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The Intersectionality of Precarity

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The Intersectionality of Precarity 104 Symposium and automation shape what kind of work a vital task, one that transcends the silos of gets seen as precarious? What kind of polit- sociology to expand our reckoning of impor- ical and cultural conditions affect the trajec- tant social trends: understanding the tory of technology and its impact on who broader impacts of provisioning. gets to have work, who must work, and whose precarious lives depend on it? By adding culture, race and gender inequal- References ities, and technology to the conversation, Collins, Caitlyn. 2019. Making Motherhood Work: we can use Precarious Lives to think further How Women Manage Careers and Caregiving. about a future that is already here. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Kalleberg has written a comprehensive Gordon, Linda. 1995. Pitied but Not Entitled: Single comparative analysis of precarious work Mothers and the History of Welfare, 1890–1935. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. and its effects that ripple out well beyond Pugh, Allison J. 2015. The Tumbleweed Society: work and the workplace. It is important Working and Caring in an Age of Insecurity. that we understand how countries have New York: Oxford University Press. managed these effects and how institutional Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. The Color of Welfare: How and cultural practices shape consequences Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New for the well-being of people, their families, York: Oxford University Press. and communities. The book contributes to The Intersectionality of Precarity JOYA MISRA University of Massachusetts-Amherst [email protected] In Precarious Lives: Job Insecurity and Well- long experienced ‘‘uncertain, insecure, and Being in Rich Democracies, Arne Kalleberg risky work relations’’ (p. 18). takes a comparative approach to precarious Taking a Polanyian (1944) approach to work in wealthy countries—considering political economy, and building on power social welfare and labor market institutions resource theory, Kalleberg argues that in Denmark, Germany, Japan, Spain, the modern welfare states balance free and United Kingdom, and the United States flexible markets with state-provided social and making contributions not only to the protections. Unregulated markets lead to sociology of work and organizations but disaster—yet for reasons of culture as well also to political economy. Precarious work, as political and economic institutions, these for Kalleberg, means work that is ‘‘uncertain, countries have adopted different levels of unstable, and insecure, and in which employees social protection. State intervention includes bear the risk of work (as opposed to businesses social welfare spending and unemployment or the government) and receive limited social benefits, as well as active labor market poli- benefits and statutory entitlements’’ (p. 3, cies aimed at helping workers transition to emphasis original). Thus, precarious work new jobs and employment protections. The means that workers experience a high risk book also describes change over time, as of job loss and unpredictability, receive lim- neoliberal reforms have led to greater reli- ited wages and benefits, and can rely on ance on market solutions and fewer and few protections and labor rights. Precarious fewer protections for workers in all of these work has been increasing among workers countries. in wealthy countries—though precarity is Exploring nonstandard employment rela- nothing new, as Kalleberg states, and wom- tions, job insecurity, economic insecurity, en, immigrants, and workers of color have challenges transitioning to adulthood, and Contemporary Sociology 50, 2 Symposium 105 subjective well-being, Kalleberg demon- between migrants from within Western strates that the countries under study have Europe and from elsewhere. Kalleberg occa- adopted different approaches to precarious sionally refers to immigrants and particular- jobs. While Denmark adopts embedded flex- ly their access to education and training. Yet ibilization, which allows markets to be flex- there are broad differences in ethnic diversi- ible while collectivizing risk, Germany, ty that may factor into the country variations Spain, and Japan adopt dualization, which that he points out. It would be important to protects some workers and abandons other know if the positive cases, like Denmark, workers to precarity. The United States and have also protected their immigrant labor the United Kingdom exemplify deregula- force. tory liberalization, allowing markets even Placing social reproduction more centrally greater freedom, extending precarity, and at the heart of these questions might identify leaving many, if not most, workers with how changes in gender regimes are con- very limited protections. nected to growing precarity. Social repro- The argument is both clear and appropri- duction refers to the ability of workers to ately complex and provides an important reproduce themselves. Capitalism tasks perspective on how precarious jobs have workers with producing goods or services become so common, the many negative out- that owners can sell at a profit—over and comes that emanate from precarity, and, above materials and labor costs. Yet those more hopefully, that it is possible to have labor costs should include enough for work- both strong economies and labor protec- ers to have families and produce the next tions. Kalleberg argues for three key policy generation of citizens and workers. If changes: a stronger safety net, greater access employers pay too little for workers to find to education and training, and more robust housing, shelter, and food, they will not be employment protections. able to work, much less reproduce. Histori- While I appreciate what Kalleberg has cally, as Kalleberg points out, employers accomplished, future work should build on and the state may prioritize support for par- his foundation, to understand this shift to ticular families, more likely to pay living precarity as further reflecting gender and wages to members of dominant racial and family dynamics as well as racial/ethnic ethnic groups. and immigration diversity. These are two sep- Much social reproduction occurs within arate points, although they dovetail in a num- families and is carried out by women, often ber of ways. We must recognize that precarity relying on the labor of immigrant and racial- is not an equal-opportunity disaster. minority women, who provide care for the Throughout the book, Kalleberg only tan- elderly, the sick, and children, as well as pre- gentially recognizes gender and families. paring food and other services employed For example, the book points out that while families farm out. Gender, race, and nation- men’s tenure at jobs has been decreasing, ality also intersect in how social reproduc- women’s tenure has been increasing, and it tion occurs. For dominant groups and for explains how precarious jobs have led to some time periods, men were able to earn delays in family formation and family stabili- a ‘‘male breadwinner wage,’’ which defini- ty. Yet the book does not fully consider how tionally meant that they could provide for economic transformations have led most fam- their families in ways that reflected an ilies to rely on two, rather than one, wage assumed gendered division of labor. In the earners or the attending impact on social current era, more women, including more reproduction. Precarity has fundamentally women from dominant groups, are engaged changed work patterns for men and women in labor market activities—not simply in wealthy countries. because of their interest in participating in Analyzing ethnicity and immigration is waged work, but also because employers a challenge in comparative political econo- expect that social reproduction occurs not my, since many European surveys do not through income from one worker but from consistently collect data on ethnicity and incomes from two or more workers and, in migration data often does not differentiate places like the United States, three or more Contemporary Sociology 50, 2 106 Symposium jobs. This produces dramatic changes in the Families also rely on the precarious work gender regime, particularly for families of other service workers, such as immigrant from dominant groups. or racial-minority domestic and care work- Women from certain groups are more ers. Precarity thus consistently generates likely to find themselves in part-time not only class, but also gender, nationality, work—which may allow them to balance and race inequalities. Just as, for centuries, the unpaid work within the home that is immigrants and communities of color have necessary for social reproduction. Immi- subsidized the better conditions enjoyed by grant women and women of color are members of dominant groups, in the more likely to be in nonstandard care-work twenty-first century, they continue to subsi- arrangements, earning very low wages for dize the profits of employers and owners the critical work of social reproduction. Cer- even as members of dominant groups tain workers, by gender, race, and national- increasingly experience precarity. ity, are also more likely to be employed in The story about generalized precarity short-term, temporary positions with few takes on a different cast when recognizing protections. The precarity found in nonstan- that Spain, the United States, and the United dard employment relations reflects not only Kingdom are not only the most insecure, but class, but also gender, race, and nationality. also the most racially and ethnically diverse, Employers may be more
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