DOCSLIB.ORG

10-Year-Q/D Sex and Race Bias Case Against a P Settled Health Stud

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
10-Year-Q/D Sex and Race Bias Case Against a P Settled Health Stud 10-Year-Q/d Sex and Race Bias Case Against A P Settled The Wire Service Guild has won a set· The seven women directly Involved tlement of $2 million and an extensive In the case will share $83,120. affirmative action program for Yfomen The Individual plaintiffs Include and blacks at The Associated Press, Shirley Christian, Pulltz8f·Prlze-wlnnlng the nation's largest News ser~lce. Latin American correspondent for The guild, seven former female em­ The Miami Herald, who resigned from ployees of AP and the Equal Employ· the AP In 1979. She fought sex dis­ ment Opportunity Commission joined crimination at the AP for eight years on with the company In submitting a Con­ the foreign and World Desks before Are You Registered? sent Decree to the U.S. District Court being named AP's chief of bureau for In New York. The decree Is subJect to Chile and Bolivia in 1977. The assign­ approval by Judge Pierre Laval. ment came four years after she joined A separate case alleging discrimina­ In the original discrimination com· tion by The Associated Press against plaint filed with the EEOC. · It's A Man's World Unless Women Vote! persons of Hispanic origin was be'lng By .J. Wingard handled by the EEOC. The other Individuals are Ginny Pitt, ARE YOU REGISTERED TO VOTE? We know that Reagan's successes The settlement of the sex and race editorial writer for the Portland Press If you have moved recently, are about In eroding women's rights could not discrimination case provides for back Herald, Evening News and Maine Sun· to tum eighteen, or haven't had the have happened without the support of pay, training, promotion goals and day Telegram: Rachelle Cohen, editorial opportunity before, NOW Is the time the conservative Senate. We have an bonuses for women and blacks In page editor for the Boston Herald: to register. November 1984 will be a opportunity to tum around this body. news, editorial and news photo posl· Peggy Simpson, economic correspon· significant test of the emerging wo­ We have the opportunity to make the tlons. dent for the Hearst Newspapers; Fran· men's voting bloc. We all need to be Senate more feminist. Moreover, we "The Wire Service Guild has fought ces L Lewlne, features editor for Cable ready to cast our feminist votes. If you can make It more female. Women make this battle for 10 years and we are News Network; Maureen Connolly, edl· aren't registered, do It NOW! up over half the population, but at this pleased with the victory," said William tor of Business Digest, a regional busl· In the upcoming elections, each and moment they are only 2% of the Senate. Morrissey, the union's president. ''This ness publication In Maine; and VIrginia every vote will count, but women's votes We have the opportunity to at least settlement will change the makeup of Tyson, a reporter for the Los Angeles will be the razor's edge of difference double the number of women In the the AP's staff and Its management to Times. In race after race. If we maintain double Senate. To date, two feminists are more realistically reflect the diversity Blacks will share In nearly $500,000, digit gender gap percentages, women actively campaigning for the Senate: of American society. with most of the money earmarked for will be the margin of victory for .fem­ Nancy Dick (CO) and Joan Growe (M N). "Traditionally, AP management has an affirmative action program speclfl· Inist candidates across the country One of NOW's major commitments been a white male bastion. It Is to the cally designed to bring black reporters and will make It pos&lble to get more credit of the current management that Is to get more feminist women elected and editors to the AP. women elected. to public office at all levels. When the It Is willing to change without a pro­ At this time In our history It Is crucial tracted trial." In 1973, less than 1 percent of the ERA wss rejected we said that the AP's staff was black. Today black re­ that we make the best use of our gen­ amendment and other women's Issues Women who have worked for the der gap advantage. AP between November 29, 1972 and porters, editors and photographers would not be fully and fairly addressed account for only 1.4 percent of the Many of our priority Issues are hang· until more people holding elected office June 30, 1983 will share nearly $1 mil· lng In the balance right now: ERA, the lion. Most of the money Is for back pay 1,091 parsons on the AP's domestic were women. In the November elec· news staff. Economic Equity Act, and the Non· tlons last year, women made a tremen· based on length of ser~lce with the Discrimination In Insurance Bill. And company. In 1973 AP's news staff was dous Impact, and the polls Indicate The EEOC took the case as one of the gains that we have made In recent that the gender gap can have an even about 7 percent female. It Is currently Its first nationwide Investigations In years are all too quickly slipping away about 22 percent women. more powerful Impact In 1984. We must 1975 when pressed to act by Guild from us. Under the Reagan Admlnlstra· once again translate our voting strength The Consent Decree, which contains Counsel Sidney Reitman. Janice Good· tlon the Department of Justice Is argu· Into victories at the polls. a non-admission clause, sets a goal man, a New York attorney, joined the lng to limit the scope of Title IX (of The slgnlfance of the 1984 elections of 37 percent women for filling entry· oase to represent the seven women the Education Amendments of 1972) In Is clear. We must defeat Ronald Rea­ level reporting and editing jobs, as well and both attorneys were eventually prohibiting sex discrimination In fader· gan. We must tum around the Senate. as goals for promotion of women to named to represent all women and ally funded schools. Reagan budget And we must elect more women to the positions such as correspondent, for­ blacks at the AP as classes. cuts In child care, welfare, food stamps, Senate, the House, and to all state eign correspondent, assistant chief The case Is novel because the union Social Security, WIC (Women, Infants, legislatures. of bureau, chief of bureau and assistant was certified as the representative of and Children Program) disproportion· Our path Is clear: we need to educate general manager. the women and blacks In the class· ately affect women and drive more of and organize ourselves. We need to Women who receive promotions will action suft. The company- agreed to us further Into poverty. And our rights work In and contribute to feminist cam­ get bonuses of $1,250. Another $50,000 pick up more than $500,000 In legal are eroded dally In other areas, lnclud· paigns. We need to run for office and Is available to train women for promo­ costs and other expenses for the union, lng affirmative action, civil rights, and encourage other feminists to run. And tions. the EEOC and the Individual plaintiffs. federal contract compliance. we must vote In record numbers. The In order to stem that tide, we must beginning of each journey Is the first Increase the number of feminists In step. Take that step now. Register to govemmant. We are all aware that we vote. Health Stud~ Destrrovs will suffer even greater setbacks In the next 13 months of Reagan's Admin· (Registration laws vary from state to f.ongevit¥.; Gap as Basis lstratlon; and the next four years will state. If you are In doubt as to how to be even more destructive than the first register In yqur state, call your local were. We must replace Ronald Reagan NOW chapter, or call the county Board tor Insurance Prices in 1984. of EfecUons.) By Judy Goldsmith the greater propensity of men to alco­ women. Their house of cards is collap­ hol abuse, which Is the third leading sing. In the llgllt of this new and com· A study reported In the August 10 Moreover, the Insurance ln"ustry cause of death In this country and pelllng evidence challenglrtg the lndu~· Washington Post Indicates that the has used Its woefully obsolete and costs $18 billion annuaUy in health try's statistical base, NOW calls UP9J1 longevity gap between women and men Inaccurate actuarial tables to cover up services. life Insurance companies to change Is directly related to smoking. and to justify its sex discriminatory their position and join In support of the The difference In lifespan between practices In all kinds of Insurance. In This Is the beginning of the end for legislation currently before Congress women and men has been used by the auto Insurance, where sex is used as the insurance industry's intolerable to outlaw sex discrimination In insur· Insurance Industry to Justify its sex a proxy for miles driven, the Industry and unjustifiable discrimination against ance. discriminatory rating systems and price has justified overcharging both young manipulation to Inflate profits. We have men and young women, but more heav· seld from the beginning that their sys­ ily overcharging1young men. The indus­ tem was a hpuse of cards. We said try then has had the effrontery to call that It did not reflect reality for the this practlca a "break" for women. The vast majority of people and could not reality is that because of differences withstand scrutiny.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Beneath the Surface: Argentine-United States Relations As Perón Assumed the Presidency
    Beneath the Surface: Argentine-United States Relations as Perón Assumed the Presidency Vivian Reed June 5, 2009 HST 600 Latin American Seminar Dr. John Rector 1 Juan Domingo Perón was elected President of Argentina on February 24, 1946,1 just as the world was beginning to recover from World War II and experiencing the first traces of the Cold War. The relationship between Argentina and the United States was both strained and uncertain at this time. The newly elected Perón and his controversial wife, Eva, represented Argentina. The United States’ presence in Argentina for the preceding year was primarily presented through Ambassador Spruille Braden.2 These men had vastly differing perspectives and visions for Argentina. The contest between them was indicative of the relationship between the two nations. Beneath the public and well-documented contest between Perón and United States under the leadership of Braden and his successors, there was another player whose presence was almost unnoticed. The impact of this player was subtlety effective in normalizing relations between Argentina and the United States. The player in question was former United States President Herbert Hoover, who paid a visit to Argentina and Perón in June of 1946. This paper will attempt to describe the nature of Argentine-United States relations in mid-1946. Hoover’s mission and insights will be examined. In addition, the impact of his visit will be assessed in light of unfolding events and the subsequent historiography. The most interesting aspect of the historiography is the marked absence of this episode in studies of Perón and Argentina3 even though it involved a former United States President and the relations with 1 Alexander, 53.
    [Show full text]
  • Noam Chomsky: Turning the Tide
    NOAM CHOMSKY TURNING THE TIDE US Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace ESSENTIAL CLASSICS IN POLITICS: NOAM CHOMSKY EB 0007 ISBN 0 7453 1345 0 London 1999 The Electric Book Company Ltd Pluto Press Ltd 20 Cambridge Drive 345 Archway Rd London SE12 8AJ, UK London N6 5AA, UK www.elecbook.com www.plutobooks.com © Noam Chomsky 1999 Limited printing and text selection allowed for individual use only. All other reproduction, whether by printing or electronically or by any other means, is expressly forbidden without the prior permission of the publishers. This file may only be used as part of the CD on which it was first issued. TURNING THE TIDE US Intervention in Central America and the Struggle for Peace Noam Chomsky 4 Copyright 1985 by Noam Chomsky Manufactured in the USA Production at South End Press, Boston Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Chomsky, Noam Turning the tide. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Central America—Politics and government—1979- . 2. Violence—Central America—History—20th century. 3. Civil rights—Central America—History—20th century. 4. Central America—Foreign relations—United States. 5. United States— Foreign relations—Central America. I. Title F1 436. 8. U6 1985 327. 728073 ISBN: 0-7453-0184-3 Digital processing by The Electric Book Company 20 Cambridge Drive, London SE12 8AJ, UK www.elecbook.com Classics in Politics: Turning the Tide Noam Chomsky 5 Contents Click on number to go to page Introduction................................................................................. 8 1. Free World Vignettes .............................................................. 11 1. The Miseries of Traditional Life.............................................. 15 2. Challenge and Response: Nicaragua......................................
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua= a Blueprint for Democracy
    558 , . ,. .. .. .. _..I..i.:... I., I I .. 1." . January 20, 1987 ... .. ~ .. -... NICARAGUA= A BLUEPRINT FOR DEMOCRACY INTRODUCTION The democratic aspirations of Nicaraguans have been suppressed by dictatorships of both left and right for most of their nation's history. Yet the chances for democracy's emergence in Nicaragua seem better now than ever before. Just this week, the United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) and the Southern Opposition Bloc (BOS) issued a manifesto, which is a democratic alternative to the Sandinista political program. When the Marxist Sandinista regime is finally overthrown by these nationalist democratic forces, Nicaraguans will need the support and cooperation of the Western democracies in developing a truly pluralist system of government and rebuilding their nation's..economy. With the tide in Latin America now running strongly in favor of democracy, Nicaragua could follow the example of' Argentina, Ecuador, Uruguay, and other nations that have experienced a transition from military dictatorship to democratic rule. To do so, however, Nicaragua will need a blueprint for building democracy, once the current Marxist-Leninist Sandinista-regime collapses. Such a plan for pluralism should include: o Drafting a timetable for truly free and fair national elections, beginning with the election of a constituent assembly and ending with concurrent elections for a president, a legislative assembly, and mayoralties/municipal councils; o Assuring Nicaragua's Indian, Creole, and other minorities that they will be free to follow their unique cultural and religious practices in perpetuity; o Revitalizing the Nicaraguan economy through sweeping structural economic reforms: legal guarantee of private property rights; streamlining the government bureaucracy: and privatization of state-owned holdings.
    [Show full text]
  • Forced Relocation: Catalyst for Indigenous Resistance on Nicaragua’S Atlantic Coast, 1980–1990
    STUDIA HISTORICA GEDANENSIA TOM V (2014) John‑Paul Wilson (St. John’s University, New York, USA) Forced Relocation: Catalyst for Indigenous Resistance on Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast, 1980–1990 Since colonial times, the people of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast have developed a distinctive cultural and ethnic heritage that has evolved separately and often contrary to that of the Hispanic civilization to the west. Within a region comprising nearly two‑thirds of Nicaragua’s national territory, a diverse population of approximately 120,000 Indians and Creoles has successfully resisted repeated attempts by the state to assimilate them into the cultural mainstream. As a result of their geographic isolation from the Spanish conquest and their proximity to the Caribbean, the aboriginal population of the Atlantic Coast came into extensive contact with British traders as well as a small number of African slaves whose English language, social customs, and ethnic stock both contributed to the rise of the Miskito1, Sumu, Rama, and Creole peoples. This emergence of new local identities also coincided with the establishment of independent cultural and political structures. Likewise, the regional adaptation of Moravian religiosity and North American capitalist tendencies served to further differentiate the Costeños from Mestizo society.2 Consequently, the inhabitants of the Atlantic Coast came to regard the Nicaraguan state as an intrusive foreign entity that at times sought to impose its authority and Hispanic culture over the region. For the most part, the indigenous communities of the Atlantic Coast enjoyed a sense of political and cultural autonomy not experienced by other ethnic 1 Over the centuries, there has been a number of different spellings for the term Miskito (i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Article Commentary: Maddux on Schmitz and Walker David F. Schmitz and Vanessa Walker, “Jimmy Carter and the Foreign P
    H-Diplo Article Commentary: Maddux on Schmitz and Walker David F. Schmitz and Vanessa Walker, “Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights: The Development of a Post-Cold War Foreign Policy,” Diplomatic History, Volume 28, Issue 1 (January 2004): 113-143. Commentary by Thomas R. Maddux, California State University, Northridge, [email protected] Published by H-Diplo on 15 February 2004 David Schmitz and Vanessa Walker have offered a challenging reappraisal of President Jimmy Carter’s integration of human rights considerations into U.S. foreign policy. In their review of the existing literature, they note several recent works by Douglas Brinkley and Robert Strong that emphasize the positive contributions of Carter’s integration of human rights considerations into U.S. policy-formulation. Carter’s revival of American idealism in his public statements on human rights has certainly been applauded by many historians who welcomed a recovery from the aftermath of the Vietnam conflict and the sometimes unsavory expediency of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s detente strategy. Schmitz and Walker, however, emphasize that most interpreters stress inconsistency in Carter’s policies, debilitating conflict between Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and naiveté in dealings with the Soviet Union and the implementation of human rights policy. (pp. 114-116) Schmitz and Walker reject the critical perspective on Carter’s foreign policy based on human rights. In their examination of the administration’s development of a comprehensive policy on human rights in 1977, they emphasize that Carter and other officials involved in developing a new policy were “well aware of the difficulties, contradictions, and potential inconsistencies and problems with their policy.” (p.
    [Show full text]
  • Past Maria Moors Cabot Prizes Winners
    Last updated: 7/13/20 Past Maria Moors Cabot Prizes Winners: 2019 1. Angela Kocherga, The Albuquerque Journal, Gold Medal, United States ​ ​ ​ 2. Pedro Xavier Molina, Cartoonist, Gold Medal, Nicaragua ​ ​ ​ 3. Boris Muñoz, The New York Times en Español, Gold Medal, United States ​ ​ ​ 4. Marcela Turati, Author and Journalist, Gold Medal, Mexico ​ 5. Armando.Info, Special Citation, Venezuela ​ ​ ​ 2018 1. Hugo Alconada Mon, La Nación, Gold Medal, Argentina ​ ​ ​ 2. Jacqueline Charles, Miami Herald, Gold Medal, United States ​ ​ ​ 3. Graciela Mochkofsky, Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at CUNY, Gold Medal, United ​ States 4. Fernando Rodrigues, Poder360, Gold Medal, Brazil ​ ​ ​ 5. Meridith Kohut, Photojournalism Cover of Venezuela for The New York Times, Citation, United States ​ ​ ​ ​ ​ 2017 1. Martín Caparrós, Writer and Journalist, Gold Medal, Argentina ​ 2. Dorrit Harazim, Journalist, Gold Medal, Brazil ​ 3. Nick Miroff, The Washington Post, Gold Medal, United States ​ 4. Mimi Whitefield, Miami Herald, Gold Medal, United States ​ 2016 1. Rodrigo Abd, The Associated Press, Gold Medal, Peru ​ 2. Rosental Alves, The Knight Center for Journalism, Gold Medal, United States ​ 3. Margarita Martínez, Independent Filmmaker, Gold Medal, Colombia ​ 4. Óscar Martínez, El Faro, Gold Medal, El Salvador ​ ​ ​ 5. Marina Walker Guevara and The Panama Papers Reporting Team, International Consortium ​ ​ of International Journalists, Citation, United States ​ 2015 1. Lucas Mendes, GloboNews, Gold Medal, Brazil ​ ​ ​ 2. Raúl Peñaranda, Página Siete, Gold Medal, Bolivia ​ ​ ​ 1 3. Simon Romero, The New York Times, Gold Medal, United States ​ ​ ​ 4. Mark Stevenson, Associated Press, Gold Medal, United States ​ 5. Ernesto Londoño, The New York Times, Citation, United States ​ ​ ​ 2014 1. Frank Bajak, Chief of the Andean Region, Associated Press, Gold Medal, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sa^^Di^Iistan Revolution in Nicaragua
    THE SA^^DI^IISTAN REVOLUTION IN NICARAGUA DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN Political Science BY KAUSAR ^AMIfe HlbAbY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1990 I DS2312 Dr. B. RAHAMATHULLA DBPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Reader ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH This is to certify that Mr. Kausar Jamil Hilaly is a bona fide research student in the Department of Political Science, A.M.U., Aligarh. He has written a dissertation entitled "The Sandinistan Revolution in Nicaragua" under my supervision and guidance. This work is original and I believe it is suitable for the award of M.Phil, degree. lATHULLA Preface ii Chapterl INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter II ROLE OF IDEOLOGY,CHURCH AND PRESS IN THE REVOLOTION 25' Chapter III INSURRECTION: BEGINNING AND END OF SOMOZAS 51 ChapterlV SUPER POWER INVOLVEMENT ; CCN5TR/\.INTS AND SUCCESSES 65 Chapter V CONCLUSION 90 Bibliography 109 ii PREFACE A land bridge between North and South America and a narrow isthmus separating the Atlantic from the Pacific Ocean, Central America Has been at economic and cultural crossroads and a battleground for foreign powers through­ out its history. The line of volcanoes dotting its Pacific mountain chains and periodic earthquakes seem to mirror the unsettled nature of the land. In fact, the enduring allure of the region derives from its unique geographical position. Spain, later France and Britain, and finally the United States have all come to appreciate its strategic importance for both North and South America. However, military intervention and political interference by these nations in this area over the years has made anti-imperialism a rallying point for revolutionary movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Revolution and Repression: U.S. Foreign Policy and Latin American Democracy, 1980-1989
    Beyond Revolution and Repression: U.S. Foreign Policy and Latin American Democracy, 1980-1989 Evan Daniel McCormick Charlottesville, VA Bachelor of Arts, Boston University, 2003 Master of Arts, Yale University, 2007 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August, 2015 Beyond Revolution and Repression: U.S. Foreign Policy and Latin American Democracy, 1980-1989 Evan D. McCormick Table of Contents Introduction................................................………………………………………………………. 1 Ideology, Politics, and Power: The Reagan Administration Confronts Latin America, 1981-1982……...………………38 “Silent Partners” or Explicit Allies? The Failure of U.S. Quiet Diplomacy and Human Rights in Latin America, 1981-1983………………………………………..89 “The Map of Democracy is the Map of Human Rights” Global Change and Democratic Openings in Latin America, 1983-1984………...……133 “A Golden Opportunity to Break with Statism” The Dilemmas of Democracy Promotion Programs, 1984-1987……………………….203 Freedom Fighters and Comandantes: Perceptions of Democracy in the Central American Crisis, 1985-1988…………..........251 Conclusion: Beyond Revolution and Repression?………………………………………….......298 Archives and Bibliography.…...………………………..………………………………………320 1 Introduction On September 3, 1980, in the midst of the presidential campaign season, NBC aired a ninety minute primetime documentary titled White Paper: The Castro Connection that investigated Cuban involvement in revolutionary violence in Central America. Filled with grainy and gruesome footage of bloodshed in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, the special concluded with a segment on the disagreements between presidential candidates over the proper U.S. response. Appearing in place of President Jimmy Carter, Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher explained in measured tones that the Carter administration believed that Nicaragua was not a “lost cause.” U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Photos So You Can Then Gets Hired to Do, We Predict Their Market Based Forebears
    NIEMAN REPORTS fall 2012 Vol. 66 No. 3 Nieman Reports The Nieman Foundation for Journalism Harvard University One Francis Avenue Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 Nieman To promote and elevate the standards of journalism VOL. 66 N VOL. Reports The NiemaN FouNdaTioN For JourNalism aT harvard UniversiTy O . 3 FALL 2012 3 FALL . Ion age an fellow on How Harvard’snI MastereM of nInnovat tHe Internet eed I tutors a succ Ia Can BE THE DISRUPTOR BE Med ALSO in THIS issue Lessons From Fukushima Interview with Yoichi Funabashi The Big Chill By Dan Froomkin UNIVERSITY HARVARD AT THE NIEMAN FOUNDATION e The Magician’s Daughter H By Maggie Jones Plus Howard Berkes on Covering the Olympics Bet Hedrick Smith’s ‘Who Stole the American Dream?’ Shirley Christian on ‘The Good Girls Revolt’ Clayton M. Christensen, dIsruptorHarvard Business School In This Issue Clayton M. Christensen, left, of Harvard Business School; David Skok, right, a 2012 Nieman Fellow. Cover Story: Be the Disruptor Photos by John Soares. Harvard Business School professor Clayton M. Christensen’s theory of disruptive innovation provides a framework to understand how businesses grow, become successful, and falter as nimble start-ups muscle in on their customers. It’s a familiar story, one that has played out in the steel and auto industries, among others. Now Christensen, in collaboration with 2012 Martin Wise Goodman Canadian Nieman Fellow David Skok, has applied his analysis to the news industry. Their goal in “Breaking News” is to encourage news executives to apply the lessons of disruption to the media industry as a means of charting new paths to survival and success.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America: Nicaragua - a Case Study Hunter R
    American University International Law Review Volume 16 | Issue 3 Article 2 2001 Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America: Nicaragua - A Case Study Hunter R. Clark Amanda Velazquez Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Clark, Hunter R. and Amanda Velazquez. "Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America: Nicaragua - A Case Study." American University International Law Review 16, no. 3 (2001): 743-807. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN LATIN AMERICA: NICARAGUA - A CASE STUDY HUNTER R. CLARK' AMANDA VELAZQUEZ- I. INTRODUCTION: NICARAGUA-A BEAUTIFUL AND BRAVE LAND ................................... 744 II. FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT (FDI) IN LATIN AMERICA ......................... ............ 749 A. NEW OPPORTUNITIES .................................. 749 B. Is LATIN AMERICA DOOMED TO FAIL? ............... _.753 1. The distance between the rich and the poor........... 753 2. Hoiv free trade helps ................................ 756 C. RELUCTANCE TO INVEST IN NICARAGUA ................. 759 1. Nicaragua is desperately poor ....... ............. 759 2. Lack of confidence in Nicaragua'scourts .............. 760 III. REFORMS UNDERTAKEN BY NICARAGUA ......... 762 A. FREE TRADE AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION .............. 762 B. ATTRACTING FDI ................................... 763 1. StructuralAdjustments and Reform Initiatives ......... 763 2. Fightingpoverty ...................................... 766 3. Tax refonn................................. 767 4. Electoral reform ............................... 767 5. The property question......................... 768 6.
    [Show full text]
  • The ATCA Case Against a Corporate Abettor of Pinochet Atrocities
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 2005 Taking Riggs Seriously: The TA CA Case Against a Corporate Abettor of Pinochet Atrocities Shaw W. Scott Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Scott, Shaw W., "Taking Riggs Seriously: The TA CA Case Against a Corporate Abettor of Pinochet Atrocities" (2005). Minnesota Law Review. 691. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/691 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Note Taking Riggs Seriously: The ATCA Case Against a Corporate Abettor of Pinochet Atrocities Shaw W Scott* In June 2004, a U.S. congressional investigation revealed that Riggs Bank (Riggs) had opened, maintained, and concealed at least six bank accounts for the former Chilean dictator, Au- gusto Pinochet.1 This news came as a surprise to many who be- lieved that Pinochet, although a brutal dictator, was not a cor- rupt one.2 Pinochet, a general in the Chilean army, came to power during a bloody military coup in Chile on September 11, 1973.3 During his seventeen-year dictatorship, the military government committed numerous atrocities ranging from exe- cutions and torture to terrorist acts and disappearances. 4 While Pinochet himself refuses to accept responsibility for these atrocities, the Chilean army recently admitted to its involve- * J.D. Candidate 2006, University of Minnesota Law School; B.A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pulitzer Prizes for International Reporting in the Fourth Phase of Their Development, 1978-1989
    INTRODUCTION THE PULITZER PRIZES FOR INTERNATIONAL REPORTING IN THE FOURTH PHASE OF THEIR DEVELOPMENT, 1978-1989 Heinz-Dietrich Fischer As a result of the Vietnam war, the American people lost much of their confidence in the basic political constellations and institutions.1 This crisis of public confidence pertained also to the media in the United States. "A powerful and influential segment of the American public," Hohenberg states in June, 1978, "has developed strong doubts about its press, both as to reliability and judgment. While this has happened before in the history of the republic, the separation has seldom been so pronounced. Nor has it lasted so long. The gab between press and people is not easy to define. In all probability, it parallels to a very large degree the sense of alienation and resentment that exists between many prime movers in government and the most influential part of the press."2 These strained relations finally influenced the attitude of the Pulitzer Prize Committees toward the submitted press material. It was no longer the "hard" stories which prevailed in the lists of prize-winners, but those involving human interest and feelings, as exemplified by Henry Kamm's coverage of the boat people's tragedy which had won the award in 19783 for stories published during the preceding year.4 The idea to award the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting on a humanitarian foreign subject seems to have had its effects of the following year's prize decision, too. When President William McGill of Columbia-University announced the Pulitzer Prize-winners on April 16, 1979, his list included the name of Richard Ben Cramer of the Philadelphia Inquirer who was elected prize-winner, out of a total number of 60 nominees in his category, "for 1 Cf.
    [Show full text]