mystical expressions in order to give the impression that they possess a special knowledge denied to others. So it is hardly surprising that many socialists who work 40 hours a week in factories, mines or offices take it for granted that Marxism is something they will never have the time or the opportunity to understand. -
Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective
ANTI-FASCISM IN A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Transnational Networks, Exile Communities, and Radical Internationalism Edited by Kasper Braskén, Nigel Copsey and David Featherstone First published 2021 ISBN: 978-1-138-35218-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-35219-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-05835-6 (ebk) Chapter 5 ‘Make Scandinavia a bulwark against fascism!’: Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) This OA chapter is funded by the Academy of Finland (project number 309624) 5 ‘MAKE SCANDINAVIA A BULWARK AGAINST FASCISM!’ Hitler’s seizure of power and the transnational anti-fascist movement in the Nordic countries Kasper Braskén On a global scale, Hitler’s seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided urgent impetus for transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies. One of the first Eur- opean, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in mid-April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Con- ference. This formed a transnational meeting point of European and especially Scandinavian workers and intellectuals that provided an important first response to developments in Germany. The chapter will use the Scandinavian conference as a prism to look back at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years, and to then follow its transformation after 1933. It will contribute to the global analysis of the transition period of communist-led anti-fascism from the sectarian class-against-class line to the inception of the popular front period in 1935. What were these largely overlooked, first anti-fascist articulations in Europe, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobi- lisation coordinated in Paris and London? As we shall see, on the one hand Hitler’s seizure of power vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but paradoxically, on the other, it further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. -
Clement Attlee Was Born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the Seventh of Eight Children
P R O F I L E Clement Attlee was born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the seventh of eight children. His father, Henry Attlee, was a solicitor and senior partner in the firm of Druces and Attlee, whose offices were in the Middle Temple. After being home-schooled, Attlee was educated at the preparatory school Northaw Place and then Haileybury College, both in Hertfordshire. At Haileybury, which had a strong military ethos, Attlee became an enthusiastic member of the Volunteer Rifle Corps. After leaving Haileybury in 1901 Attlee went on to University College, Oxford, where he studied Modern History. He specialised in Italian and Renaissance history and graduated in 1904 with a second-class degree. After leaving Oxford Attlee followed in his father’s footsteps and entered the legal profession, although without any great enthusiasm for it. He had been admitted to the Inner Temple on 30 January 1904, and in the autumn of that year entered the Lincoln’s Inn chambers of Sir Philip Gregory. His father’s connections meant he had already C L E M E N T dined at the Inner Temple; he was called to the Bar in March 1906. In October 1905, Attlee accompanied his brother Laurence to the A T T L E E Haileybury Club, a club in Stepney, East London for working-class boys, run by former Haileybury College pupils. It was connected to B O R N 1 8 8 3 the Territorial Army, and volunteers were expected to become non- D I E D 1 9 6 7 commissioned officers. -
Fabianism, Permeation and Independent Labour
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title Fabianism, Permeation and Independent Labour Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3s4368vt Journal Historical Journal, 39 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 1996 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California FABIANISM, PERMEATION AND INDEPENDENT LABOUR By MARK BEVIR Department of Politics The University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU 1 ABSTRACT The leading Fabians held different versions of permeation: Shaw saw permeation in terms of weaning the Radicals away from the Liberal Party, so he favoured an independent party; Webb defined permeation in terms of the giving of expert advice to a political elite without any need for a new party. These varieties of permeation can be traced in the individual and collective actions of the Fabians, and, in particular, in their attitude to the formation of the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.). The Fabians did not simply promote the I.L.P. nor did they simply oppose the I.L.P. 2 FABIANISM, PERMEATION AND INDEPENDENT LABOUR Introduction Historians have long debated the extent to which the Fabian Society acted as John the Baptist to the Labour Party. The Fabians presented themselves as the single most important group in winning for socialism a foothold on British soil: they replaced the alien creed of Marxism with a gradualist constitutionalism suited to British traditions, and their evolutionary brand of socialism precipitated the Labour Party, albeit by way of the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.). 1 Recent years, however, have seen the triumph of revisionists, inspired in large part by the scholarship of Professors Hobsbawm and McBriar, who dismiss the Fabians as vehemently as Shaw once extolled their virtues. -
Marxism and Anti-Racism: a Contribution to the Dialogue
Marxism and Anti-Racism: A Contribution to the Dialogue Abigail B. Bakan Department of Political Studies Queen's University Kingston, Ontario A Paper Presented to the Annual General Meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association and the Society for Socialist Studies York University Toronto, Ontario June, 2006 Draft only. Not for quotation without written permission from the author. 2 Introduction: The Need for a Dialogue The need for an extended dialogue between Marxism and anti-racism emerges from several points of entry. 1 It is motivated in part by a perceptible distance between these two bodies of thought, sometimes overt, sometimes more ambiguous. For example, Cedric J. Robinson, in his influential work, Black Marxism, stresses the inherent incompatibility of the two paradigms, though the title of his classic work suggests a contribution to a new synthesis. While emphasizing the historic divide, Robinson devotes considerable attention to the ground for commonality, including the formative role of Marxism in the anti-racist theories of authors and activists such as C.L.R. James and W. E. B. Dubois.2 In recent debates, anti-racist theorists such as Edward Said has rejected the general framework of Marxism, but are drawn to some Marxists such as Gramsci and Lukacs.3 There is also, however, a rich body of material that presumes a seamless integration between Marxism and anti-racism, including those such as Angela Davis, Eugene Genovese and Robin Blackburn.4 Identifying points of similarity and discordance between Marxism and anti-racism suggests the need for dialogue in order to achieve either some greater and more coherent synthesis, or, alternatively, to more clearly define the boundaries of distinct lines of inquiry. -
Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective
ANTI-FASCISM IN A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Transnational Networks, Exile Communities, and Radical Internationalism Edited by Kasper Braskén, Nigel Copsey and David Featherstone First published 2021 ISBN: 978-1-138-35218-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-35219-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-05835-6 (ebk) Chapter 10 ‘Aid the victims of German fascism!’: Transatlantic networks and the rise of anti-Nazism in the USA, 1933–1935 Kasper Braskén (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) This OA chapter is funded by the Academy of Finland (project number 309624) 10 ‘AID THE VICTIMS OF GERMAN FASCISM!’ Transatlantic networks and the rise of anti-Nazism in the USA, 1933–1935 Kasper Braskén Anti-fascism became one of the main causes of the American left-liberal milieu during the mid-1930s.1 However, when looking back at the early 1930s, it seems unclear as to how this general awareness initially came about, and what kind of transatlantic exchanges of information and experiences formed the basis of a rising anti-fascist consensus in the US. Research has tended to focus on the latter half of the 1930s, which is mainly concerned with the Communist International’s (Comintern) so-called popular front period. Major themes have included anti- fascist responses to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, the strongly felt soli- darity with the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), or the slow turn from an ‘anti-interventionist’ to an ‘interventionist/internationalist’ position during the Second World War.2 The aim of this chapter is to investigate two communist-led, international organisations that enabled the creation of new transatlantic, anti-fascist solidarity networks only months after Hitler’s rise to power in January 1933. -
A People's History of the World
A people’s history of the world A people’s history of the world Chris Harman London, Chicago and Sydney A People’s History of the World – Chris Harman First published 1999 Reprinted 2002 Bookmarks Publications Ltd, c/o 1 Bloomsbury Street, London WC1B 3QE, England Bookmarks, PO Box 16085, Chicago, Illinois 60616, USA Bookmarks, PO Box A338, Sydney South, NSW 2000, Australia Copyright © Bookmarks Publications Ltd ISBN 1 898876 55 X Printed by Interprint Limited, Malta Cover by Sherborne Design Bookmarks Publications Ltd is linked to an international grouping of socialist organisations: I Australia: International Socialist Organisation, PO Box A338, Sydney South. [email protected] I Austria: Linkswende, Postfach 87, 1108 Wien. [email protected] I Britain: Socialist Workers Party, PO Box 82, London E3 3LH. [email protected] I Canada: International Socialists, PO Box 339, Station E, Toronto, Ontario M6H 4E3. [email protected] I Cyprus: Ergatiki Demokratia, PO Box 7280, Nicosia. [email protected] I Czech Republic: Socialisticka Solidarita, PO Box 1002, 11121 Praha 1. [email protected] I Denmark: Internationale Socialister, PO Box 5113, 8100 Aarhus C. [email protected] I Finland: Sosialistiliitto, PL 288, 00171 Helsinki. [email protected] I France: Socialisme par en bas, BP 15-94111, Arcueil Cedex. [email protected] I Germany: Linksruck, Postfach 304 183, 20359 Hamburg. [email protected] I Ghana: International Socialist Organisation, PO Box TF202, Trade Fair, Labadi, Accra. I Greece: Sosialistiko Ergatiko Komma, c/o Workers Solidarity, PO Box 8161, Athens 100 10. [email protected] I Holland: Internationale Socialisten, PO Box 92025, 1090AA Amsterdam. -
'The Trojan Horse': Communist Entrism in the British Labour Party
Middlesex University Research Repository An open access repository of Middlesex University research http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk Campbell, Alan and McIlroy, John (2018) ’The Trojan Horse’: Communist entrism in the British Labour party, 1933-43. Labor History, 59 (5) . pp. 513-554. ISSN 0023-656X [Article] (doi:10.1080/0023656X.2018.1436938) Final accepted version (with author’s formatting) This version is available at: https://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/23927/ Copyright: Middlesex University Research Repository makes the University’s research available electronically. Copyright and moral rights to this work are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners unless otherwise stated. The work is supplied on the understanding that any use for commercial gain is strictly forbidden. A copy may be downloaded for personal, non-commercial, research or study without prior permission and without charge. Works, including theses and research projects, may not be reproduced in any format or medium, or extensive quotations taken from them, or their content changed in any way, without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder(s). They may not be sold or exploited commercially in any format or medium without the prior written permission of the copyright holder(s). Full bibliographic details must be given when referring to, or quoting from full items including the author’s name, the title of the work, publication details where relevant (place, publisher, date), pag- ination, and for theses or dissertations the awarding institution, the degree type awarded, and the date of the award. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Middlesex University via the following email address: [email protected] The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated.