Separate but Equal’: Policy Implications for the 21St Century” the 125Th Anniversary of Plessy V
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PLESSY V. FERGUSON (1896) ORIGINS of the CASE in 1892, Homer Plessy Took a Seat in the “Whites Only” Car of a Train and Refused to Move
PLESSY v. FERGUSON (1896) ORIGINS OF THE CASE In 1892, Homer Plessy took a seat in the “Whites Only” car of a train and refused to move. He was arrested, tried, and convicted in the District Court of New Orleans for breaking Louisiana’s segregation law. Plessy appealed, claiming that he had been denied equal protection under the law. The Supreme Court handed down its decision on May 18, 1896. THE RULING The Court ruled that separate-but-equal facilities for blacks and whites did not violate the Constitution. LEGAL REASONING CALIFORNIA STANDARDS Plessy claimed that segregation violated his right to 11.10.2 Examine and analyze the key events, policies, and court cases in the evolution of civil rights, including Dred Scott v. equal protection under the law. Moreover he claimed Sandford, Plessy v. Ferguson, Brown v. Board of Education, that, being “of mixed descent,” he was entitled to “every Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, and California Proposition 209. recognition, right, privilege and immunity secured to HI 3 Students interpret past events and issues within the context the citizens of the United States of the white race.” in which an event unfolded rather than solely in terms of pres- Justice Henry B. Brown, writing for the majority, ruled: ent-day norms and values. “ The object of the [Fourteenth] amendment was LEGAL SOURCES . undoubtedly to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law, but . it could not have LEGISLATION been intended to abolish distinctions based upon color, or to enforce social, as distinguished from political U.S. -
How Did the Civil Rights Movement Impact the Lives of African Americans?
Grade 4: Unit 6 How did the Civil Rights Movement impact the lives of African Americans? This instructional task engages students in content related to the following grade-level expectations: • 4.1.41 Produce clear and coherent writing to: o compare and contrast past and present viewpoints on a given historical topic o conduct simple research summarize actions/events and explain significance Content o o differentiate between the 5 regions of the United States • 4.1.7 Summarize primary resources and explain their historical importance • 4.7.1 Identify and summarize significant changes that have been made to the United States Constitution through the amendment process • 4.8.4 Explain how good citizenship can solve a current issue This instructional task asks students to explain the impact of the Civil Rights Movement on African Claims Americans. This instructional task helps students explore and develop claims around the content from unit 6: Unit Connection • How can good citizenship solve a current issue? (4.8.4) Formative Formative Formative Formative Performance Task 1 Performance Task 2 Performance Task 3 Performance Task 4 How did the 14th What role did Plessy v. What impacts did civic How did Civil Rights Amendment guarantee Ferguson and Brown v. leaders and citizens have legislation affect the Supporting Questions equal rights to U.S. Board of Education on desegregation? lives of African citizens? impact segregation Americans? practices? Students will analyze Students will compare Students will explore how Students will the 14th Amendment to and contrast the citizens’ and civic leaders’ determine the impact determine how the impacts that Plessy v. -
Introduction
Introduction It shall be an unlawful employment practice for an employer— (1) to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or other- wise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his com- pensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; or (2) to limit, segregate, or classify his employees or applicants for employment in any way which would deprive or tend to deprive any individual of employment opportunities or otherwise adversely affect his status as an employee, because of such individual’s race, color, re- ligion, sex, or national origin (Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964). In 1964 the U.S. Congress enacted, and President Lyndon Johnson signed, the Civil Rights Act. Although it was not the first or the last legislative mo- ment of the civil rights movement, it was a pivotal one. The act outlawed segregation and discrimination by race, ethnicity, and religion in public education, public accommodations, voting, and federal assistance. Title VII of the act extended the equal opportunity principle to employment and for the first time explicitly mentioned “sex” as a protected category. It is this extension of rights to equal opportunity in employment, freedom from discrimination in employment, and the erosion of race and gender employment segregation as a legitimate and expected practice that is at the heart of this book. The passage of the Civil Rights Act is without question one of the most monumental achievements in the history of the United States, perhaps even the world. -
FOR JOBS and FREEDOM an Introduction to the Unfinished March
FOR JOBS AND FREEDOM An Introduction to the Unfinished March By Thomas J. Sugrue August 5, 2013 Photo: Library of Congress he March on Washington may be the most Today, many activists and intellectuals draw a sharp commemorated event in the history of the distinction between policies to alleviate racial discrim- T civil rights struggle in the United States. On ination and those that challenge economic injustice. August 28, 1963, in front of 250,000 demonstrators Does race trump class? Is there a zero sum game who packed the Mall between the Lincoln and Wash- between antidiscrimination strategies and efforts to ington monuments, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. challenge financial, employment, and trade policies delivered the speech with his famous refrain, “I have a that disadvantage workers regardless of their race? Do dream.” Those four words—known to nearly every racial politics divide the American working class, fos- American schoolchild—capture a popular, romantic tering a bitter politics of resentment rather than the image of King using soaring language to unify Amer- solidarity necessary for labor organization? While sub- ica in pursuit of a common goal, to create a society sequent papers in the Unfinished March series will where everyone would be “judged by the content of explore current views on these issues, it is important to their character, not the color of their skin” (King 1963). recall that 50 years ago, King and the organizers of the March on Washington answered a resounding “no” to But the message of the march cannot be encapsulated all of these questions. -
Civil Rights Act of 1964
TITLE VII OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1964 EDITOR'S NOTE: The following is the text of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Pub. L. 88-352) (Title VII), as amended, as it appears in volume 42 of the United States Code, beginning at section 2000e. Title VII prohibits employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex and national origin. The Civil Rights Act of 1991 (Pub. L. 102-166) (CRA) and the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009 (Pub. L. 111-2) amend several sections of Title VII. In addition, section 102 of the CRA (which is printed elsewhere in this publication) amends the Revised Statutes by adding a new section following section 1977 (42 U.S.C. 1981), to provide for the recovery of compensatory and punitive damages in cases of intentional violations of Title VII, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, and section 501 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. Cross references to Title VII as enacted appear in italics following each section heading. Editor's notes also appear in italics. An Act To enforce the constitutional right to vote, to confer jurisdiction upon the district courts of the United States to provide injunctive relief against discrimination in public accommodations, to authorize the attorney General to institute suits to protect constitutional rights in public facilities and public education, to extend the Commission on Civil Rights, to prevent discrimination in federally assisted programs, to establish a Commission on Equal Employment Opportunity, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That this Act may be cited as the “Civil Rights Act of 1964”. -
Fair Housing Act)
Civil Rights Movement Rowland Scherman for USIA, Photographer. Courtesy of U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. Sections 1 About the Movement 5 Civil Rights Act of 1968 (Fair Housing Act) 2 Brown v. Board of Education 6 Teacher Lesson Plans and Resources 3 Civil Rights Act of 1964 4 Voting Rights Act (VRA) ABOUT THE MOVEMENT The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s came about out of the need and desire for equality and freedom for African Americans and other people of color. Nearly one hundred years after slavery was abolished, there was widespread 1 / 22 segregation, discrimination, disenfranchisement and racially motivated violence that permeated all personal and structural aspects of life for black people. “Jim Crow” laws at the local and state levels barred African Americans from classrooms and bathrooms, from theaters and train cars, from juries and legislatures. During this period of time, there was a huge surge of activism taking place to reverse this discrimination and injustice. Activists worked together and used non- violent protest and specific acts of targeted civil disobedience, such as the MontgomMontgomMontgomMontgomererereryyyy Bus BusBusBus Bo BoBoBoyyyycottcottcottcott and the Greensboro Woolworth Sit-Ins, in order to bring about change. Much of this organizing and activism took place in the Southern part of the United States; however, people from all over the country—of all races and religions—joined activists to proclaim their support and commitment to freedom and equality. For example, on August 28, 1963, 250,000 Americans came to Washington, D.C. for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. -
Remembering Racial Integration in Teaneck, New Jersey, 1949 – 1968
Reputation and Reality in America’s Model Town: Remembering Racial Integration in Teaneck, New Jersey, 1949 – 1968 Rachel Mark Senior Thesis Department of History, Columbia University April 4, 2011 Acknowledgements In ‟65 tension was running high at my high school/ There was a lot of fights between the black and white/There was nothing you could do…/ Troubled times had come to my hometown/ My hometown/ My hometown/ My hometown - Bruce Springsteen, “My Hometown” This thesis investigates how integration is remembered in Teaneck, NJ, the first town in the nation to vote for integrated schools. While I observe in this thesis that the reality of integration ultimately fell short of the goals set by the activists themselves, I do not wish to take away from these individuals and their honorable actions. In a time when the country faced fierce segregation and racism, a majority in Teaneck stepped up and voted for what they believed in their hearts was right: equal education. As a third generation Teaneck resident, I feel a close connection to this story. My grandparents still vividly remember casting their votes for integration, and my mother went to the central sixth grade school created as part of the original integration plan. And at the outset, I would like to thank my parents – Joseph and Meryl Mark – and grandparents – Abraham and Sheila Schlussel, and Norman and Frances Mark – for not just providing me with a topic for my thesis but also for instilling a love of education and learning that inspired me to undertake the project in the first place. -
The Path of Most Resistance the Legal History of Brown V
THE PATH OF MOST RESISTANCE THE LEGAL HISTORY OF BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION AND ITS RIGID JOURNEY FROM TOPEKA, KANSAS TO CLEVELAND, OHIO by CHEYENNE CHAMBERS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Thesis Advisor: Dr. Renee Sentilles Department of History CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY August 2011 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Cheyenne Chambers ______________________________________________________ Master of Arts candidate for the ________________________________degree *. Renee Sentilles (signed)_______________________________________________ (chair of the committee) ________________________________________________ Stephen Hall ________________________________________________ Kenneth Ledford ________________________________________________ John Grabowski ________________________________________________ ________________________________________________ April 25, 2011 (date) _______________________ *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. Table of Contents Abstract 2 Introduction 3 Chapter I: The Road to Brown 14 Chapter II: The NAACP and its Decision to Challenge Public Education 25 Chapter III: The Margold Report – Equalization versus Direct Attack 28 Chapter IV: Direct Attack Applied to Elementary Schools 36 Chapter V: The Court Did Not Demand Integration 62 Chapter VI: Topeka, Welcome to Cleveland 67 Conclusion 96 Bibliography 100 1 The Path of Most Resistance The Legal History of Brown v. Board of Education and its Rigid Journey from Topeka, Kansas to Cleveland, Ohio Abstract by CHEYENNE CHAMBERS This master‟s thesis reevaluates the legal history of Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and its rigid journey from Topeka, Kansas to Cleveland, Ohio. At the beginning of this path lies the Jim Crow South, a land where de jure discrimination once thrived. The final destination is the progressive North, a region strongly shaped by de facto discrimination. -
Thurgood Marshall: a Tribute from a Former Colleague
THURGOOD MARSHALL: A TRIBUTE FROM A FORMER COLLEAGUE Irving R. Kaufman* Implicit in the very concept of an organic, growing Constitution is the notion that the finest representatives of each successive generation will continue to breathe the vital spirit of the nation into it. Among my contemporaries Thurgood Marshall is the foremost example of this rare and yet indispensable type of man. He achieved national prominence as a staunch advocate of racial equality and social justice at a time when it was essential, but not fashionable, to be one. It is fitting that the leaders of the next generation of Black Americans should dedicate this publication to him. As a friend of both the Justice and his ideals, I am honored to add my voice to that of the many distinguished contributors who joined to praise his magnificient achievements. From his youth in Maryland, Thurgood possessed proper dosages of both pugnacity and sagacity-the staple of which great advocates are made. He inherited both qualities. The Justice never tires of relating the tale of his grand- father, an incorrigible slave from "the toughest part of the Congo," who made his objections to servitude so widely known that his master finally said: "I brought you here, so I can't very well shoot you-as you deserve. On the other hand I can't, with a clear conscience, sell anyone as vicious as you South. So I'm going to set you free-on one condition. Get the hell out of the Eastern Shore and never come back." "And that," says Thurgood, "is the only time Massuh didn't get an argument from the old boy!" Justice Marshall's father was a hard-working Pullman car waiter who de- manded that his son strive for perfection. -
Op-Ed: Interracial Friendships Can Be Gratifying, but They're Also Complicated
Op-Ed: Interracial friendships can be gratifying, but they’re also complicated By Judy Belk, June 27, 2020 “Hey, what do you think I bring to our relationship?” I poked my Black husband, who was half-asleep next to me. “Huh, I don’t know. I’m trying to sleep,” he responded groggily as he turned his back to me. I poked again. “Come on. I’m trying to see if we’re compatible.” I couldn’t sleep and had come across one of those silly surveys women’s magazines love to run about marriage and compatibility. I snuggled up against his warm body and whispered, “So tell me, what do you think I bring to our relationship?” “White people,” he mumbled. “Now can I go back to sleep?” I pulled back quickly and gave him a hard push. “What do you mean, ‘white people’?” What kind of answer is that?” Now we were both wide awake. “Exactly what do you mean I’ve brought a lot of white people into our relationship?” Now I was getting worried. “You think too many? So, you don’t like the white people I’ve introduced to you?” “No, no, I didn’t say I didn’t like them. I like them a lot. It’s just a lot of them. And I wouldn’t know that many if I didn’t know you. So that’s good. Now can I go back to sleep?” Page 1 of 3 I do know a lot of white people and lately I’ve been thinking about the white folks I know and white people in general as I watch America search for its soul amid a rash of police murders, multiracial protests, and what feels like a national tutorial on racial injustice. -
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Coalition Politics
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2005 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Coalition Politics Sheryll Cashin Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1692 49 St. Louis U. L.J. 1029-1046 This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Law and Race Commons THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1964 AND COALITION POLITICS SHERYLL D. CASHIN* Professor Days began his Childress Lecture by recounting his personal experience with Jim Crow segregation. I too have such a story. I was born and raised in Hunstville, Alabama, a city that is notable, among other things, for having desegregated its public accommodations in 1962, two full years before the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The turning point in the non-violent sit-in movement in Hunstville was when a young, African- American woman was arrested with a four-month-old baby in her arms, along with a friend who was eight months pregnant. This caused some outrage and widespread press coverage. The mother was Joan Carpenter Cashin and the baby was me. I am proud to have played a role, however small, in the most important social movement of the twentieth century in the United States. In the past year we have celebrated a number of civil rights milestones. -
Alfred L. Brophy1 During the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Civil Rights Act Of
THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1964 AND THE FULCRUM OF PROPERTY RIGHTS 1 Alfred L. Brophy During the fiftieth anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, much of the discussion is about the origins of the Act in the ideas and actions of the African American community and of the future possibilities of the Act. This essay returns to the Act to look seriously at those who opposed it and at their critique of the Act’s effect on property rights. That is, this looks at the property law context of the Act and the criticism that the Act would dramatically affect property rights. In contrast to those who favored the Act and, thus, wanted to make the Act look as modest as possible, this retrospective suggests that, in fact, the Act had an important effect on property rights in the United States. That is, it was part of democratizing property and rebalancing the rights of property owners and of non-owners in ways that are long-lasting and important. The supporters of the Civil Rights Act of 1964's guarantee of equal treatment in public tried to make it look like a modest extension of principles that had existed from time out of mind.2 Yet, the Act’s requirement of equal access to public accommodations brought outcries, in particular from its opponents, that it would dramatically restrict the right to exclude from private property.3 Legal historians who have assessed the long history of the Civil 1 Judge John J. Parker Distinguished Professor, University of North Carolina – Chapel Hill.