Guahibo ETHNONYMS: Goahibo, Goahiva, Guaigua, Guajibo, Guayba, “Sicuani”, “Sikuani”, Wahibo By: Alex Menz

Guahibo ETHNONYMS: Goahibo, Goahiva, Guaigua, Guajibo, Guayba, “Sicuani”, “Sikuani”, Wahibo By: Alex Menz 1. Description 1.1 Name of society, language, and language family: Amorua (Rio Tomo Guahibo), Guahibo (Sikuani), Tigrero, Vichadeño. Guahiban languages may not be within Arawakan; Guahibo; Guajiboan/Guajibo. (1) 1.2 ISO code (3 letter code from ethnologue.com): GUH 1.3 Location (latitude/longitude): “The Guahibo occupy almost all the Comisari'a of Vichada, Colombia, in a region centered approximately upon 50 north latitude and 680 west longitude. This is a zone bounded by the Meta River on the north, the Vichada River on the south, the Orinoco River on the east, and the Muco River on the west. Outside this area, marginal groups are found north of the Meta, in Boyaca and Arauca, and south of the Vichada, in the vicinity of the Mataveni River. In Venezuela a few have also been reported in the Apure region and south of the Orinoco in Amazonas Territory. The linguistically related Churoyan and Cunimian speakers are located within Colombia to the southwest, in the Department of Meta, along the upper Guaviare River and its affluents. Essentially, the Guahibo form an isolated linguistic unit geographically confined to the Colombian llanos, surrounded by various groups of Carib and Arawak speakers” (5, 16). In Colombia, Plains regions, Casanare, eastern Meta, Vichada, Guaviare, and Guainía departments. Also in Venezuela, Amazonas and Apure states, Orinoco river from Caicaro de Orinoco on the upper Orinoco. (1) “Beginning in the 1950s, some groups migrated toward the east, to the central Orinoco and the jungle areas of the Río Guaviare and to Amazonas in Venezuela” (2, Orientation). See figure 1. 1.4 Brief history: Early reports describe the Guahibo as nomadic hunter gatherers, whose form of life “contrasted with sedentary river dwellers dedicated to horticulture.” Starting in the 18th century, they began to settle down on the banks of the Meta, Vichada, and Ariari rivers with the remainder of the Arawak (Achagua and Piapoco) and changed their form of life from hunting and gathering to that of semi-sedentary horticulture. At the end of the 17th century, the Guahibo gained control over the riverine territories after the Jesuit missionaries left. The missionaries were never able to “congregate them into towns.” Surges of colonization brought about by “inter ethnic conflicts” in the interior led to the territory being overrun by cattle ranchers headed to the east. They were not afraid to use bullets and guns on the natives. The Guahibo took advantage of that and assaulted travelers and hunted cattle. On this unofficial border, a process of acculturation and “Hispanicization” began. Even in the 1960s, cattle ranchers continued to organize retaliatory raids against the more nomadic groups (2, History and Cultural Relations). “Following early contacts with Europeans, the Guahibo underwent immediate and permanent changes, although at first with much reluctance. Their numbers declined, customs and traditions altered, and today nomadism has been replaced by small permanent village units that attempt to exploit savannah and forest lands. [This] has led to a great reduction in the numbers of once abundant food animals and forest resources that they formerly relied upon for survival. Prolonged contact with European settlers has transformed most Guahibo into sedentary cultivators of rice, plantains, bitter cassava and other crops. Some also raise domestic animals in an attempt to compensate for the lack of wild game” (3, 361- 362). 1.5 Influence of missionaries/schools/governments/powerful neighbors: After failed attempts at organizing the Guahibo into towns, jesuit missionaries left the area. Cattle ranchers did not. Up to the 1960s, cattle ranchers invaded the Guahibo area, which led to more violence between the groups (2, History and Cultural Relations). See 1.4 for more information. 1.6 Ecology: “There is a well-defined climatic alternation of wet and dry seasons,” each 6 months in length. “During the rains, large sections of savanna and forest along drastically, exposing large areas of sandy beach” (6, 24). The lack of uniformity in relation to time is a result of subsistence differences, climatic differences in rainfall patterns and the differences in flora and fauna. “Seasonal and annual disparity in rainfall patterns are the most important factors which preclude formulation or precise division of time” (6, 24). 1.7 Population size, mean village size, home range size, density: 23,000 in Colombia (Arango Ochoa and Sánchez Gutierrez 1998). 40% monolingual. 11,200 in Venezuela (2001 census). 37% urban. Ethnic population: 14,800. Population total all countries: 34,200 (1). 2. Economy 2.1 Main carbohydrate staple(s): “They hunted forest and savannah animals and gathered plant foods. Fishing and the capture of river animals was of lesser importance” (3, 361). The Mantaco (Euterpe precatoria) palm heart is also eaten. The exact nutritional value is unknown but it is similar to the closely related genus Prestoea. The nutritional composition found in the heart of P. longepetiolatais: Food energy: calories-26 (2,700); moisture- 91.0%;protein-2.2 g (56); fat-0.2 g; total carbohydrate-5.2 g; fiber-0.6 g; ash-1 .4 g; calcium-86 mg (800); phosphorus-79 mg (800); iron-0.8 mg (10); vitamin A value-trace; thiamine-0.4 mg (1.4); riboflavin-0.09 mg (1.6); niacin-0.7 mg (18); ascorbic acid-17 mg (45) (Leung, 1961)” (3, 363). (Mauritia flexuosa) Moriche provides a fermented beverage, made from the trunk. After the fruit is collected from falling off the trees, the resulting pulp is mixed with water. “At this point, the drink can be enjoyed or made into a soup with other vegetables such as maize. If an alcoholic beverage is desired, the mix is left uncooked for 3 to 4 days” (3, 364). The purple fruits of the Bactris cf. maraja/(Spanish) Espina/(Guahibo) Xaneeboto contain a sweetly acidic pulp which is eaten raw for thirst (3, 368). “A chocolate-colored chicha is prepared by macerating the fruits in water, straining out the seeds, and often adding crude sugar to the mixture. This beverage plays an important role in the Guahibo diet. During the palm's fruiting season, the people are said to be healthier and more robust, due to the frequent consumption of this nutritious and oily drink” (3, 373). This is the same palm that weevils are harvested from, so they cut down the entire tree (3, 373). 2.2 Main protein-lipid sources: “They hunted forest and savannah animals and gathered plant foods. Fishing and the capture of river animals was of lesser importance” (3, 361). When the moriche palm approaches senility it falls over in the forest and is quickly attacked by weevil larvae that are eaten by the Guahibo foraging in the gallery forest. “The larvae are called aleri and simu'to by the Guahibo.The former is fat, white and 1 inch long, appearing 2 months after the tree falls. The latter is described as being much larger. It is reddish and appears in less time than aleri. The larvae are harvested only from mature fallen trunks; no trees are specifically felled for this purpose” (3, 365). The Maxiimiliana maripa/(Spanish) Inaja/(Guahibo) Naxairibo has fruit that is valuable to them. “When ripe they are picked from the tree, separated from the panicle and boiled in a pot of water for 10 min. The fibrous epicarp is then peeled off, and the remainder mashed to separate the pulpy mesocarp from the stony endocarp. This pulp is diluted with water and directly consumed as an oil-rich beverage, adding important fats to the diet. To prepare the coconut-like tissue inside for eating, the ripe panicle is cut into three to four sections, placed on glowing coals of a fire, and left to bake for 10-15 min. Each seed is then parted with a rock or machete, and the succulent endosperm is eaten...Both the pulp and the kernel are high in fat content. Eckey (1954) lists the following composition: % fat in kernel- 60-67; % fat in pulp mesocarp-42. 1. Maximiliana maripa is a notably useful species for oil and fat production, because of its great abundance throughout the region” (3, 368). 2.3 Weapons: Bow and arrow, blowguns?: “They usually hunted with bows and arrows. A frequent technique involved men walking together through an area in a long line, eventually closing into a circle and capturing the prey” (3, 361). See figure 7. A fishing net is made from the Geonolna dev'ersa/(Guahibo) Vavara palm, by using it as a frame for a woven fishing net of cumare fiber. “These nets are employed when fishing with barbasco, to scoop up the stunned fish as they float to the surface” (3, 367). See figure 4. 2.4 Food storage: No information found. 2.5 Sexual division of production: The separation process (removing the "meat" from the stony part) for the Inaja is a laborious task. It is often assigned the children while adults are engaged in other activities yielding a higher effort/benefit ratio” (3, 368). “Felling and burning the fields to prepare for cultivation is communal male work. Hunting, fishing, house construction, and canoe making are also men's tasks. A man who wishes to marry is expected to be capable of weaving a manioc press and other basketry items that are given to women to perform their work. Women do the planting and harvesting and prepare food, especially griddle cakes from grated and leached bitter manioc. Pottery making is a typically feminine task” (2, Economy). 2.6 Land tenure: “Only with the creation of reserves and protected territories is the notion of landownership beginning to develop” (2, Economy).

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