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The Importance of Human–Macaque Folklore for Conservation in Lore Lindu National Park, Sulawesi, Indonesia E Rin P

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The Importance of Human–Macaque Folklore for Conservation in Lore Lindu National Park, Sulawesi, Indonesia E Rin P The importance of human–macaque folklore for conservation in Lore Lindu National Park, Sulawesi, Indonesia E rin P. Riley Abstract The emerging field of ethnoprimatology focuses and support of local people (Brandon & Wells, 1992; on the conservation implications of ecological and cultural Brechin et al., 2003; Wells & McShane, 2004). Anthropol- interconnections between humans and other primates. The ogists and other social scientists have contributed to this ethnoprimatological research reported here examined how movement by identifying local reasons for conservation the Tonkean macaque Macaca tonkeana is situated in the (Kottak & Costa, 1993) and by elucidating environmental folklore of villagers in Lore Lindu National Park, Sulawesi, ideologies and patterns of decision-making that encourage Indonesia. Data were collected using ethnographic inter- or impede conservation efforts (Orlove & Brush, 1996; view techniques. The interviews revealed that villagers Mascia et al., 2003). The emerging field of ethnoprimatol- envision monkeys and humans as biologically, ecologically ogy (Sponsel, 1997) is the contribution of anthropological and culturally interrelated. The perceived cultural linkages primatology. Drawing on folk biology (i.e. the way people between humans and macaques, however, are more salient understand and categorize plants and animals; Medin & among the indigenous To Lindu than among migrants. For Atran, 1999) and ethnoecology (i.e. people’s knowledge, many To Lindu the folklore has resulted in a taboo that beliefs and values of their environment), ethnoprimatology prevents them harming the macaques, despite the species’ provides both a theoretical framework and a methodology frequent crop-raiding behaviour. The conservation signif- to address the ecological and cultural interconnections icance of the taboo is therefore the local protection it between humans and other primates and the implications affords this endemic primate. This research lends support these interconnections have for conservation (Fuentes & for the incorporation of informal institutions, such as Wolfe, 2002). taboos, in the conservation management of protected Investigations of cultural interconnections focus on how areas. humans and other primates are linked via central elements Keywords Ethnoprimatology, Indonesia, Macaca tonkeana, of human culture; e.g. by elucidating how people concep- primates, protected areas, Sulawesi, taboos, Tonkean macaque tualize and categorize features of their surrounding envi- ronment, such as forests and the wildlife they host, how these conceptualizations may vary across groups of people (Lowe, 2004), and the social and mythological relationships Introduction between humans and other primates (e.g. Cormier, 2003). UCN (2009) estimates that almost half of the world’s Ethnoprimatology is also concerned with how these con- Inon-human primates are threatened with extinction, ceptualizations and relationships shape people’s behaviour with 29% categorized as Endangered or Critically Endan- towards non-human primates and nature in general. In gered. Ninety percent of all primate species occur in some environments these cultural elements may hinder tropical forests, which are being converted to human use primate conservation. For example, in his research with the faster than any other habitats (Achard et al., 2002). Matsigenka in Manu National Park, Peru, Shepard (2002) Throughout much of the 20th century efforts to preserve identified how culture contact, changing resource use these tropical forests and their wildlife centred on the practices and demography are affecting the way the Western-based idea of a protected area, in which forms of Matsigenka subsists, changes that are now negatively human intervention, such as settlement and subsistence affecting the area’s primates. and commercial uses, are prohibited (West et al., 2006). Human–non-human primate cultural conceptions can Beginning in the 1980s, the international conservation also contribute to primate conservation. For example, Asia movement has begun to place less emphasis on the is often considered a model for cultural tolerance of wild traditional model of human exclusion, recognizing that primates (Chapple, 1993; Knight, 1999). Among Hindus in protected areas need to be managed with the cooperation India and Bali, monkeys have a sacred status and are therefore tolerated and unharmed (Wheatley & Harya Putra, 1995). Because Buddha was a monkey in one of his ERIN P. RILEY Department of Anthropology, San Diego State University, San Diego, California 92182-6040, USA. E-mail [email protected] reincarnations, Buddhism has been credited with promot- Received 10 March 2009. Revision requested 16 April 2009. ing tolerance and conservation of macaques in China Accepted 29 April 2009. (Zhao, 2005) and Thailand (Eudey, 1994). ª 2010 Fauna & Flora International, Oryx, 44(2), 235–240 doi:10.1017/S0030605309990925 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.35.76, on 28 Sep 2021 at 00:44:03, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605309990925 236 E. P. Riley Here, I present ethnoprimatological research that in- 2004. Tomado is inhabited by c. 132 households, 90%of vestigated the cultural interconnections between humans whom are indigenous To Lindu. Respondents, who were and Tonkean macaques Macaca tonkeana in Lore Lindu selected using a chain-referral approach (Bernard, 1995), National Park, Sulawesi, Indonesia. Specifically, I examine were asked to recount folklore regarding the relationship how the Tonkean macaque is conceptualized by local between humans and macaques and human–macaque villagers, how these conceptualizations shape villagers’ interactions. The sample of respondents included 26 behaviour towards the macaques, and the implications individuals (17 males and nine females): 18 were To Lindu people’s perceptions and behaviour have for conservation and eight were migrants. I also conducted in-depth inter- in a UNESCO-recognized protected area. views with three elders from the neighbouring village of Anca who were identified by others as individuals who Study area knew the details of the folklore. These interviews were tape- recorded, with permission, and subsequently transcribed. The research was conducted in the Lindu highland plain All interviews were conducted in Bahasa Indonesia (by in Lore Lindu National Park, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia myself, with the help of an assistant) and later translated 2 (Fig. 1). This 2,180 km Park is designated a UNESCO Man into English. Interview data were analysed qualitatively by and the Biosphere Reserve (TNC, 2001). The Park provides identifying and describing themes from the respondents’ watershed protection for two major river catchment sys- perspectives. tems and habitat for many of Sulawesi’s endemic birds and 2007 mammals (Lee et al., ), including one of the seven Results endemic macaques, M. tonkeana, categorized as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List (IUCN, 2009). Of the 26 respondents, 65%(n5 17) knew of human– As an enclave within the Park, the Lindu plain is macaque folklore but only 15 could recount elements of it. considered a Special Status Area in which small-scale forest Of the latter, 12 were indigenous Lindu and three were product collection is permitted but where resettlement, migrants. Three interrelated themes emerged from their transmigration and spontaneous immigration are techni- responses regarding human–macaque interconnections. cally prohibited (Watling & Mulyana, 1981). The area is The first theme involved perceptions regarding the origin primarily occupied by the To Lindu or Kaili Tado, a distinct of the macaques, with villagers (both Lindu and migrants) group of the Kaili people who are indigenous to north-west envisioning the monkeys as related to humans. For example: central Sulawesi (TNC, 2001) and were converted to The story from orang tua [parents/elders] is the people gardening Christianity during the Dutch conquest in the early wanted to burn the area but they couldn’t get out, so they burned 1900 s. The area has also witnessed immigration of other and became monkeys. (Lindu female in her 30s) Kaili from Kulawi, as well as Bugis people from South Sulawesi, who are attracted to the enclave for cash cropping Other versions of this belief included: and participation in the fishing industry at the lake Two women were collecting esa [grass], a man burned the area with (Acciaioli, 2000). the women, and [they] became monkeys. (Lindu male in his 60s) There were two women who loved one man. These two women Methods fought in the forest and one of them burned and became a monkey. (Lindu male in his 70s) I collected information on human–macaque folklore Villagers also spoke of the biological similarities between through semi-structured interviews with villagers of the humans and monkeys as evidence of relatedness and lakeside village of Tomado from December 2002 to April kinship. For example: Monkeys and people are on one line—whereby a human fell into a cooking pot and burned ...it lost its butt and its hair turned black. I think it makes sense, we have the same hands. (Migrant male in his 40s) Monkeys are regarded as kin [by the Lindu]. It is a reciprocal relationship ... monkeys will shake a mango tree such that the fruits fall so that we don’t have to climb the tree. (Migrant male in his 50s) The second theme was the nature of human–macaque interactions and how villagers think they should
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