Issue 1 2016.Pub

90 Reproductive coercion and the Australian state: A new chapter?

Patricia Hayes Victoria University While the concept of reproductive coercion is most commonly used in understanding tactics employed by some male perpetrators of violence against women, it is also used to identify policy and legislative environments of nation states that may be supportive of reducing women’s levels of autonomy and self-determination in relation to their reproductive health and family planning decisions. The offshore detention immigration policies of successive Australian governments have created several cases over the last decade where community workers in Australia have had to identify and understand how best to work with the power relations inherent in counselling work with women as asylum seekers who are making decisions about their pregnancies in the context of state-based reproductive coercion. The answer to working with this complex ethical issue lies beyond the scope of mere interpersonal and intra-psychic counselling interventions.

stark. The capacity of women in offshore detention to provide ‘free and full consent’ to an ‘autonomous choice’ of either continuing their pregnancy or having an abortion is strongly compromised by their involuntary detention. It is worth remembering that this detention is mandatory and women are detained without proof of a crime being committed, the luxury of a trial or recourse to a timely appeal process, courtesy of the immigration policies of the Australian Government. The power relations inherent within such a relationship prompt the question: Does the phenomenon Illustration: Australian Financial Review, of women making decisions about their September 2015. Copyright David Rowe/ pregnancies in this environment herald a Fairfax Syndication, Reproduced with new chapter in a history of reproductive permission. coercion in Australia? As social workers, psychologists, counsellors and health Counsellors working in the field of professionals, it also implores us to ask unplanned pregnancy and abortion in questions about how we make sense of our Australia often bear witness to women role in this context. making choices for abortion and/or From interpersonal to state violence: A continuing a pregnancy as choices that can continuum occur along a continuum of consent to The term reproductive coercion has coercion. Issues such as domestic violence, traditionally been used to describe a range of homelessness, mental health and poverty all coercive tactics used by intimate partners constitute impediments to a free choice for and others to control a woman’s women who of necessity must sort through reproductive decisions: a decision to either and consider these imperfect contexts in order bear children or to terminate a pregnancy. A to reach their decision. However, for women recent study by the University of Queensland who are asylum seekers and forced into Pro Bono Centre (Cheung et al., 2014) offshore detention facilities by the Australian defined reproductive coercion in domestic Government, the point of difference between violence as occurring where: their context of ‘choice’ and ‘consent’, compared to mainland Australian residents, is

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The male partner convince[es] the navigate in relation to decisions about their woman that he will leave her if she pregnancies when confronted by individual does not become pregnant; acts of coercion and threat from intimate The male partner engag[es] in birth partners and family members. However, control sabotage (such as destroying Australia as a nation also has a long history birth control pills, pulling out vaginal of dalliances with reproductive coercion, rings etc.); especially when it comes to women on the The male partner exercis[es] financial margins of Australian society. The control, so as to limit access to birth intersections of ethnicity, class, (dis)ability control; and gender have proven fertile sites for the The male partner insist[s] on State to try to control particular women’s unprotected sex or rape. (p.2) reproductive choices. Central to the idea of reproductive Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander coercion is the deprivation of the conditions Women that constitute autonomy in women’s Earlier colonial attempts to ‘breed out’ reproductive decision making. The leading Aboriginality included notorious US sexual and reproductive health rights miscegenation projects such as those think tank, The Guttmacher Institute, thus promoted by A.O. Neville in Western defines the idea of reproductive coercion as Australia (Bashford & Levine, 2010). Up ‘the deprivation of voluntarism and informed until the mid-1970s Aboriginal and Torres consent in relation to family planning’ (Barot, Strait Islander women felt the brutal impact 2012a, np). and legacy of forced sterilisation, and However, reproductive coercion exists historians argue that in many ways, the on a continuum. It is perpetrated at one end making and remaking of the Australian by an individual or family then continues nation was founded upon projects of through to governments and the state. A reproductive control in relation to race Guttmacher policy analysis (Barot, 2012b) (Bulbeck, 1998; Grimshaw et al., 1996). defined reproductive coercion as including Women with Disabilities policies, legislations and incentives used by Women with disabilities have also governments to either prevent childbearing or encountered and continue to encounter compel it. reproductive coercion. The 2013 Senate This principle applies across inquiry into the sterilisation of women and national borders and at all levels girls with disabilities in Australia of government, whether it's local documented a litany of reproductive Chinese officials forcing women coercion (manipulation, intimidation) and to terminate a wanted pregnancy reproductive force (involuntary sterilisation or U.S. state legislatures passing procedures without any consent) (PWDA, increasingly coercive abortion 2013). The inquiry received submissions restrictions to keep women from that detailed histories of women and girls ending an unwanted one. (Barot, with disabilities in foster care and other 2012a, p.1) community residential settings who were Chapters of reproductive coercion in subject to both coercion and force in relation Australia: a potted history to contraception and sterilization Women’s rights to reproductive (Frohmader, 2012). autonomy have always existed along a State-based ‘Care’ Institutions continuum of coercion―often in relation to Recent evidence given by former their socio-economic circumstances, available Victorian wards of state at the Royal social supports and exposure to violence, as Commission into Institutional Responses to well as policy and legislative contexts. As a Child Sexual Abuse has uncovered examples counsellor I’ve often assisted women to of coercion by state authorities, including the examine what levels of coercion they have to forced administration of gynaecological

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examinations as well as Depo Provera no greater if they have a single contraceptive injections (Hall, 2015). elective first-trimester abortion Intimate partner violence and reproductive than if they deliver that coercion pregnancy. (APA, 2008, p.90) For social workers and others working Robust research into protective and in the field of counselling in community risk factors for abortion is gradually services in Australia, and more specifically, emerging, and Australian researchers Taft women’s services, the phenomenon of and Watson (2008) have begun to document violence against women is not a new one. the risks of co-occurring factors such as Intimate partner violence and family violence intimate partner violence and its negative has been a perennial and powerful force: the effects on women experiencing unplanned spectre of male violence, coercion and abuse, pregnancies in this context. Most notably, in played out at the interpersonal and social relation to reproductive coercion, their level, has been raised and heard in research found that there is a link between counselling rooms. Its dramatic impacts on women who have experienced key aspects of women’s physical, emotional and social intimate partner violence - such as forced or wellbeing are well documented (VicHealth, pressured sex and forced or pressured 2004; World Health Organisation, 2013). abortion - and depression. Research in this Similarly, for social workers area is often highly contested due to the counselling women in relation to unplanned influence of anti-choice forces seeking to pregnancy and abortion, the phenomenon of demonstrate abortion as a universal violence against women in the context of their ‘negative’ event no matter whether pregnancy decision is also not a new one. As reproductive coercion is present or not. discussed previously, reproductive coercion - Research into the area of coercion or constituted by interpersonal threats or acts of force as a risk factor for post-termination violence in relation to women and their psychological distress is a burgeoning area pregnancies (becoming a parent or ending a (Chibber et al., 2014). However, anti-choice pregnancy) - is also not a new phenomenon; coalitions seek to argue that distress is however it is one that is only beginning to be caused only by forced abortion, rather than documented in research as well as included in ‘forced maternity’. It is vital to remember standardised risk framework assessments in that reproductive coercion can occur both community and health services. The ways: by coercing or forcing a woman to phenomenon of reproductive coercion in either continue or terminate her pregnancy. intimate relationships is beginning to be A leading US public health thinktank, Public understood and discussed as a key factor in Health Watch (PHW), argues that state- women’s safety and wellbeing (Taft,2008; based restrictive laws that prevent Cheung, 2014). termination access are a prime example of Risk and protective factors for abortion reproductive coercion or violence in relation For the vast majority of women seeking to continuing a pregnancy: an abortion (outside offshore detention) and Many health professionals and who have reproductive autonomy, it is clear legal experts say that forcing a that abortion poses no greater risk to their woman to carry an unwanted mental health than continuing with the pregnancy to term is a form of pregnancy. Indeed, in 2008, the American reproductive coercion in Psychological Association taskforce on itself―and a violation of their mental health and abortion found that: human rights. (PHW, 2008, np) The best scientific evidence The next chapter: ‘choices’ in the context published indicates that among of asylum seeker reproductive coercion adult women who have an The vulnerability of asylum seeker unplanned pregnancy the relative women in offshore detention has meant that risk of mental health problems is the Australian state and its policies of

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offshore detention now represent a significant situation. Thoughts and feelings wash threat to their reproductive choices. As through our brains and hearts: reflections on discussed hereafter, the next historical chapter the anguish, hardship and violence that the of reproductive coercion to be written must woman has been exposed to as well as the now surely include the spectre of state-based courage, resilience, survival and the act of reproductive coercion in offshore detention in protective parenting and preventative harm the early 21stCentury. Women who are held in that the choice of abortion constitutes for her detention for lengthy periods in conditions of in this context. Professional self-doubt is psychological and physical danger have also present: inherently impaired family planning Am I an agent of social control autonomy, given the unsafe conditions in here? I’m certainly not an agent which they exist. of social justice or social change Consider the environment where here. Whose advocate am I - the women are brought to the mainland for woman’s or the state’s? pregnancy options and abortion counselling The Australian Association of Social and/or to have an abortion. Health Workers (AASW) requires its members to professionals working with women in these commit to three core values: respect for situations can encounter women’s persons, social justice and professional contradictory consent: integrity. Central to social work theory and I don’t want an abortion. I want to practice have been ongoing debates over its keep my baby. But I can’t have a ambiguous role as the ‘agent of social child in detention. I don’t know control’ versus ‘agent of social change’. It is how long I’ll be there. I don’t generally acknowledged that social work is know if I’ll survive. Why are they in a state of flux within the current neo- doing this to us? Please, please liberal policy environment (Dominelli, 1999; help me. Wallace & Pease, 2011), with increasing I write this article as a social worker emphasis on managerialism (tightly with many years of experience in women’s managed organisations with loss of sexual and reproductive health and I write professional autonomy for workers) and risk about the scenarios I have seen and heard in management, including the use of gag- these roles. These include observations of clauses within a neo-liberal public policy steely, unflinching doctors in women’s health environment which propounds clinics who’ve ‘seen it all’ over their twenty individualisation (social problems being years in public health, yet who are unnerved asked to be solved by individuals often at the and unsure in the presence of the ambivalence expense of advocacy or work for social so apparent in the women who voice their change). The choice to speak up and speak terror and their ambiguities in their consulting out for both clients and workers is seemingly rooms. Vicariously traumatised, their stifled at every turn, even though our normally steady and authoritative voices professional body requires a commitment for trembling with tears, the doctors ring the social workers to work to ‘achieve human social workers afterwards, sometimes to rights…through social and systemic consult and sometimes to debrief: ‘What can change’ (AASW, 2010, p.7) …and to raise we do?’ they ask. ‘This isn’t right’. ‘Surely awareness of ‘structural and systemic someone should be speaking out about this?’ inequalities’ (p.8). Hardy nurses request not to see these patients Social workers must reconcile the because it’s too upsetting. tension between the rational and the Social workers are committed to emotional when confronted with the terrors respecting the dignity, autonomy and self- our clients convey. We seek refuge and determination of their clients, and to social certainty in a professional identity, including justice: we find it hard to define what an integrity that compels us to look to the professional integrity looks like in this rational to continue on our work with our

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clients without becoming overwhelmed hospital, it is very dirty…no ourselves. We ask ourselves ‘Which social hygiene. I can't think about that. work and counselling tools do I use to work I can't," said Fairuza, who has with this woman?’ already suffered a miscarriage in Rights-based frameworks (Ife, 2012; detention. "I can't feel happy UNFPA, 1994) which emphasise women’s about this baby. In the tent it's choice and legal rights seem hollow, empty hot, with the mice…how can I and vacuous and are inoperable in this look after a small context: these women are stateless and baby?" (Hasham, 2015, np) without rights. Advocacy practices (Baines, Equally, their partners can’t find joy in the 2011; Mullaly, 2010) to remedy or challenge idea of another child, having witnessed the the cause of the injustice are limited, as legal impacts of the detention environment on the recourse to challenge the detention process is children they’ve already had: next to impossible to achieve. Across "We have two kids and the new Australia, a woman’s capacity to understand baby coming also, [they have] no and make an informed decision (in future. My kids have lost their conjunction with the medical professional life," he said. My daughter has involved) constitutes a fairly common very bad mental health: she is understanding of women’s consent in relation very depressed and she is very to termination of pregnancy. However these stressed. Always she cries, and very conditions are hollow in relation to the asks me 'Why Dad, why are we reality of women’s arbitrary and indefinite here?' My son when he wakes up detention. Strengths-based approaches, from his sleep in the morning, although generally key in this work, are asks me 'Dad, are we going to useful but also have limited application Australia today?' Sometimes I (Saleebey, 2012) due to the overtly ask them please, don't ask me, oppressive limitations on women’s resources. please leave me alone, because I Anti-oppressive frameworks are laudable don't have any (Dominelli & Campling, 2002), but merely answers." (Hasham, 2015, np) decorative in a situation as stark as this, State-based reproductive coercion: we’re which is imbued with power imbalance and not really like that, are we? human rights violations. Crisis pregnancy- In the late 1980s in my suburban counselling practice frameworks (Allanson, Catholic school in Melbourne, and courtesy 2007) within a trauma-informed framework of my Year Ten geography teacher Miss (Rothschild, 2011) are useful given their Hockey, I recall learning about the one child focus on managing the levels of anxiety that policy in China. I remember being will accompany decisions that often thoroughly confused and alarmed about the overwhelm clients’ coping mechanisms, but idea of a nation or ‘the state’ having so much they are also limited in providing answers to power that it could influence a woman’s life the client’s basic needs for seeking safety and so intimately, to the point of deciding for her certainty in an ongoing context of trauma that if she did or didn’t have any more children. includes both physical and psychological Whilst I’m quite sure that the notion of danger. ‘forced’ or ‘coerced abortions’ probably At the other end of the reproductive wasn’t raised directly as a concept at this continuum to women considering termination time―given the unseemly implications of of pregnancy, women who continue their mentioning such a topic in this particular pregnancy in detention have also spoken of religious context―I’m fairly sure that it sat their ambivalence: there as an elephant in the room. It “We are very worried about the constituted an implied understanding of what birth. There are no specialists in could happen when the state over-reached its the hospital at Nauru. I saw the mandate to intervene in its citizens’ lives.

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China, it seemed and I presumed from this last decade has been to arbitrarily force education, was the antithesis of a commitment peoplewho arrive by boat and seek asylum in to an exemplary human rights framework: the Australia into offshore detention western liberal-democratic notions of pro- immigration centres (Fleay & Briskman, natalist or maternalist reproductive autonomy 2013). Subsequently, women and men who to which Australian democracy proudly are detained in immigration detention centres hoisted its flag. like Manus Island and Nauru live for Twenty-five years ago, I doubt I could prolonged periods of involuntary detention have dreamed that, in the second decade of in locations that have a range of inherent, the twenty-first century, this ‘proud well-documented, safety and health risks. Australian democracy’ might have progressed The mental, physical, social and emotional to the point where it could invite a illness due to this prolonged detention is well comparison of its own human rights policies -documented (Silove, Austin & Steel, 2007). and infringements of liberty in any Recent case studies of offshore detention uncomfortable proximity to China’s arrangements have also highlighted women’s established record of coercion in relation to vulnerability to sexual assault, and to reproductive autonomy. However, in the last pregnancy as a result of such assaults decade in Australia, successive Australian (Doherty, 2016). Such cases have governments’ commitments to the policies of encompassed women seeking abortion and offshore detention have raised disconcerting stating they have been denied timely access questions around the predicaments of women to the procedure, while other cases have seeking asylum in Australia and the role of involved women stating they felt unhappy the Australian state in relation to reproductive about having to have an abortion but feeling coercion. there was no other choice available due to From consent to coercion in the offshore their arbitrary detention (Wordsworth, detention context 2014). This oppressive context of detention As social workers counselling is thus a major factor that women consider vulnerable asylum seekers, it seems when deciding whether they might be ready, incumbent upon us to ensure that such able and willing to parent a child. uncomfortable questions about women’s An unplanned pregnancy, of course, experiences in detention―in relation to their will expedite the need for women to consider experiences of reproductive health and the vexed question of whether or not to autonomy―see the light of day. For parent in an inherently harmful environment: counsellors working with women who are an environment that is imposed upon them asylum seekers and who have unplanned by their involuntary detention according to pregnancies, reproductive coercion is Australian immigration law. The conditions becoming an omnipresent threat due to the imposed upon these women thus forms a compromised level of autonomy and consent paradox for asylum seekers who face available to such women in offshore unplanned pregnancies while in state- detention. Such decisions invoke a complex imposed detention. The daily deprivation of ethical minefield for women, their counsellors liberty and autonomy in the detention centres and their doctors. Women who are pregnant means that the idea of consent is necessarily and do not want to abort, but are only diminished. To ‘consent’ to continuing a deciding to have an abortion because they pregnancy in inherently harmful conditions fear for safety of their children due to the or to terminating an unplanned, but perhaps oppressive environment of detention, are wanted, pregnancy entails huge articulating the impact and influence of psychological, physical and social risks. To ‘compromised consent’ or ‘reproductive ‘consent’ to requesting an abortion of an coercion’ by the Australian state. unplanned, but perhaps wanted, pregnancy is A key tenet of immigration policies of also a huge risk for such women. The factors successive Australian governments over the for reproductive coercion are thus

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established, and although this concept is control has often been employed usually applied to threats to safety made by disingenuously by the Australian another individual (usually an intimate Government when pertaining to women in partner or relative), in this context it is offshore detention seeking adequate arguable that the immigration detention perinatal healthcare for their pregnancies. In policies of the Australian state form a threat a 2015 radio interview, Immigration to a woman’s safety, security and autonomy, Minister Dutton described women’s apparent and indeed to her ability to fully consent. power as such: Neo-liberalism, choice theory and power: If people believe that they’re why it matters in the case of state-based going to somehow try and coercion blackmail us into an outcome to I argue that understanding neo- come to Australia by saying liberalism is central to understanding how we’re not going to have medical state-based reproductive coercion can exist in assistance and therefore we put this contemporary historical epoch. Issues of our babies at risk―that’s a state power, its relationship to the idea of judgement for people to make… ‘unfettered choice’ and the impact on state But we’re not going to bend to subjects are inextricably linked. Indeed, while that pressure… I believe very feminist activists in the area of reproductive strongly that we need to take a rights have long used the term ‘choice’ as firm stance, provide the medical central to campaigns for women’s unfettered support that’s required, but if access to abortion, the concept of choice itself people think they’re going to has also been critiqued. In the last decade in force our hand to come to Australia and internationally (Baker, 2008; Australia – that is not going to Fraser, 2013), researchers have questioned the happen. (15 October, 2015, np) neo-liberal individualist notion of choice, Such a reversal in the description of the arguing that it can obscure the structural and actual personal, systemic and structural material barriers to a range of choices that power available to women and their families marginalised and disadvantaged women may in offshore detention serves to obscure the experience: reader’s view of the refugee ‘other’: seeking The lauded concept of choice perhaps to invoke fear, scorn and even plays [a role] in overstating jealousy of ‘such’ women in their ability to women's advancement and command government services at will. disguising socially generated Further to this narrative of the ‘power’ inequality. In particular, young inherent to women in offshore detention, women in this study comprehend Minister Dutton discussed the ‘generous’ domestic violence, unequal provision of government-funded services parenting and housework as available to a woman who it seemed was matters of choice, while also ‘supported’, at every turn, to make a implicitly understanding that they ‘decision’: a situation that appeared to do not live up to the imagined concern only her individual inability to make unencumbered rational choice a rational, informed and timely decision: individuals of liberalism. (Baker, We provided assistance to airlift 2008, p.53) this lady which showed our clear Political theorist Nancy Fraser has made intent to provide support…We similar observations about the co-option of provided that support, she came feminism by neo-liberalism: ‘Neoliberalism to Australia, saw numerous turns a sow's ear into a silk purse by doctors, mental health nurses, elaborating a narrative of female and then made a decision…after empowerment’ (Fraser, 2014). the health professionals The rhetoric of power, choice and consulted with the lady, the lady

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made a decision and was sent conditions of oppression and power inherent back to Nauru. (Moody, 2015, np) in mandatory offshore detention ensure that However, we must look more deeply at women’s choice is without doubt impacted the language of ‘decisions’ and ‘individual by state power. Despite these important support’ being proffered as proof of women’s cautions on the co-option of the choice autonomy in such government narratives. critique as used by anti-choice activists, I Indeed the truth of the matter lies in a fuller strongly agree with Baker’s (2008) directive: analysis of the materialist conditions that to implore feminist researchers to consider precisely prevent autonomy in this context. instead and to scrutinise the neo-liberal co- Such a discussion of power in this option of ‘choice’ as a mantra that obscures context does not seek to deny women’s structural inequality: agency, nor the need for women to make a [It is] vital that the ways in final decision about their pregnancy no matter which women's choices are what their circumstances. I do not seek to co- variously compelled, burdened, opt the critique of ‘choice’ by ‘anti-choice’ impaired and limited in a male abortion activists who seek to situate all dominant culture are women’s choices for abortion as inherently acknowledged and challenged. coercive ―as ‘non-choices’―yet who Its function in the masking of simultaneously position continuing a unfairness and exploitation when pregnancy as a ‘natural choice’ for women. inequality and polarisation are Indeed I concur with pro-choice ethicist deepening must be exposed. (p. Leslie Cannold (2002), who warned of the 63) dangers of discrediting women’s ability to In addition to Baker’s analysis of male choose: dominant culture in relation to women’s By arguing that women are choice and coercion, I argue it is essential to fundamentally incapable of analyse other social and political power mustering the rationality and relations that affect and constrain women’s autonomy necessary to make choices, such as those constituted by policies decisions about unplanned of offshore detention orchestrated by pregnancies (or presumably successive neo-liberal governments in anything else) that are worthy of Australia, both Labor and Coalition. To respect, women-centred strategy analyse the socio-political contexts of forced absolves women of moral detention and its impacts on women’s responsibility and thus culpability reproductive choices is by no means an for abortion. (p. 174) argument intended to diminish the need for My position is certainly not one where both maternity and abortion facilities to be women are incapable of making decisions and made available to women in offshore where all abortions are automatically detention. To further restrict women’s considered harmful and fundamentally control over this ultimate decision, one way coerced, such as that of anti-choice activist or the other, is not the intention of this essay. Melinda Tankard Reist (cited in Baker, 2008), Women’s ultimate self-determination over who argued that: these complex decisions must be maximised [Those] asserting a woman's so that even limited ‘control’ is available in ‘right to choose' have obscured its this context. harmful effects and the However, just as paramount is our duty constraints and coercion which so to scrutinise government immigration commonly characterise the policies that engender social-political circumstances of pregnancy and inequity for asylum seekers in detention subsequent ‘choice’ of abortion. centres and dictate the very conditions that (p.62) create such a ‘thin’ reproductive choice What I do argue for, however, is a fuller context for women who are pregnant. For analysis of the way the broader structural

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women and families, this context means that however, the forms of violence against in relation to family planning decisions they women exposed have been interpersonal feel they are ‘damned if they do and damned violence and family violence. It is now up to if they don’t’. community, counselling and social workers What is to be done? who work with the most marginalised Clearly, a simplistic reliance on individual, women in our care to now expose the interpersonal counselling frameworks will fail ‘hidden’ state violence that we are witness to meet the basic needs of asylum seeker to. For a truly intersectional feminism to women in offshore detention. The indignity exist in relation to violence against women and scale of injustice is so great and so we must speak out and resist the silence that powerful that it is painfully clear that a focus has been enforced upon our clients and on ‘individual agency and choice’ alone only ourselves. We are witness to how the policy tells part of the story. So what do we, as of offshore detention compromises women’s social, counselling, community workers and health, including their reproductive health academics, do? How do we ensure that a and autonomy, in a myriad of ways. We commitment to human rights for all of our must agitate for change and hold the clients in relation to sexual and reproductive powerful to account, to the truths of the rights is adhered to, for everyone our women who speak so cogently when we government has responsibility for? It is timely choose to listen. to remind ourselves of the human rights context that we must return to: References [There is a] basic right of all Allanson, S. (2007). Abortion decision and couples and individuals to decide ambivalence: Insights via an abortion freely and responsibly the number decision balance sheet. Clinical and spacing and timing of their Psychologist, 11(2), 50-60. children. And to have the American Psychological Association Task information and means to do so, Force on Mental Health and Abortion. and the right to attain the highest (2008). Report of the Task Force on standard of sexual and Mental Health and Abortion. Washington, reproductive health. (United DC. Accessed 24th October 2015 from Nations Family Planning http://www.apa.org/pi/wpo/mental-health- Association, 1994, np) abortion-report.pdf In addition to our ability to provide Australian Association of Social Workers (limited and flawed) psycho-social (2010). The AASW Code of Ethics. interpersonal support for our clients who Canberra: AASW. experience symptoms of ongoing trauma in Baines, D. (2011). Doing anti-oppressive the face of their arbitrary detention, I argue social work practice. California: that we have an ethical responsibility to speak Brunswick Books. up and speak out about what our clients are Baker, J. (2008). The ideology of choice. telling us―for the world to hear. When the Overstating progress and hiding injustice clients have left our waiting rooms, we must in the lives of young women: Findings analyse the discourse of choice as co-opted by from a study in North Queensland, neo-liberal governments who seek to disavow Australia. Women’s Studies International their human rights responsibilities to asylum Forum, 31(1), 53-64. seekers. Barot, S. (2012a). Coercion in reproductive In the last two years the area of violence decision making occurs in many settings – against women has commanded hitherto and in both directions. New York: unknown public awareness, media attention Guttmacher Institute. Accessed 24th and even public policy change on the back of October 2015 from http:// decades of campaigning by feminist services www.guttmacher.org/media/ and the feminist movement. Largely, nr/2012/10/24/

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Moody, S. (2015). Dutton stands by sending seekers-opt-for-abotion-in-face-of-nauru- pregnant rape victim back to Nauru. conditions/5280826 Queensland Times, 19th October. Accessed United Nations Family Planning 12th March 2016 from http:// Association. (1994). Report of the www.qt.com.au/news/dutton-stands- international conference on population sending-pregnant-rape-victim-back- and development. New York: United na/2811255/ Nations. Mullaly, R. (2010). Challenging Oppression VicHealth. (2004). The health costs of and Confronting Privilege: A critical violence: Measuring the burden of social work approach. USA: Oxford disease caused by intimate partner University Press. violence. Vic Health: Carlton, Victoria. People with Disabilities Australia (PWDA). World Health Organisation (WHO). (2013). PWDA Submission to the inquiry (2013).Global and regional estimates of into the involuntary or coerced sterilisation violence against women: Prevalence and of people with disabilities in Australia. health effects of intimate partner violence Accessed 24th October 2015 from http:// and non-partner sexual violence. London: www.pwd.org.au/issues/sterilisation-of- WHO. people-with-disability.html Public Health Watch (PHW). (2013). Disclosures Reproductive coercion. Virginia: Public As a social worker in women’s health Health Watch. Accessed 24th October 2015 services for nearly fifteen years I have from https:// changed the details in the case examples I publichealthwatch.wordpress.com/2013/12 refer to in this article to protect the privacy /20/reproductive-coercion-the-facts-stats- of the women and health professionals and-scary-reality-of-this-growing-problem/ involved. Other than the details that are Rothschild, B. (2011). Trauma essentials: The already made publicly available via go-to Guide. New York: WW Norton and documented primary sources, such as media Company. reports, narratives included here may involve Saleebey, D. (2012). The strengths single or multiple scenarios amalgamated to perspective in social work practice. New ensure this anonymity. York: Pearson Higher Education. Silove, D., Austin, P., & Steel, Z. (2007). No Address for correspondence refuge from terror: The impact of detention Email: [email protected] on the mental health of trauma-affected refugees seeking asylum in Australia. Biography Transcultural Psychiatry. 44(3), 359-393. Patricia Hayes (BSW, MA Community Taft, A., & Watson, L. (2008). Depression and Development) is a social worker who has termination of pregnancy (induced worked in the areas of pregnancy options abortion) in a national cohort of young and abortion counselling, maternity social Australian women: the confounding effect work, prevention of violence against women of women's experience of violence. BMC and women’s health promotion for over a Public Health, 8(75). decade. She is also a founding member of Wallace, J., & Pease, B. (2011).Neoliberalism the National Alliance of Abortion and and Australian social work: Pregnancy Options Counsellors (NAAPOC) Accommodation or resistance? Journal of as well as a member of the Australian Social Work, 11(2), 132-142. Association of Social Workers Women’s Wordsworth, M. (2014). Asylum seekers Health Practice Group. She is currently a Salim and Mamun Motiur say they opted Lecturer in Social Work at Victoria for abortion in face of conditions in Nauru University, Melbourne and still works in the detention centre. ABC News, 24 February. area of pregnancy and abortion counselling. Accessed 29 October 2015 from http:// www/abc.net.au/news/2014-02-24/asylum-