South Korea: "Sunshine Policy"
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Sunshine in Korea
CENTER FOR ASIA PACIFIC POLICY International Programs at RAND CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Center for Asia Pacific Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. The monograph/report was a product of the RAND Corporation from 1993 to 2003. RAND monograph/reports presented major research findings that addressed the challenges facing the public and private sectors. They included executive summaries, technical documentation, and synthesis pieces. Sunshine in Korea The South Korean Debate over Policies Toward North Korea Norman D. -
Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
Kim Dae Jung and the Sunshine Policy: an Appealing Policy Option for Inter-Korean Relations
SARJANA Volume 27, No. 1, June 2012, pp. 1–15 KIM DAE JUNG AND THE SUNSHINE POLICY: AN APPEALING POLICY OPTION FOR INTER-KOREAN RELATIONS 1 Geetha Govindasamy Abstract Kim Dae Jung, an opposition leader who later became the president of South Korea in 1998 is celebrated for his progressive outlook that facilitated engagement with North Korea. Kim’s harsh political experience as a persecuted pro-democracy crusader at the hands of authoritarian South Korean regimes contributed to his more progressive political orientation towards North Korea compared to his predecessors. Changes in the global environment that included the end of Cold War and the Asian financial crisis are also important in understanding Kim’s approach towards North Korea. Had North Korea collapsed in the 1990s, the South with its weakened economy would have had to deal with increased instability and a likely massive influx of the North’s population. As such, engagement was seen as a preferred option by Kim because the cost of reverting to containment would have been politically and economically too high for South Korea. The article argues that Kim’s Sunshine Policy increased opportunities for economic and social linkages between the two Koreas and improved the situation in North Korea itself. In comparison, the conservative government of Lee Myung Bak’s rigid North Korea policy has not only damaged inter-Korean cooperation but has also increased tensions on the Korean peninsula. Keywords: Kim Dae Jung, Sunshine policy, inter-Korea relations, North Korea, South Korea South Korean President Kim Dae Jung became notable when he introduced the Sunshine Policy2 in 1998 to engage North Korea. -
The Sunshine Policy and Its Aftermath
The Sunshine Policy and its Aftermath Youngho Kim (Department of Political Science, Sungshin Women's University) I. Introduction The Kim Dae-jung administration's sunshine policy represents a paradigm shift in South Korea's policy toward North Korea. The traditional paradigm was the containment of North Korea based on the defense alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea. During his presidency the containment policy was replaced by the proactive engagement policy to induce gradual changes of the North Korean regime through reconciliation and economic cooperation. His presidency experienced the North Korea's naval provocations in 1999 and 2002. The emergence of the Bush administration with reservations on the sunshine policy and suspicion of the Agreed Framework created strains on US-ROK alliance. Yet the sunshine policy was pursued without interruption until the end of his presidency. The dispatch of the special envoy to find a peaceful solution for the North Korea's nuclear standoff in January 2003 represents last-minute efforts to rescue the engagement policy. The next administration cannot be free from the legacies of the sunshine policy. Indeed, President-elect Roh Moo-hyun is expected to carry on the former administration's engagement policy toward North Korea.1 Critical assessments of the theoretical backgrounds and the achievements of the sunshine policy will help the Roh Moo-hyun administration to devise and implement its new policies toward North Korea. The Kim Dae-jung administration also raises theoretical questions in pursuit of the sunshine policy. One of the most important issues is the announcement of the policy to dissolve the Cold War structure on the Korean peninsula the administration considers one of the barriers to improving inter-Korean relations. -
Title, Table of Contents, Acknowledgements
☯ A TURNING POINT: DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN THE ROK AND STRATEGIC READJUSTMENT IN THE U.S.-ROK ALLIANCE Alexandre Y. Mansourov ii About APCSS The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) is a Department of Defense regional study, conference, and research center established in Honolulu, Hawaii, on September 4, 1995. The Center staff and faculty of 127, including civilians, multi-service active duty military and contract workers, support the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and complements PACOM's theater security cooperation strategy of maintaining positive security relationships with nations in the Asia-Pacific region. With its non-warfighting, academic focus, the APCSS builds upon strong bilateral relationships between PACOM and 45 Asia-Pacific region governments, and their armed forces, by focusing on a broader multilateral approach to addressing regional security issues and concerns. The Center’s mission is “to provide a forum where current and future military and civilian leaders from Asia-Pacific nations gather to enhance security cooperation through programs of executive education, professional exchange, and policy-relevant research.” The APCSS principles are transparency, non- attribution, and mutual respect. Its website is http://www.apcss.org/. The Center embraces its vision as an internationally recognized, premier study, research, and conference institution, actively contributing to stability and security in the Asia-Pacific Region. iii ROK Turning Point ALEXANDRE Y. MANSOUROV EDITOR ©ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES HONOLULU, HAWAII 2005 Alexandre Y. Mansourov iv Copyright @ 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Published 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Honolulu, Hawaii Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. -
South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang. -
Korea's Economy
2014 Overview and Macroeconomic Issues Lessons from the Economic Development Experience of South Korea Danny Leipziger The Role of Aid in Korea's Development Lee Kye Woo Future Prospects for the Korean Economy Jung Kyu-Chul Building a Creative Economy The Creative Economy of the Park Geun-hye Administration Cha Doo-won The Real Korean Innovation Challenge: Services and Small Businesses KOREA Robert D. Atkinson Spurring the Development of Venture Capital in Korea Randall Jones ’S ECONOMY VOLUME 30 Economic Relations with Europe KOREA’S ECONOMY Korea’s Economic Relations with the EU and the Korea-EU FTA apublicationoftheKoreaEconomicInstituteof America Kang Yoo-duk VOLUME 30 and theKoreaInstituteforInternationalEconomicPolicy 130 years between Korea and Italy: Evaluation and Prospect Oh Tae Hyun 2014: 130 Years of Diplomatic Relations between Korea and Italy Angelo Gioe 130th Anniversary of Korea’s Economic Relations with Russia Jeong Yeo-cheon North Korea The Costs of Korean Unification: Realistic Lessons from the German Case Rudiger Frank President Park Geun-hye’s Unification Vision and Policy Jo Dongho Kor ea Economic Institute of America Korea Economic Institute of America 1800 K Street, NW Suite 1010 Washington, DC 20006 KEI EDITORIAL BOARD KEI Editor: Troy Stangarone Contract Editor: Gimga Group The Korea Economic Institute of America is registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act as an agent of the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, a public corporation established by the Government of the Republic of Korea. This material is filed with the Department of Justice, where the required registration statement is available for public inspection. Registration does not indicate U.S. -
Reassessing the Sunshine Policy in the Light of Conflict Transformation Theory
April 2017 Journal of Conflict Transformation & Security Reassessing the Sunshine Policy in the Light of Conflict Transformation Theory By Mi-yeon Hur* Abstract This paper critically assesses South Korean President Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy in the light of conflict transformation theory that synthesizes and further develops pre -established theoretical assumptions about conflict management and resolution. The Sunshine Policy is often discredited due to its failure to change North Korea’s belligerent attitude and behaviour, but I argue that, in fact, it had considerable transformative effects on inter-Korean relations and South Korea’s perspectives toward North Korea by proactively engaging with Pyongyang through economic cooperation projects. However, the policy fell short of dismantling the Cold War structure on the Korean peninsula, primarily because it did not effectively address relations between the United States and North Korea, the epicentre of the destructive Cold War structure. Key words: Sunshine Policy, conflict transformation, inter-Korean relations, Kim Dae- jung, Kim Jong-il. www.cesran.org Journal of Conflict * Mi-yeon Hur is an assistant professor at Korea University, Sejong Campus. Hur’s research interests Transformation & Security lie primarily in the area of foreign policy analysis, multilateral security cooperation, nuclear non- Vol. 6| No. 1 proliferation, and conflict transformation. Her most recent publication is “Revisiting the Cheonan Sinking in the Yellow Sea” (2016) in the Pacific Review. April 2017 Journal of Conflict Reassessing the Sunshine Policy Transformation in the Light of Conflict Transformation Theory & Security Introduction Since the end of the Cold War, Northeast Asia has undergone profound changes. Inter-Korean relations have also experienced drastic changes since the late 1990s, especially during and after the Kim Dae-jung (DJ) administration, during which South Korea redefined its national interests and sought a new national security strategy. -
South Korean Identities in Strategies of Engagement with North Korea
South Korean Identities in Strategies of Engagement with North Korea: A Case Study of President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy Volume I Son Key-young A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy GRADUATE SCHOOL Of EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD June 2004 Abstract This dissertation is a theoretically grounded empirical study aimed at shedding light on the multiple dimensions of South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy of engaging North Korea. It questions the ontological viability of conventional strategies and theories of engagement and produces a framework of comprehensi ve engagement based on realist, liberal and, most importantly, constructivist approaches. The study focuses on identifying the new tools of engagement employed by South Korea's policy elites, who created a social environment for South Koreans' shift of identities vis-a-vis North Korea in the course of implementing this engagement policy. To support the thesis of a momentous shift in identities as a result of the Sunshine Policy, this study uses a wide range of interviews with policy e,lites and sets of opinion polls published by news organizations and government agencies, while at the same time analyzing the policy from a theoretical and historical perspective. In order to provide concrete evidence of the identity shift, this dissertation analyzes three major policy issues during the Kim administration: North Korea's improvement of diplomatic relations with Western powers; the Hyundai Business Group's Mt. Kumgang tourism project and its link to the inter-Korean summit in June 2000; and North Korea's revelation of a nuclear weapons programme in October 2002. -
Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations Issues for Congress
Order Code IB98045 CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations — Issues for Congress Updated June 16, 2005 Larry A. Niksch Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS U.S. Interests in South Korea Recent Issues Relations with North Korea Nuclear Weapons and the Six-Party Talks North Korea’s Missile Program Weapons of Mass Destruction North Korea’s Inclusion on the U.S. Terrorism List Food Aid North Korean Refugees in China and Human Rights South Korea’s Sunshine Policy and the Hyundai Payments to North Korea Anti-Americanism and Plans to Change the U.S. Military Presence FOR ADDITIONAL READING IB98045 06-16-05 Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations — Issues for Congress SUMMARY North Korea’s decision in December military interdiction against North Korea. 2002 to restart nuclear installations at Yongb- China organized six-party talks among the yon that were shut down under the U.S.-North United States, China, Japan, North Korea, Korean Agreed Framework of 1994 and its South Korea, and Russia in mid-2003, but the announced withdrawal from the Nuclear Non- talks have made little progress. U.S. attempts Proliferation Treaty create an acute foreign to isolate North Korea in the talks have been policy problem for the United States. Restart- countered by North Korea’s strategy of threats ing the Yongbyon facilities opens up a possi- to leave the talks, the issuance of settlement ble North Korean intent to stage a “nuclear proposals, accusations that the United States breakout” of its nuclear program and openly plans an “Iraq-like” attack on North Korea, produce nuclear weapons. -
Public Interest 'Blackballing' in South Korea's Elections
PARTY POLITICS VOL 8. No.5 pp. 541–562 Copyright © 2002 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi PUBLIC INTEREST ‘BLACKBALLING’ IN SOUTH KOREA’S ELECTIONS Shale Horowitz and Sunwoong Kim ABSTRACT South Korea’s April 2000 congressional elections saw large numbers of incumbent candidates defeated. The South Korean mass media attributed considerable importance to the activities of a public interest umbrella organization, the Citizens’ Alliance (CA) for the 2000 General Elections. CA ‘blackballed’ 86 candidates of all parties as corrupt, unqualified or otherwise unsuited for office, and 59 of these candidates lost. After controlling for a variety of other factors – characteristics of districts, candidates and parties, and campaign spending – we find that CA did indeed exert a remarkably strong influence on electoral outcomes. Being blackballed was most damaging to independent candidates. Blackballing had the greatest impact on the probability of winning in districts with weaker party loyalties, and, somewhat ironically, for candidates of the ruling Millennium Democratic Party – the party most closely identified with the issue of clean government. KEY WORDS Ⅲ elections Ⅲ endorsements Ⅲ public interest groups Ⅲ South Korea Introduction South Korea’s April 2000 legislative elections achieved unusual inter- national notoriety because of the apparently strong impact of an unusual type of public interest organization, the Citizens’ Alliance for the 2000 General Elections. The Citizens’ Alliance (CA) did not endorse candidates, but rather ‘blackballed’ -
NORTH KOREA in 2000 Surviving Through High Hopes of Summit Diplomacy
NORTH KOREA IN 2000 Surviving through High Hopes of Summit Diplomacy Samuel S. Kim Whatever the future uncertainties, the year 2000 was the best of times in Pyongyang’s checkered international life—with many histor- ical firsts. Of all the year’s first-ever benchmark events, it was the three-day (June 13–15) summit meeting in Pyongyang between South Korean President Kim Dae Jung and North Korea’s Chairman Kim Jong Il, with the resulting North-South Joint Declaration (June 15), that easily stood out as the single greatest one, with enormous repercussions throughout the Korean Peninsula and beyond. The Pyongyang summit, the first of its kind in the half-century history of the politics of competitive legitimation and delegitimation on the divided Korean Peninsula, has led to some paradoxical expectations and con- sequences for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea (ROK) and for Northeast Asian international relations. After six years of unimpressive “rule by the will of the deceased” (yuhun t’ongch’i), accompanied by continuous economic decline, the Pyongyang summit is said to have boosted among the ruling elite Kim Jong Il’s prestige as a strong and skillful leader who has managed to turn outside powers into anxious supplicants rushing to Pyongyang. As Kim himself put it in an ex- tended interview with a 56-member delegation of South Korean media execu- tives on August 12: “Why on earth do I have to visit big countries? Even though I stay in Pyongyang, various powerful countries come visit me, do they not?”1 Indeed, Kim Jong Il seemed to have stirred an aura of excite- Samuel S.