Migration of Mexicans to Australia

Home , Alan Morris (advertiser), Immigration to Australia, I Am Australian, Lebanese Mexicans

MONICA LAURA VAZQUEZ MAGGIO

Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Social Sciences, University of New South Wales September 2013

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my profound gratitude to a number of people who provided me with invaluable support throughout this entire PhD journey. I have been privileged to have two marvellous and supportive PhD supervisors. I am immensely grateful to my Social Sciences supervisor, Dr. Alan Morris, who guided me with his constant encouragement, valuable advice and enormous generosity. As a fresh new PhD student, full of excitement on my first days after I arrived in Australia, I remember encountering a recently graduated PhD student who, after I told her that my supervisor was Alan Morris, assured me I was in good hands. At that time, I had no idea of the magnitude of what she meant. Alan has truly gone above and beyond the role of a supervisor to guide me so brilliantly through this doctorate. He gracefully accepted the challenge of leading me in an entirely new discipline, as well as through the very challenging process of writing in a second language. Despite his vast commitments and enormous workload, Alan read my various manuscripts many times.

I am also deeply thankful to my Economics supervisor, Dr. Peter Kriesler, for whom without his warm welcome, I would have not come to this country. I am extremely indebted to Peter for having put his trust in me before arriving in Australia and for giving me the opportunity to be part of this University. Peter’s constant challenging questions and ideas contributed to improving my work. I hope I have done some justice to his thoughtful input.

My sincere thanks go to John Macaulay, my beloved and most devoted husband. His unconditional love and unwavering support are of paramount importance to me. Above all I thank John for his uncanny ability to get ordinary (and extraordinary!) life things done, which was so crucial most especially during my final months of writing this PhD. I dedicate my hard work to him.

I thank my parents and my siblings for supporting my education and other pursuits for so, so many years. I am particularly thankful to my mother, Adelina, who throughout all my life has gone to extreme lengths to provide and support me and my siblings with our education. This finished product is a result of her long-term caring work, and my gratitude and dedication goes especially to her.

Being the youngest in my family, I have received enormous amounts of love and support from all my siblings in diverse ways, so I thank Eduardo, Elsa and Daniel for being wonderful to me. Daniel repeatedly called from Germany to ask “Is the thesis done yet?” I especially thank him for his incessant encouraging words and deeds which contributed to keeping me going till the end.

My deepest thanks go to my two lifelong best friends Mercedes González and Marimar Saniger, who in their own unique ways have both supported me through the years with their invaluable friendship, which truly knows no distance. In them, I have never lacked a listening ear nor a laugh to share. Paulita Carrasco, Gisele Laris and Jimena Sánchez have also been amazing friends through the years and have patiently listened to my whining about this PhD.

I would also like to thank my friends in Australia who have made the rollercoaster of this PhD journey bearable and at times fun. Christyana Bambacas not only was generous with her time and friendship, but also instructed me in navigating my way through my new institution and my new country. Cristina Wulfhorst kindly and liberally shared her knowledge, resources and networks with me. Cristina and I also shared so many things in common in our PhDs, which were either discussed over coffee or when puffing and panting on the gym’s treadmills. Her friendship and companionship made me recognise the importance of a great gym buddy to keep fit and sane during a PhD! Delphine Rabet encouraged and helped me in so many important ways, including finding me the perfect job during the last months before completing my thesis. Ioana Oprea’s hands-on help went a long way. Her statistical knowledge, passion and help always put me at ease whenever I hit brick walls with numbers. Cynthia Fernandez Roich’s conversations were much enjoyable, full of Argentine flavour. Rosalind Tan’s superior hospitality welcomed me into her house, her delectable cuisine made my mouth water every time, and our intellectual conversations kept me stimulated.

I also thank so many people who also assisted me: Maribel Reyna Cruz, Olivier Jolicouer, Shaun Wilson, John Lamont, Harriet Westcott, and Dini Martínez helped me in so many valuable ways. I am especially grateful to Shelley Chapman for her enormous help. Her thoughtful reading, meaningful contributions, full engagement and patient editorial assistance allowed this thesis to be much more readable. Shelley’s perspicacious assistance

ii as well as her hard and fast work contributed enormously to speeding this thesis to completion. As Australians say “Thanks heaps, Shelley!”

I wish to thank the University of New South Wales for granting me with an Endeavour International Postgraduate Research Scholarship to carry out my PhD. I also acknowledge the generous financial support from the Secretaría de Educación Pública in Mexico.

Finally, I am very grateful to my scientific mentors in Mexico who ultimately inspired me to reach for this high intellectual goal. Tobyanne Berenberg was and remains my role model for mentor and teacher. I also wish to mention León Bendesky, Gerardo Fujii, Julio López, Flor Brown, Lilia Domínguez, Clemente Ruiz and Antonio Ibarra, all of whom motivated me in their own ways to take the road of academic enquiry.

iii

Abstract

Major economic changes in Mexico starting in the 1980s and intensifying in the 1990s, have had a significant impact on the lives of working class and middle class Mexicans. The central aim of the study is to analyse the migration of Mexicans to Australia. There has been no previous research on this topic. Almost all of the Mexicans who have migrated to Australia are middle class. Thus unlike most studies of Mexican migration which focus on the flight of the wealthy or the poor, this study has the middle class as its core focus. The middle class composition of these immigrants differentiates them from Mexican migration to the United States which tends to be dominated by unskilled and low-income households.

The study draws on an extensive questionnaire survey (nearly 20 per cent of adult Mexicans residents in Australia responded) and 30 in-depth interviews. I examine the reasons for immigrating and for choosing Australia; the reasons why some migrants may return to or move to another destination, and the forms and degrees to which they continue to be engaged with their country of origin. I investigate the extent to which Mexicans feel “at home” in Australia and the features that facilitate or hinder their integration in the spheres of work, family and friendships. The study also explores the ways in which Mexicans experience leaving Mexico and relocating to Australia, and also how their middle class professional identity gives them the capacity to become mobile, cross- cultural, and cosmopolitan and allows them to integrate both socially and economically.

The research found that this group of immigrants identify themselves as professionals, with white-collar jobs, university qualifications and English proficiency and are therefore able, with relative ease, to integrate into the mainstream of their host society. The study makes a contribution to the migration literature by addressing a new phenomenon of which we have very limited knowledge. The research identifies and examines a significant gap in migration studies – middle class migration. Hence, the investigation aims at providing comprehensive explanations as to what makes the immigration of middle class Mexicans to Australia a distinct phenomenon.

Table of Contents List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures ...... xi List of Appendices ...... xiii Chapter 1 – A short introduction ...... 1 A brief contextual explanation: Mexico’s conditions for emigration ...... 5 Thesis structure ...... 13 Chapter 2 – A theoretical framework for understanding middle class migration ...... 17 2.1 Introduction ...... 17 2.2 Who are the middle class?...... 17 2.3 Migration of the middle classes: Theories and approaches ...... 22 The neoclassical approach...... 22 The new economics of migration ...... 23 The dual labour market theory ...... 25 World Systems Theory ...... 27 The network approach and the cumulative causation theory ...... 29 Crime, Insecurity and Migration ...... 32 2.4 Migration, Identity and Globalisation ...... 35 2.5 Conclusion ...... 44 Chapter 3 – Methodology ...... 45 3.1 Introduction: Why mixed methods? ...... 45 3.2 Quantitative research design ...... 47 Reasons for doing an online survey ...... 47 Instruments for data collection ...... 52 Data analysis ...... 58 3.3 Qualitative research design ...... 59 Semi-structured interviews...... 60 The researcher’s role ...... 64 Data Collection...... 66 Data Analysis Procedures ...... 71 Method of Verification ...... 75 3.4 Conclusion ...... 77 Chapter 4 – Demographic Profile of Mexicans in Australia ...... 78 4.1 Introduction ...... 78 4.2 Basic demographic indicators ...... 78 Gender ...... 78 Age ...... 79

v Marital status ...... 80 Children ...... 81 Ethnicity ...... 82 4.3 Place of origin, destination and migration characteristics ...... 83 Place of origin and city of residence in Australia ...... 83 Year of arrival in Australia ...... 86 Current migration or citizenship status ...... 88 4.4 Level of English proficiency and formal education ...... 90 Household income ...... 93 Housing tenure ...... 94 4.6 Conclusion ...... 94 Chapter 5 – The immigration process: Do Mexicans intend to stay permanently in Australia? ...... 97 5.1 Introduction ...... 97 5.2 Original Intentions ...... 97 Permanent intentions ...... 98 Temporary intentions: Keeping their options open ...... 100 Intentions to stay temporarily in Australia and to go back to Mexico ...... 105 Using university education as a way to obtain permanent residency ...... 107 5.3 Housing tenure as an indication of permanency? ...... 112 5.4 Conclusion ...... 115 Chapter 6 – Reasons for migrating to Australia ...... 118 6.1 Introduction ...... 118 6.2 Reasons for Migrating ...... 118 Desire for a better quality of life ...... 122 Security, Children and Migration ...... 131 Seeking a new life, an adventure...... 141 Moving to join a partner ...... 151 6.3 Australia as the option after ruling out the US and Canada ...... 156 6.4 Conclusion ...... 158 Chapter 7 – Mexican Identity in Australia ...... 160 7.1 Introduction ...... 160 7.2 Mexican Identity ...... 160 How do Mexicans in Australia regard themselves? Perceptions of identity ...... 160 What is “Mexicanness”? ...... 166 “Malinchismo” ...... 178 Mexican identity and integration into Australian society ...... 180 Formal citizenship and indicators of belonging ...... 181 7.3 The ways in which Mexican immigrants retain their national identity ...... 185

vi Participation in Mexican associations to retain Mexican identity ...... 186 The use of Mexican cultural events to retain Mexican identity ...... 188 Cuisine and Identity ...... 191 Language spoken at home and retention of identity ...... 198 Experiencing discrimination ...... 202 7.4 Conclusion ...... 205 Chapter 8 – Employment, income and class location of Mexicans in Australia ...... 207 8.1 Introduction ...... 207 8.2 Labour Market Participation ...... 207 8.3 The employment profile ...... 209 8.4 Level of position in the labour market ...... 213 8.5 Job satisfaction ...... 215 8.6 Household income ...... 218 8.7 Self-ascribed social class...... 220 8.8 Finding employment ...... 222 Downward mobility and de-professionalisation ...... 227 Needing Australian experience to find the first job: Catch 22? ...... 236 Recognition of skills and de-professionalisation ...... 238 8.9 Speaking English and work ...... 242 8.10 Conclusion ...... 246 Chapter 9 – Family and Gender Roles ...... 248 9.1 Introduction ...... 248 9.2 Importance of family ...... 248 Heartache due to family separation ...... 250 Keeping in touch ...... 251 Where is “home”? ...... 254 Family as a strong reason to go back ...... 256 9.3 Aspirations for children and their schooling ...... 257 9.4 Gender roles ...... 259 9.5 Conclusion ...... 266 Chapter 10 – Leisure and Friendships ...... 268 10.1 Introduction ...... 268 10.2 Feelings of loneliness ...... 268 10.3 Satisfaction with social life ...... 271 10.4 Socialising with various nationalities ...... 273 10.5 Having very good Mexican friends ...... 279 10.6 Avoiding mixing with other Mexicans ...... 281 10.7 Difficulty making friends with Australians...... 284 10.8 Conclusion ...... 289

vii Chapter 11 – Conclusion ...... 291 Summary of main findings ...... 292 Theoretical contributions to the field of migration ...... 297 Directions for future research...... 298 References ...... 301 Appendices ...... 333

viii List of Tables

Table 1.1: Mexican-born usual place of residence by Australian state, 2011...... 12 Table 3.1: Profile of the 30 interviewees ...... 72 Table 4.1: Respondents by place of origin ...... 84 Table 4.2: City of origin and city of destination ...... 85 Table 4.3: Respondents by year of migration to Australia...... 86 Table 4.4: Mexican contacts in Australia prior to migration ...... 87 Table 4.5: Respondents’ migration status at the time of the survey ...... 88 Table 4.6: Respondents by highest education qualification ...... 90 Table 4.7: Qualifications: comparison between selected groups in Australia by country of birth ...... 91 Table 4.8: Highest level of education by country of acquisition of qualifications ...... 92 Table 4.9: Respondents who initially arrived under student visas by place of acquisition of highest degree of qualification ...... 92 Table 4.10: Respondents’ Annual Household Income ...... 93 Table 5.1: Homeownership and intentions to leave Australia permanently, % ...... 112 Table 5.2: Home ownership by partner’s nationality ...... 113 Table 5.3: Respondents who are home owners by household annual income ...... 115 Table 6.1: Push and pull factors motivating Mexican emigration to Australia in order of importance ...... 121 Table 7.1: Mexican-Australians ...... 172 Table 7.2: Children of Mexican parents in Australia and their identity...... 175 Table 7.3: Respondent’s and their children’s identity ...... 176 Table 7.4: National identity and Australian citizenship ...... 182 Table 7.5: Respondents willing to surrender their Mexican passport ...... 184 Table 7.6: Disposition to surrender Mexican passport and partner’s country of birth ...... 185 Table 7.7: Most common ethno-cultural activities ...... 186 Table 7.8: Most common Mexican cultural events and traditions ...... 188 Table 7.9: Language spoken between respondents and their children ...... 200 Table 7.10: Experience of discrimination in Australia ...... 202 Table 7.11: Feeling disadvantaged because of accent ...... 203 Table 8.1: Labour Market Participation ...... 208 Table 8.2: Occupations and Professions of migrants in Mexico prior to migration to Australia ...... 209

ix Table 8.3: Respondents by paid occupation in Australia ...... 210 Table 8.4: Employment outcomes for the vocationally and tertiary educated: international comparison based on selected countries ...... 212 Table 8.5: Position Level at Work by Gender (n=238) ...... 214 Table 8.6: Position Level at work. Respondents with children only (%, n = 88) ...... 215 Table 8.7: Annual household income by number of years in Australia ...... 219 Table 8.8: Economic situation in Australia compared to Mexico ...... 220 Table 8.9: Respondents in low-skilled occupations ...... 227 Table 8.10: Recognition of qualifications by gender ...... 239 Table 9.1: Which country do you most strongly consider “home”? ...... 255 Table 9.2: Employment status by gender (%) ...... 259 Table 10.1: Experience of loneliness by gender ...... 270 Table 10.2: Experience of loneliness by length of stay in Australia ...... 271 Table 10.3: Social life satisfaction and friends to rely on ...... 272 Table 10.4: Social life satisfaction by number of years living in Australia ...... 273

x List of Figures

Figure 1.1: Mexican-born resident population in Australia from 1881 to 2010 ...... 11 Figure 3.1: Proportion of Mexicans in Australia (survey and 2011 Census) ...... 55 Figure 4.1: Age distribution of survey respondents, (n=282) ...... 79 Figure 4.2: Partner’s country of origin, n = 229 ...... 80 Figure 4.3: Homeownership among Mexicans in Australia, n=282 ...... 94 Figure 5.1: Respondents’ original migration intentions, n = 282 ...... 98 Figure 5.2: Respondents with initial intentions to settle permanently in Australia: First visa status ...... 98 Figure 5.3: Respondents with initial intentions to stay temporarily in Australia but keeping an open mind: First visa status ...... 101 Figure 5.4: Respondents with intentions to stay temporarily in Australia and with a view to returning to Mexico: First visa status ...... 106 Figure 5.5: Respondents who arrived temporarily in Australia hoping to eventually settle: First visa status ...... 110 Figure 5.6: Homeownership by respondents’ year of arrival in Australia ...... 114 Figure 6.1: Influential factors precipitating migration ...... 119 Figure 7.1: How Mexicans in Australia see themselves ...... 161 Figure 7.2: Changes in self-identity in relation to passage of time in Australia ...... 162 Figure 7.3: Mexicans with Australian citizenship...... 182 Figure 7.4: Respondents’ main reason for acquiring Australian citizenship ...... 183 Figure 7.5: El Grito celebrations in Federation Square, Melbourne. 16th September 2012 ...... 188 Figure 7.6: El Grito celebrations in Federation Square, Melbourne. 16th September 2012 ...... 189 Figure 7.7: Chiles en nogada in Australia ...... 191 Figure 7.8: Tamales ...... 193 Figure 7.9: Mexican presence on Australian streets ...... 195 Figure 7.10: Mexican food and Mexican restaurants in Australia ...... 196 Figure 7.11: Sale of Mexican products in retail stores in Australia ...... 197 Figure 8.1: Comparison of job satisfaction in Mexico and Australia ...... 216 Figure 8.2: Self-identified social class: in Mexico and in Australia ...... 221 Figure 8.3: Level of difficulty experienced by respondents when looking for work in Australia (n = 257) ...... 223 Figure 9.1: Aspects of Mexican life that cannot be found in Australia* ...... 249

xi Figure 9.2: How often do you keep in touch with family or friends in Mexico? By length of stay in Australia...... 251 Figure 10.1: Do you feel lonely? (n = 282) ...... 269 Figure 10.2: Who do Mexicans in Australia socialise with? ...... 274

xii

List of Appendices

Appendix A: Survey questionnaire……………………………………………………....333 Appendix B: Email invitation / flyer……………………………………………………..346 Appendix C: Email reminder…………………………………………………………….347 Appendix D: Interview schedule…………………………………………………………348 Appendix E: UNSW Ethics approval………………………………………………….…349 Appendix F: Participant’s information statement and consent form…………………...... 350

xiii Chapter 1 – A short introduction

The study of migration1 is significant for a number of reasons. There are now more international migrants than ever before, with their number certain to increase in the foreseeable future; they also exemplify a dynamic and important aspect of the modern world. Migrants2 are distinguished for their economic, political and cultural enriching qualities that they afford to societies (Bhugra & Becker, 2005; Koser, 2007). Although the migration of Mexicans has received considerable attention both in scholarly and non- scholarly circles, such attention has largely been limited to those Mexicans that move to the United States (Cornelius, FitzGerald, Lewin, & Muse-Orlinoff, 2009; Corwin, 1978; Escobar & Martin, 2009; FitzGerald & Alarcón, 2013; Gonzales, 2009; Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2012; Lozano Ascencio, 2004; Reisler, 1976; Tuirán, 2000). Mexican migration to Australia, however, is a new phenomenon. The number of Mexicans in Australia may be small compared to other migrant groups in Australia; nevertheless, the Australian Bureau of Statistics shows a significant increase in the number of Mexicans in Australia over the last 15 years. In 1996 the census recorded 881 Mexicans living in Australia; in 2011 that number had reached 3,255 (ABS, 2008a, 2011a). This study will endeavour to enhance our understanding of this migration flow. My aims are to examine why Mexicans move to Australia; how they are incorporated into their host society in the spheres of family, work, leisure and social networks; and why some migrants may return to their country of origin, move to another destination, and/or continue to some degree or form to be engaged with their country of origin. My study will also explore the way Mexicans experience, on a human, personal and cultural level, the act of leaving one place, Mexico, and relocating elsewhere, Australia.

While migration has been a constant feature of human history, since the second half of the twentieth century, the rate of migration has increased to unprecedented levels, largely

1 Aware of the complexity and diversity in contemporary people’s movements, I acknowledge the use of the words “migration” and “mobility” to reflect this phenomenon. As sharply put by the Migration and Mobility Research Network on their website, “In the 21st century, migration is such a pervasive and diversified phenomenon that it outgrew its own name: we certainly do not only think of settler migration […]. To reflect the contemporary variety of human movements, we added the word ‘mobility’” (RMIT, 2013). Yet for simplicity, I have chosen mainly to use the word “migration” throughout this thesis. 2 Throughout this thesis, I will be mainly referring to people that engage in processes of migration as “migrants”. Although the words “emigrants” and “immigrants” – which reflect the outward and inward move respectively – are widely used in the literature, “migrant” encompasses “emigrants” and “immigrants”. The different words are used depending on the movement direction that is being emphasised. Furthermore, the word “immigrant” has been used in some contexts to refer to undesirable newcomers, which as will be shown in this thesis, is not necessarily the case of Mexicans in Australia.

1 owing to processes connected to globalisation and its effects on flows of capital and, with it, labour (Castles, 2000). Despite perceptions often inflamed by politically alarmist agendas, international migration actually accounts for a small proportion of the world’s population. Today, around 3 per cent of the world population lives outside their country of birth – roughly 200 million people, largely made up of voluntary migrants (Czaika & de Haas, 2013; de Haas, 2006: 7; Pellegrino, 2003; Stalker, 2001; UNFPA, 2006: 6). Recent decades have witnessed a dramatic change in the migration landscape as transport and communications have made travelling and migrating far easier within an increasingly globalised world. Research indicates that most people who migrate voluntarily do so for labour, family reunification or for reasons associated with marriage (UNFPA, 2006: 5); 10.5 million were involuntary migrants, refugees or asylum seekers at the beginning of 2011 (UNHCR, 2013). The demand for labour migrants (i.e., those searching for better economic opportunities abroad) has been a major contributing factor in rising levels of migration from low income to high income countries (Castles, 2000; Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2012).

With respect to studies of international flows of migrant labourers, Mexico has received more attention than many other countries. The perennial migration of Mexican labourers to the United States has received sustained attention and has been widely studied (Cornelius, 2005; Cornelius et al., 2009; FitzGerald & Alarcón, 2013; Fussell, 2004; Jones, 1984; Mueller, 2005). Since the mid 1990s, however, Mexico has experienced a substantial and continuing outflow of people to “new” destinations; countries with skilled-based emigration programs, particularly Canada and Australia, have attracted middle-class Mexicans (Atondo Guzmán, 2011; Barba Ponce, 2013). The current number of Mexicans with permanent residency in Australia is minuscule in both proportional and absolute terms, compared to their numbers in the United States, which in 2008 had some 12.7 million Mexican-born residents3, the equivalent of 11 per cent of all those born in Mexico. The 12.7 million Mexicans in the United States represent roughly four per cent of the total U.S. population of 310 million. Although most studies on migration and mobility of Mexicans focus on the flow of working class Mexicans to the United States and particularly stress their disadvantaged economic position from their point of origin as an important motivator, few studies have been conducted on the Mexican middle-class migrant population (Castaños-Lomnitz, 2004; Martuscelli & Leyva, 2007). These studies

3 “Mexican Immigrants in the United States, 2008” retrieved on 3rd of June 2011 from: http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1191/mexican-immigrants-in-america-largest-group

2 have mainly focused on the so-called brain drain effects (below I expound on the brain drain paradigm). An exception to this has been the work conducted by Lozano-Ascencio and Gandini (2012) on Mexican skilled migrants in the United States who reject the binary position of either the “loss” or “gain” approach.

In recent decades, this new group of migrants – strikingly different from earlier groups, more evenly distributed across gender, and relatively small compared to most previous migrations – can be identified among professional and highly skilled individuals (Lozano- Ascencio & Gandini, 2011, 2012). Mexican migrants in Australia conform to this group. They are almost all middle-class migrants who hold university qualifications (or the equivalent), strive for white-collar jobs, and seek to blend into the mainstream of their host society. In Australia, a shortage of tertiary educated workers (particularly since the 1990s) has opened new markets and opportunities for skilled migrants from new originating countries to explore their options in Australia. In this context, the number of middle-class Mexicans arriving in Australia has increased sharply, albeit from a small base.

Despite a great accumulation of theoretical and empirical information on migration, researchers to date have commonly examined migrants in terms of their skills, often ignoring issues of class which have a considerable bearing on any sociological study of Latin Americans, most especially Mexicans. More research needs to be conducted on the complex processes driving the migration of the middle classes. Studies by Scott (2006) and Tzen (2010), which take a class perspective, are a rare exception in international migration studies. Both argue that the under-researched group of middle-class job seekers needs attention; however, both focus on intra-European flows. These movements have longstanding historical connections, and moreover, they represent moves between countries with a similar degree of development. The vast majority of Mexicans in Australia can be categorised as belonging to the middle and upper-middle class in their country of origin – not only for the type of jobs they hold, their income level and the tertiary education levels they mainly have, but also as they have been carefully filtered for skills and English proficiency through the immigration “points test”4.

4 A points test is applied to skilled migrants in Australia and is administered by the Australian Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC). Such test takes into account various characteristics such as: applicants’ age, skills, English language ability, specific work experience, occupation demand/job offer, and Australian qualification, among others.

3 Thus, the case of contemporary Mexicans in Australia is unique since only a few decades ago there were virtually no social, economic, political or cultural connections between these two countries, and because it represents a flow of a different class, from developing to developed nations. Although there was a low level of Mexican migration to Australia throughout the 20th century, it has only been since the 1990s, when the effects of globalisation became palpable, that the number of migrants became a point of enquiry. This followed the sudden devaluation of the Mexican peso in 1994 and the ensuing economic crisis, and the Olympic Games in 2000, a year that Australia commanded worldwide attention (Slade, 1999). Following Slade on Australian images and knowledge within Mexico, ‘With the Olympics, the focus on Australia has sharpened’ (Slade, 1999: 53).

Although the Australian literature is rich with studies on immigrants (Baldassar, 2001; Colic-Peisker, 2010; Kim, Ehrich, & Ficorilli, 2010; Migration Institute of Australia, 2011; Richards, 2008), no attention has been paid to Mexican migration. One obvious reason may be that the Mexican population in Australia is still very small. Another less obvious reason is the ‘invisibility’ of the Mexican population due to its socio-economic characteristics and cosmopolitan middle-class identity. These individuals have options, termed by Weber as “life chances” (more detail in Chapter Two), and they tend to adapt to the circumstances in order to fit in more effectively. In that sense, the identity of these middle-class transnationals is not totally fixed; it is an identity that is less likely to be essentialist but more likely to be performative, and thus susceptible to change (Bhabha, 1994). Given the recent increase of Mexican immigration to Australia, the lack of information on this group represents a serious gap in our knowledge.

The importance of studying Mexicans in Australia is underscored for three reasons. Firstly, it is a new phenomenon about which we have no knowledge, thus it is pioneering. Secondly, this study addresses a very significant gap in the study of middle-class migration. The study aims at providing comprehensive explanations as to what makes the migration of middle classes a distinct phenomenon. Thirdly, it addresses important and complex questions of identity. The middle-class identity of Mexicans, which has been shaped by the social structures of their home country and their continuous quest for quality of life, makes Australia an attractive place for these Mexicans to settle. Middle-class Mexicans use their professional belonging to give meaning to their identity. Their professional identities are de-territorialised and mobile (Colic-Peisker, 2000). Also, the

4 likelihood that their middle-class identity provides a natural medium for becoming cross- cultural and cosmopolitan gives them the means to associate with a range of different groupings regardless of nationality. Mexicans in Australia seem to develop a cosmopolitan identity – a Western, capitalist, English-speaking version of it – that originated in Mexico but is reinforced and strengthened when migrating to Australia through using their resources of economic, social and cultural capital. A better understanding of the contemporary experiences of the small but growing Mexican population in Australia over the 1990s and 2000s helps to explain their positioning in the social class hierarchy, both in their country of origin and their destination, by detailing how Mexicans shift their identity to integrate locally into the Australian mainstream society and adhere globally to the identity of “citizens of the world”.

A brief contextual explanation: Mexico’s conditions for emigration As mentioned, research on Mexican migration has traditionally focused on the working class, many of whom (documented and undocumented) migrate to the United States of America in search of a better life and greater opportunities (Cornelius, 2005; Fussell, 2004; Jones, 1984). The migration of middle-class Mexicans has received little attention5, perhaps because they are seen as less of a concern due to the perception that they do not present a significant social problem and are numerically small. In recent years, numerous arguments have been raised illustrating that the middle classes do indeed play a significant role in society, either as perpetuators of the traditional order, as guardians of the status quo or as dynamic agents of change (Butler & Savage, 1995).

In terms of the migration of middle classes, much of the literature which emerged in the 1960s and reappeared in the 1990s, focuses on either the “brain drain” or “brain gain” that educated workers mean to their country of origin (Beine, Docquier, & Rapoport, 2001; Docquier, Lohest, & Marfouk, 2007; Kapur & McHale, 2005; Lien & Wang, 2005; Stark, 2004; Tannock, 2007; Wood, 2004). With regards to the emigration trends of qualified workers from Latin America and the Caribbean and its economic and social impacts in both the country of origin and of destination, the contributions of Lozano-Ascencio and Gandini are noteworthy (Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2011, 2012). The main argument of the brain drain literature is that international migration may hinder the country of origin’s

5 Except for Barba Ponce’s recent Masters thesis on the well-being of Mexican immigrants in Australia (Barba Ponce, 2013).

5 development through the siphoning of the most qualified and most talented personnel (Docquier et al., 2007). Although developed countries (Canada, Germany, UK) also worry about the emigration of their talented workers (Tannock, 2007), the focus of the so-called brain drain has traditionally been on the migration of human capital from developing to developed countries (Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2011, 2012), on the loss on the community of origin and on the gains for the receiving country.

As a response to the literature on brain drain, a body of scholars (Docquier et al., 2007; Stark, 2004) have suggested that instead of focusing exclusively on the brain drain effect, it is worth considering the “several compensatory effects, […] that a limited but positive skilled emigration rate” may bring to the source country (Docquier et al., 2007: 193). Such positive impacts on the country of origin may come not only through remittances, investment, knowledge and return migration (Kapur & McHale, 2005), but also from raising overall levels of education among the sending population (Stark, 2004). The new literature on the positive brain gain effect derived from education upholds that the possibility of emigration for the educated to find greater opportunities internationally induces individuals to invest in education they would not invest in otherwise (Stark, 2004). The claim is that the result for the sending society is a brain gain, since not all of these educated individuals eventually leave their country (Stark, 2004). Despite many studies being conducted in this area, the effects of brain drain or brain gain are not always confirmed, leaving many scholars with reservations about ambiguous results (Lien & Wang, 2005; Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2011; Scott, Whelan, Dewdney, & Zwi, 2004).

Although it is a compelling framework and particularly interesting in terms of ethical implications (Scott et al., 2004), the “brain drain / brain gain” approach will not be used in this thesis. The reason for not using such an approach is that it is not an aim of this project to quantify the gains or losses on the communities or states associated with the movement of Mexicans to Australia; rather, the focus of this study is on the migrants themselves, and to better understand the reasons why these migrants move and the ways they respond to immigration.

The following paragraphs explore the socio-economic conditions in Mexico since the 1980s, insofar as they have been associated with the implementation of a new economic model that has reshaped the structure of Mexican society. When compared to earlier periods, the present era in Mexico registers a marked increase in income inequality, a

6 higher concentration of wealth among the elite (Pastor & Wise, 1997) and an increase in the informal economy, both legal and illegal (Aguilar & Campuzano, 2009; Maloney, 2004). Both the contraction of formal employment opportunities and the increased income inequality have given rise to major social disruption and numerous adaptive solutions among the middle class. Crime and civil insecurity have become distressing features of Mexican daily life (Ballí, 2012; Davis, 2006). For instance, the homicide rate in Mexico in 2010 was more than 16 times the Australian homicide rate in 2006-2007 (21.7 vs. 1.3 per 100,000 inhabitants) (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011; Presidencia de la República, 2012). The middle classes feel threatened and scared (Dodson, 2002; Lucas, Amoateng, & Kalule-Sabiti, 2006). Chapter Six further explores the topic of insecurity as a reason for Mexican migration.

The 1980s represented a momentous period as Mexico, like other Latin-American countries, abandoned the autonomous industrialization path and embraced a model of development based on an open economy and global competition (Chang, 2003). The Mexican debt crisis of 1982 marked the end of state-led development based on import- substitution-industrialization (ISI) and together with the stock market ‘crash’ of 1987 gave rise to a period of slow economic growth and major inflationary pressures (Morton, 2003). The model of development then implemented, and consistent with the conditions imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, is commonly known as neoliberalism; the gist of its ideology is to stabilise, privatise, deregulate and liberalise (Rodrik, 2002). Policies that began implementation in that era “pushed for ‘reform’ programmes made up of extensive privatization, radical deregulation, total opening-up of goods and capital markets, and tightening of macroeconomic policy” (Chang, 2003: 1). Neoliberal policies, which have touched “more or less the whole world”, were “particularly rigorously implemented in the developing world” (Chang, 2003: 1). Such policies led to the dismantling of the historically precarious institutions of the welfare state in order to achieve a significant reduction in the size and influence of the public sector (Alvarez in Clarkson & Cohen, 2004: 90). This was premised on the argument that government was less efficient in producing and distributing resources than the market. Other significant policies were taken on board to secure property rights, to reorientate public expenditure, to reform the taxation system to attract foreign direct investment and to achieve fiscal and monetary discipline. The negative consequences of the neoliberal policies were significant, particularly in terms of economic growth and social equity (Boletín UNAM, 2012; Rodrik, 2002). The particular impacts on the Mexican economy ranged from mediocre economic

7 growth rates, recurring financial instability, and disintegration of the domestic production chains to the plunder of natural resources, aggravation of economic inequality and social marginalisation (Alvarez in Clarkson & Cohen, 2004: 91-92).

In 1994 the most influential foreign trade agreement came into effect – the North American

Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Subsequently, Mexico experienced a massive foreign investment inward flow, financial instability, high economic dependency on the U.S.6, deterioration of labour conditions including lower real wages and severe cuts in public social expenses (public institutions of education, health and social security) (Palma, 2003). According to Pastor and Wise, the recessionary effects of the strategies on macroeconomic stabilisation that have been implemented since the 1980s have been more severe than originally anticipated. The pursuit of neoliberal policies resulted in a substantial increase in inequality. Pastor and Wise found that “Between 1984 and 1994, for example, the wealthiest 10% of Mexicans saw their share of national income rise from around 34% to more than 41%, while every other income decile suffered a decline” (1997: 336). More contemporary figures suggest that income distribution in Mexico – in López Gallardo and Cruz Marcelo’s words – “has improved somewhat, but not much” (2013: 2). Their study found that the income share of the poorest 40 per cent increased, albeit marginally, from 15 per cent in 1998 to 17.7 per cent in 2010. Conversely, the income share of the richest 10 per cent decreased from 36.7 to 29.7 per cent for the same period (López Gallardo & Cruz Marcelo, 2013). As a result, Mexico has a highly uneven income distribution when compared to many Asian and European countries (López Gallardo & Cruz Marcelo, 2013). When compared to other OECD countries and measured by the S90/S10 ratio7, income inequality in Mexico is highest, over six times larger than in Iceland and nearly twice as large as Australia’s (OECD, 2013).

The steady increase in emigration from Mexico – 5.045 million in 1990, 10.044 million in 2010 and 12.44 million in 2010 (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), 2012), can be shown to be a direct result of the adjustment policies of the new economic model, the lack of employment opportunities, and the deterioration of living standards in Mexico. Portillo Parody argues that

6 85 per cent of foreign sales and purchases are made today in the United States, while 70 per cent of foreign direct investment (FDI) originates there (Clarkson & Cohen, 2004: 96). 7 S90/S10 ratio measures the gap between the average incomes of the richest and the poorest 10% of the population (OECD, 2013).

8 the limited success in creating well paid jobs, lack of opportunities, insecurity, the growing violence and the war between the government and the drug cartels, and the increasing polarization in society, are some of the factors that motivate thousands of Mexicans to leave their country and migrate to find a ‘better way of life’ (2009: 2).

Australia has come into view of contemporary migrants since the 1980s. As a new phenomenon, middle-class Mexicans are seeking new possibilities (beyond the typical country of destination, the United States) and have found Australia an attractive option for relocation (Barba Ponce, 2013; Portillo Parody, 2009).

In a poor economic and social context like the one that prevails in Mexico, people look for different channels to improve their overall standard of living; some of the survival strategies are within small enterprises, self-employment, crime, and migration. For the middle classes emigration to developed countries represents an alternative to the toughening conditions and decreasing opportunities in their country of origin (Colic- Peisker, 2008; Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2012). For instance, Colic-Peisker’s research on the Croatian professional migrants in Australia illustrates the way in which “high unemployment and generally deteriorating social circumstances in [the] homeland” are strong motives for migration among the middle classes (Colic-Peisker, 2000: 184). In the case of emigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean since the mid-1990s, Lozano- Ascencio and Gandini similarly argue that “the lack of jobs with adequate salaries for the countless professionals and technicians recently graduated from public and private universities [has been] encouraging emigration” (Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2012: 8).

This emigration alternative is not open to everyone because of restrictions imposed by the receiving nations and the cost of transportation and re-settlement. Leaving one’s country entails a momentous decision that is adopted generally under difficult circumstances. Different sources of evidence converge to indicate an acceleration of emigration from Mexico during the 1990s and an increasing diversification of the flow. A large proportion of migrants are middle class (Atondo Guzmán, 2011; Barba Ponce, 2013; Lozano- Ascencio & Gandini).

Most Mexicans in Australia are middle class and satisfy what the recipient country requires for immigration. Australia favours skilled and experienced professionals in addition to

9 candidates with a proficiency in English. The Australian immigration policy preference for skilled migrants is “a reflection of the broadly accepted political wisdom that the country needs, and is most likely to profit from, skilled immigrants” (Colic-Peisker, 2010: 2). As a result of immigration laws in many countries like Australia which favour the entrance of talented workers, “skilled migration increased at a rate two and a half times faster than low skilled migration globally between 1990 and 2000” (Tannock, 2007: 4). Hence, the scope for Mexicans to migrate to Australia is only within the reach of a small minority who form the middle-class segments of the society. The increasing proportion of persons with higher qualifications who are willing to emigrate is a reflection of not only the deterioration in economic and social conditions, opportunities and standards of living in Mexico, but also the immigration efforts to attract talent in Australia.

One of the aims of this research is to contribute to Australian migration studies. As a country with a long standing history of immigration, the topic of migration is of relevance to Australia. According to figures from the 2011 Census, Australia is a country of immigration, with nearly one quarter (24.6 per cent) of its population being overseas-born and 43.1 per cent having at least one parent born overseas (ABS, 2012)8.

Since the 1970s, with the adoption of a non-discriminatory immigration policy in Australia, people from all countries have been allowed to apply to immigrate (Jupp, 2001; Lopez, 2000)9. During the 1970s and early 1980s the reunion of families was emphasised, and since the 1980s, Australian migration policy has shifted to largely attract skilled migrants (Gould & Findlay, 1994). For Mexican nationals who sought to migrate, Canada or Australia suddenly became attractive destinations (Atondo Guzmán, 2011; Barba Ponce, 2013), particularly as the relations with the US deteriorated as a consequence of higher levels of undocumented migration to that country (Smith & Selee, 2013).

Mexicans are first recorded in the Australian census in 1881, when one Mexican male was registered living in Tasmania (ABS, 2008a) (see Figure 1.1 below). Ten years later, in the 1891 census, five Mexican-born males were recorded living in Australia, all of them in Western Australia. From the time of federation till the late 1940s, the number of Mexicans in Australia remained fairly constant around 60 individuals. In the 1954, 1961 and 1966

8 According to the 2011 Australian Census, “the United Kingdom is the leading country of birth for the overseas-born population (20.8 per cent). It is followed by New Zealand (9.1 per cent), China (6.0 per cent) and India (5.6 per cent)” (ABS, 2012). 9 For a concise and clear exploration of Australia’s immigration policies, including policies put in place before the 1970s, Jupp’s work (2001) is an excellent source.

10 censuses, Mexico was only counted as part of “other countries in South America10” making it impossible to determine their exact numbers. Of interest is to note that during this pre-1950s period, in all censuses (except the 1947 census) there were more Mexican men than women; however, for all censuses thereafter, the number of Mexican-born females have been higher than the number of males.

Figure 1.1: Mexican-born resident population in Australia from 1881 to 2010

Estimated Mexican-born resident population in 3500 Australia 3255 3000 1881 - 2010

2500

2000 1802

1500 1154 881 1000 773 646 425 500 370 213 84 1 5 61 65 80 62 0 1881* 1891** 1901 1911 1921 1933 1947 1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 Source: Australian Historical Population Statistics, 2008 and 2011 Census * Only 1 person born in Mexico was reported in the Census of 1881, male and registered living in Tasmania ** Five males born in Mexico were reported in the 1891 Census, living in WA

Mexican immigration to Australia picked up, albeit slowly, when Australia modified its migration policy, easing the restrictions on non-European immigration and allowing family reunion as well as the entry of skilled professionals in the late 1960s (Immigration Museum of Victoria, 2012). In the early 1970s, Qantas provided a flight to Mexico City - the “Fiesta Route” to London - with various stops in the Pacific and in North America (Slade, 1999). This Qantas service stopped in 1975 (Slade, 1999) and since then there has

10 It is important to clarify here the grouping of Mexico together with ‘South American countries’ or in other instances ‘Central American’. Coronado has succinctly explained the (often unpleasant) surprise that “For Australians, Mexico is in South America, and not in North America as [we Mexicans] learned when [we] were at school” (Coronado, 2003: 177). Many interviewees talked about and shared their negative reaction to what Mexicans view as a misunderstanding. Mexico is geographically located in the northern hemisphere and the Tropic of Cancer crosses through the centre of the Mexican territory; these two facts contribute to the understanding among Mexicans that their country is part of North America. Additionally, in terms of economic relations, Mexico forms part of the North American Trade Agreement (NAFTA) together with the US and Canada.

11 been no direct flight from Australia to Mexico (all flights must stop either in the United States11 or South America, namely Chile or Argentina).

As shown in Figure 1.1 above, when Mexican-born residents in Australia were recorded separately again in the 1971 census, their numbers had grown to 213 and by the 1981 census, ten years later, the population had risen to 425. From 1981 to 2011, the Mexican population in Australia multiplied nearly seven-fold, reaching 3,255 in 2011. The characteristics of these migrants reflect the Australian immigration policies of the time as well as the visa and labour requirements, which entail a relatively young age, high occupational status, and substantial knowledge of the English language (Harvey, 1996: 125). Clearly, the Australian immigration policy has a major impact on the type of Mexicans that come to the country.

According to the 2011 Census, the Mexican-born community is spread across Australia with significant numbers in Sydney (35 per cent), Melbourne (27 per cent) and Brisbane (16 per cent). This is captured in Table 1.1.

Table 1.1: Mexican-born usual place of residence by Australian state, 2011

Australian New South South Western Northern Other Victoria Queensland Capital Tasmania Total Wales Australia Australia Territory Territories Territory n 1,152 883 535 289 250 106 29 11 0 3,255 % 35.4 27.1 16.4 8.9 7.7 3.3 0.9 0.3 0.0 100 Source: Census 2011, ABS.

In terms of bilateral relations between Mexico and Australia, the relationship is still young, particularly when compared to the many bilateral agreements with the US (ranging from water sharing to free trade) and the 12 free trade agreements with 44 countries (DFAT, 2013). Mexico has six treaties with Australia, all of which have been signed in recent years. According to DFAT (2013) existing bilateral agreements between the two countries are: (1) a bilateral Plan of Action (2011); (2) a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on Cooperation in Agriculture (2010); (3) an MOU on Mining (2010); (4) an MOU Formalising Political Consultations (2009); (5) an MOU on Education and Training (2008); and (6) an MOU on Energy (2005). In addition to the six treatises above, in 2009

11 In April 2010 Australia and Mexico signed a bilateral Air Services Agreement. In July 2006, Qantas and Mexicana Airlines signed a code-share service agreement (DFAT, 2013).

12 Mexico joined the Australian led Global Carbon Capture and Storage Institute (GCCSI) as a founding member.

The trade and investment relationship between Mexico and Australia is not significant. In the period 2011-12 the total trade (imports and exports) between these countries amounted to A$2,904 million, representing 0.6 per cent of Australia’s total trade. Major Australian merchandising exports were from the primary sector (coal, aluminium, medicaments, copper ores and concentrates), while imports from Mexico were mainly lead ores and concentrates, telecom equipment and parts, fertilisers, and passenger motor vehicles (DFAT, 2012). Australia ranks 24th in Mexico’s export destination (US, Canada and China are the first three) and 25th as Mexico’s import source (US, China and Japan are the top three) (DFAT, 2012).

It is noteworthy that the trade in Australian education and training services has been especially strong in recent years. According to DFAT, “Mexico is Australia's fifth largest education and training market in Latin America” (DFAT, 2013). In 2011, nearly 1,600 Mexican students enrolled at Australian educational institutions. As will be discussed in Chapters Four and Five where the reasons for Mexicans to migrate to Australia are examined, many respondents first arrived on student visas (of these, the majority enrolled to do Masters degrees) and then eventually settled down more permanently.

Thesis structure The thesis has the following structure. In Chapter Two I build a theoretical framework for explaining the main aspects of this thesis. I first explore the theories on international migration and argue that no single theory is capable of capturing the complexities associated with the migration of the middle classes. I then explore the concept of class, borrowing Marxist and Weberian definitions of economic and social class through the contemporary lenses of Wright and Bourdieu. Marx and then Wright describe economic class as the “generative power relationship, of one class producing the wealth which rules over it”; while Weber and Bourdieu refer to social class as the “distribution of non- economic markers like honour and prestige” to dominate others (Holmes, Hughes, & Julian, 2007). Finally, I look into the sociological theory that explains identity, hybridisation and cosmopolitanism within a framework of globalisation to understand the identity construction of Mexican middle classes in contemporary society.

Chapter Three describes the methodology utilised in the study. I present the quantitative and qualitative methodology I use in the thesis. The reasons for using an online survey are outlined as are the reasons for conducting semi-structured interviews.

Chapter Four presents a demographic profiling of Mexicans in Australia. This chapter aims to give an overview of the Mexican population in Australia, drawing on the information gathered through the online survey (there were 282 participants, roughly representing 20 per cent of the Mexican population in Australia, excluding students and visitors). Given that there are no prior studies into Mexicans in Australia and that the information provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics on this migrant group is very limited, this chapter aims to provide the missing information by presenting a demographic profile of this grouping. The chapter first describes the profile of the respondents in terms of gender, age, marital status, dependants and ethnicity. Secondly, it establishes their place of birth, point of departure and year of migration to Australia, as well as their current migration or citizenship status and intentions. Thirdly, aspects of their level of educational achievement and English language proficiency are explored. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the more significant and salient aspects of their demographic characteristics.

Chapter Five is the first of two chapters on the reasons Mexicans in Australia choose to migrate and their reasons for choosing Australia. Given that a central focus of the thesis is a better understanding of why Mexicans move to Australia, findings are spread across Chapters Five and Six. Chapter Five specifically focuses on the migration intentions of respondents as it was identified that a significant proportion of Mexicans in Australia came with no initial intentions of settling permanently. The chapter is structured following respondents’ original migration intentions: permanent, temporary with an open mind, temporary with a view to return, or temporary but hoping to settle. The last section of this chapter looks at respondents’ house tenure situations and the implications on their initial lack of permanent settlement intentions.

Chapter Six looks at respondents’ reasons for migration. I explore in detail the four most important reasons given by respondents for choosing to migrate: quality of life, security, adventure, and joining a partner. I also look at some of the specific reasons as to why Mexicans choose Australia and not other most common migration destinations. In this chapter (and in the remainder of the thesis) I argue that migrants that come from Mexico to

14 Australia are primarily from the middle and upper-middle class. Though definitions of what constitutes the middle class vary between Mexico and Australia, Mexicans seem to fit fairly easily into the mainstream Australian society and enjoy the “Australian” lifestyle.

In Chapter Seven I examine the identity of Mexicans and the ways in which they retain or discard their culture of origin and how they interact with Australians. I assess what language they mainly speak, the ways they try (if they do) to retain their Mexican identity, and the ways they try to fit into Australian society. I also explore discrimination against Mexicans in Australia and particularly their “invisibility” due to the socio-economic characteristics of Australia and the cosmopolitan middle-class identity of Mexican immigrants. I look at how their Australian context influences their possibly changing identity. Finally, I argue that their middle-class identity provides a natural medium for becoming cross-cultural and cosmopolitan12 while giving them the means (the economic, social and cultural capital) to associate with a range of different groupings regardless of nationality.

Chapter Eight explores the employment, income and class location of Mexicans living in Australia. I present their participation in the Australian labour market and a profile of their employment both prior- and post-migration. I discuss their incorporation in the work environment, particularly their position in the labour market, their work satisfaction levels, their income and their social class. I explore respondents’ middle-class self-ascription and I give an explanation for the change in social class as a consequence of migration. I identify how the professional identity of middle-class Mexicans tends to be de-territorialisable and mobile and I show that overall Mexicans in Australia are a successful group in terms of employment outcomes. Of course, there were a number of respondents who were not doing well or who had not done well in the past, particularly in the first months after arrival. Hence, I discuss the experiences of “de-professionalisation” by analysing those who found themselves in the position of taking jobs below their skill level when they first joined the Australian labour market. I then explore three areas in which respondents and interviewees found difficulties in the area of work: needing Australian experience to find their first job in Australia, not getting their skills recognised, and the barriers associated with not having English as their mother tongue.

12 Cosmopolitans are people with an interest in engaging with different cultures (Vertovec & Cohen, 2002), seeking a work-life balance that allows for cultural consumption and possessing the cultural capital to minimise obstacles to self-actuation. The concept of cosmopolitanism will be explored at length in Chapter Two.

Chapter Nine is divided into two main sections: patterns of family and gender roles among Mexican migrants in Australia. In terms of family patterns, this thesis found a high prominence of marriage among respondents and a strong emphasis on family values. Families tended to have small nuclear families as indicated by the fact that 40 per cent of respondents had offspring and typically between one and three children. Interviewees with or without children spoke of the concerns they had for the lives, education and identity of their children. In terms of gender roles, I found a mixture of views. Some families had very traditional views and patterns of gender roles, with the male spouse as sole breadwinner and provider and the female spouse as home-makers. Other respondents, however, and particularly women, spoke of how migration for them had represented a liberating experience from having to conform to social pressures in Mexico to fulfil traditional gender roles and expectations.

Chapter Ten delves into the patterns of friendships and leisure that Mexicans develop in Australia. I explore the types of friendships Mexicans establish once in Australia. It was a common feature that Mexicans found substantial barriers to socialise with “real” Australians, and the perceived reasons are explored here.

Chapter Eleven ties together the main arguments. I highlight the contribution to the theory that this thesis makes and explore some of the limitations of the study. Finally, I point to possibilities for further research in particular areas which were not covered in this project.

16 Chapter 2 – A theoretical framework for understanding middle class migration

2.1 Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the theoretical concepts underpinning this thesis. The chapter has three sections. Section 2.2 discusses the concept of class, particularly focussing on the middle classes. Section 2.3 presents relevant migration theories and argues that they are inadequate for explaining the migration phenomenon of Mexicans in Australia. The final section of this chapter sets the background for this study by showing how the current globalisation trends have shaped the migration of Mexicans to Australia in various ways.

2.2 Who are the middle class? The main axis of similarity among Mexican migrants in Australia is class. The great majority of Mexican immigrants to Australia come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds and strive to be allocated in similar places in the social structure of their new country of residence. Class is a major principle of organisation of social life in modern societies, yet it is a highly contested concept (Tilkidjiev, 2005; Wright, 2003) which often goes unacknowledged. One reason to avoid the study of class structure is its Marxist origin and its necessary evocation of contentious (even uncomfortable) topics such as conflict, privilege, and exploitation. However, there are benefits of using a class analysis framework because it focuses on the causes of inequality and helps to explain economic life chances (Wright, 2003). Understanding the conflict between classes is necessary for disclosing the “strategic relations of power and conflict among social groups and the forms in which these struggles shape the relative life chances of its members” (Portes & Hoffman, 2003: 43). By exploring the class structure of the Mexican society, it is possible to uncover the ways in which social groups actively influence the social order by consciously attempting to defend their respective privileges and to supersede the obstacles to improve their lot. The other key aspect for focusing on class is identity. As shown throughout this thesis, the middle class has a particular identity which distinguishes it from other social classes. The last section of this chapter includes a theoretical discussion on the concept of identity. This is further elaborated on in Chapter Seven where empirical findings on Mexican identity in Australia are discussed.

The advent of capitalism, industrialisation and the rapid social change that accompanied this transition has resulted in society becoming both increasingly complex and increasingly mobile. Social roles and statuses for a growing number of people ceased to be an accident of birth (Joseph, 2004). Amartya Sen’s (2001) approach on “positive freedom” contributes to the understanding that individuals in modern societies may have real life chances when a person indeed has the capacity to be or do something. Middle and upper-middle class people, because of greater resources, have a greater capacity to shape their life course. In Bourdieu’s words, these individuals tend to have better access to various forms of economic (material and financial assets), cultural (intellectual skills), social (connections) and symbolic (status and prestige) capitals which allows them to fittingly circulate in the “social space” of their “habitus” (Bourdieu, 1984).

Traditionally, social scientists have directed their attention either downwards, to the working classes, the poor and the dispossessed, or upwards, to the wealthy and powerful. More recently, arguments have appeared claiming the key role of the middle classes, either as a dynamic force that changes contemporary societies or as the keepers of traditional order. Goldthorpe defined the middle class by grouping professional, managerial and administrative employees, because they share a distinctive employment status, and whose principal feature is the “trust” that employers have to place on them to delegate tasks which gives them some degree of autonomy (in Butler & Savage, 1995: 314 - 316). For Pierre Bourdieu, class analysis is rooted in a very broad framework that explains people’s life chances. His main differentiation from an orthodox Marxist framework is that he includes non-economic aspects of opportunity such as social and cultural capital. Therefore, for Bourdieu, social class is a more ample concept that includes all sources that may lead to improving or limiting people’s life chances (Wright, 2005).

There are two main classic traditions of class analysis in social science, one by Marx and the other by Weber. Both Marx and Weber see social relations, which link people to economic resources, as the backbone of their conceptualisation (Marx calls it “relation to the means of production” while Weber refers to it as “market capacities”); they both see such social relations as unequally affecting the material interest of people and therefore as potential ground for alliance and/or conflict.

18 For Marx, the ownership of the means of production (land or capital) was the primary site of class differentiation, and the relationship between the owners and those who had to sell their labour was, in essence, conceptualised as exploitation. The stark observation that Marx makes is that “the world in which we live involves a juxtaposition of extraordinary prosperity and enhanced potentials for human creativity and fulfilment along with continuing human misery and thwarted lives” (Wright, 2003: 7). Although Marx’s original conceptualisation was a rather polarised conception of class relations where the two fundamental social classes are the capitalist owners of the means of production and the proletariat who are dependent on the selling of their labour power, contemporary neo- Marxist analyses (Wright, 2003) have complex categories of class which allow us to locate managers, professionals and the self-employed.

For Weber, on the other hand, a person’s class situation is determined by the kind and quantity of resources one owns that affect one’s opportunities for income in market situations. Therefore, property fundamentally determines an individual’s life chances. That is to say “owning means of production [(the capitalist class)] gives a person different alternatives from owning credentials [(the middle class)], and both of these are different from simply owning unskilled labour power [(the working class)]” (Wright, 2000: 29). Weber also explains that class is also influenced by status in the social order. Different social groups imply some level of identity in turn determined by social estimation or distinction. Class has a direct impact on the material wellbeing of individuals through the various types of economic assets they offer in market exchanges. “Status affects material well being indirectly, through the ways that categories of social honour underwrite various coercive mechanisms” that monopolise ideas, material goods, and/or life chances (Wright, 2003: 5).

In this study, I use Weber’s idea of market-determined life chances in a way befitting the knowledge-based, post-industrial economy. In such an environment, educational credentials and skills are crucial elements of one’s labour market position and, consequently, life chances, as well as lifestyle and consumption patterns. The high incomes that some types of professional employment can secure may lead to significant social mobility; therefore, skills are a fundamental component of class difference in contemporary society. Upon migrating to Australia, I explore in Chapter Eight whether Mexicans find themselves in similar labour market situations and occupy similar status positions as they did in Mexico.

Drawing upon the class analysis of Portes and Hoffman (2003), I present here a class structure for the Mexican society. The following sets of classes are not homogenous and must be disaggregated further for a proper understanding of the dynamics at play. Moreover, the following classification is in terms of educational level, job positions and possession of means of production, and therefore power, while it excludes other factors such as status and identity that are also crucial for understanding the class interplay. As a preliminary classification, however, the following groups are helpful.

At the top of the scale are the capitalists who are the proprietors and managing partners of large and medium firms, who resemble clearly enough the traditional “upper class” category. Executives follow on the scale and are the managers and administrators of large to medium firms and public institutions, and occupy the “upper-middle class” segment. Professionals and skilled workers comprise the “middle-middle class” and typically are university-trained salaried professionals in public service and large and medium private firms (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). The “lower-middle social class” comprises own-account professionals and technicians, and micro entrepreneurs with personally-supervised staff. The “working class” is subdivided into three main categories as well: the non-manual formal proletariat, who are vocationally-trained salaried technicians and white-collar employees; the manual formal proletariat, who are skilled and unskilled waged workers with labour contracts; and the informal proletariat, who are non-contractual waged workers, casual vendors, unpaid family workers, own-account workers and other low- skilled personnel forced to survive through the least remunerative forms of enterprise (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). This last section in the range of social classes in Mexico has been increasing since the 1980s and it is where most of the working population is located.

The shrinking middle class has been forced to find mechanisms to hold on to their social class, and one of them has been international migration. For some professionals, white collar employees and skilled workers (all belonging to the middle classes), emigration to developed countries represents one of the few alternatives they possess. Moreover, the increasing proportion of persons with higher qualifications who are willing to emigrate reflects the deterioration in the economic and social conditions, opportunities and standard of living in Mexico. This is elaborated on in Chapter Six where I discuss the finding of this study on the main reasons for migrating.

20 The middle class is a social group that comprises categories of individuals, marked by two general characteristics: a particular economically-defined set of life chances and material standards of living, and a particular attitude towards life which encompasses ways of seeing the world and certain aspirations (Tilkidjiev, 2005). Middle-class people are prone to believe they owe much of what they have achieved to their own efforts, resources, qualifications, education, intelligence and self-motivation and tend to be oblivious to their class origins (Tilkidjiev, 2005). Middle-class individuals acquire a diverse range of education, managerial skills, qualifications and property, which is potentially transferrable into other forms of capital, that in turn could afford social status and prestige (Bourdieu, 1984). Middle-class people are strong believers in the power of agency. Using Conradson and Latham’s (2005b) term, it is this very “middling” social status of the middle classes that puts them in that “in-between” position, between the upper class and the lower class, between the haves and the have-nots. A number of characteristics make the middle class a distinct social group. Middle class people tend to be affluent; however, the degree of economic wealth or other forms of social and cultural capital will depend on the specific society and the specific skills of the individuals concerned. Good social status and high prestige are also constant drivers for middle class people (Banerjee & Duflo, 2007; Colic- Peisker, 2008; Tilkidjiev, 2005).

The concept of middle class, thus, is a multidimensional concept with blurred boundaries. Its very nature is troublesome, and scholars acknowledge that there is no consensus on who exactly constitutes the middle class or how we should define this grouping (Pressman, 2007, 2010; Wright, 2003). Thus in terms of economic power, it is not enough to be well off to be middle class. Income and property play a role in defining the middle classes; however, the concept is compounded by power and political influence, by culture and prestige, and also by lifestyle and consumption patterns (Abercrombie & Warde, 1988).

An important component of the concept of middle class is the specific value system that shapes people’s attitude towards life. It has been argued by Birdsall (2010) that the middle classes tend to value pro-active, entrepreneurial, innovative, flexible and adaptive behaviours. High achievers tend to stand as role models for the middle class. Material aspirations drive the middle-class people’s devotion to work. Both the pro-active behaviour and the rational characteristic of the middle classes tend to be expressed in social success and material prosperity (Banerjee & Duflo, 2007).

21 Some characteristics of the middle class that are important to take into account in order to study the Mexican middle classes in Australia are their emphasis on higher education; holding competitive professional skills and qualifications; proficiency of the English language; urban skills; “middle-class outlook”, Internet-interconnectedness and lifestyle values such as home ownership, assurance of skilled work, and allowance of leisure time. All of these factors are explored in this thesis.

2.3 Migration of the middle classes: Theories and approaches

The neoclassical approach Studies of migration within a neoclassical economic framework abound, and there is a broad spectrum of complexity in the development of models. However, nearly all economists working within this framework argue that the key reason why people migrate is because of wage differentials due to geographical differences in the supply of and demand for labour commonly associated with the process of economic development (for first theorists' contributions see Harris & Todaro, 1970; Lewis, 1954: 22-23; Ranis & Fei, 1961; Todaro, 1969); (for contemporary overall view on first contributors see: Massey et al., 1993: 433-434; Todaro & Maruszko, 1998: 913). The neoclassical analysis articulates migration at both the macro and micro levels.

The first theoretical model of the decision to migrate was developed by Ravenstein (1889), utilising a neoclassical approach. In this model, the decision to migrate is conceived as depending mainly upon one factor, namely the wage differential between regions (or countries). It is argued that people living and working in low-wage regions will tend to migrate to high-wage regions. Larger wage differentials result in greater migration levels. The only other factor entering into the model is the cost of migration. In the neoclassical model, the cost of migration is no more than the cost of movement between regions, which is a function of distance and natural obstacles. Empirical findings, however, are not consistent with this model. Wage differentials have been shown to be an important determinant of migration in some studies devoted to quantifying its effect (Eriksson, 1989; Faini & Venturini, 1994; Geary & Ó Gráda, 1989; Molle & van Mourik, 1989), while others have argued not only that wage disparities do not explain much, particularly in the contemporary period (Arango, 2000: 286), but that migration is largely influenced by non- pecuniary factors such as family reunification, social networks, or “forcing” factors such as

22 conflict, insecurity, persecution, or environmental reasons (Koser, 2007: 16-17). Distance has also been shown to be a significant determinant (Molle & van Mourik, 1989).

Harris and Todaro (1970) extended the neo-classical model by including a third factor: the probability of finding employment in the destination region. In their view, migration, rather than being determined by wage differential alone, is determined by the expected wage differential. This extension allowed them to explain rural–urban migration in Third- World countries despite the scarcity of jobs in urban regions.

The neoclassical argument has been very influential in the field of economics; however, there are several assumptions underlying this argument that are problematic for providing a better understanding of the distinctiveness, complexity, and multifaceted nature of middle- class migration. The neoclassical approach focuses exclusively on the expected wage differential (wage differential multiplied by the probability of finding employment and including costs of migration); therefore, this approach ignores or underplays considerations such as specific factors of attitude, behaviour and identity characteristic of different social classes. Furthermore, Arango’s (2004) criticism of the neoclassical theory stems from its inability to explain why so few people move. Since not all migration is necessarily driven by economic considerations (Hannerz, 2000; Koser, 2007), it appears evident that it must be driven by other forces.

The new economics of migration The “new economics of migration”, developed in recent years by Stark (1991) and Massey and Taylor (2004), has extended the neoclassical argument by making a strong case that the decision to migrate is rarely made by individuals in isolation. Rather, it is arrived at by an entire household and even extended families to maximize potential earning capacity, minimize financial risk, and counteract constraints associated with market imperfection. One way in which families control risk is by diversifying the allocation of household resources, such as sending a family member abroad as an overseas contract worker. Nonetheless, this theory also considers that wage differentials are not the only incentive for migration. Families may have strong incentives to diversify risk through international migration even in the absence of wage differentials. So where wage differentials are neither the only nor the most important factor in the decision-making process, international migration may be motivated by imbalances (imperfection, disequilibrium, absence) in

23 other markets and not just in the labour market, for instance the absence or imperfection of capital and insurance markets in sending countries as drivers behind migration.

The new economics of migration theory incorporates the notion of “relative deprivation” that compares non-migrant families to migrant ones (Portes, 2007). It is argued that it is not so much the absolute wage differential with other countries that prompts migration; rather, it is the resultant inequitable distribution of income in the community of origin that arises from and drives the prevalence of emigration. This theory suggests that families compare their relative economic position to other families and are able to increase their income by having family members living abroad in developed countries with higher wages, who remit money to their communities of origin. Households also diversify risk by having family members earn their income in more stable economies so that in times of economic downturn, when no institutional mechanisms – such as unemployment benefits or public health services – are available in the country of origin, families may rely on migrant remittances for support.

The new economics of migration has made several distinctive contributions to this field. One of the most significant is its focus on the household as the relevant decision-making unit of analysis, rather than the individual. Despite the inclusion of a greater unit of analysis, the new economics of migration fails to take into account social classes that represent specific interests and situations. It also places great emphasis on the relationship that exists between migration decision-making and two other factors: a) migrants’ remittance behaviour and b) households remittance use, which in turn highlights the role that risk and capital constraints play in the process of migration. According to this theory, the decision to migrate is closely correlated with the need for remittances in the community of origin. Therefore, households that are more exposed to income risks will have more family members abroad sending remittances, while households that have greater capital constraints will correspondingly have members abroad who send remittances back which in turn are used for productive activities.

Two deficiencies appear in this theoretical approach in order to explain the migration of middle classes. The first one relates to the fact that it appears to be a theory which is powerful in explaining working-class migration but does not have much relevance for explaining middle-class migration. The middle and upper-middle class Mexicans who migrate to Australia are not necessarily in the position to minimise financial risks (but

24 more so to minimise personal and family security risks – more on this topic in the next section on crime, insecurity and migration and in Chapter Six on reasons for migration). The explanation of relative deprivation is inadequate for explaining Mexican middle-class migration since in most of the cases, their income and standard of living in Australia is comparable to fellow middle-class Mexicans before migration. Moreover, it often appears to be the case that Mexicans take a step down, at least temporarily, in their class position as a result of migration to Australia in a similar way to many white South Africans who do not enjoy a higher standard of living in their destination country (Lucas et al., 2006). The economic and income positions of Mexicans in Australia are discussed in Chapter Eight.

The dual labour market theory Among its claims, the dual labour market theory makes a strong case that the decision to migrate is not made by individuals but rather that “international migration stems from the intrinsic labour demands of modern industrial societies” (Massey et al., 1993: 440). This perspective differs from the neoclassical theory and the new economics of migration theory in regards to the unit of analysis. The former deals with the individual as the agent who makes the decision to migrate, and the latter relates the unit of analysis to the household; while the dual labour market theory centres the analysis on social classes. The neoclassical theory’s explanation is also supply-based, while the dual labour market theory states that the origin of migration is driven by conditions of labour demand. According to Piore (1979), one of the earliest and strongest proponents of this view, migration is not caused by sending countries with low wages (“push factors”) but instead it is caused by receiving countries (“pull factors”) that constantly struggle to acquire cheap immigrant labour. Piore (1979) further explains that pull factors are mainly explained by the need in the receiving country either to keep inflation under control or to fill jobs that local workers regard as low status and are not willing to take. There is some evidence that suggests that Australia actively engages in pull factors to attract immigrants; however, it is less clear if it is for the purposes of controlling inflation, or to fill jobs regarded as low status, or a combination of the two. It appears that it is not the case that migration programs are directed at filling jobs that are regarded as low status. The vast majority of Mexicans in Australia migrate as skilled professionals and tend to acquire jobs in the higher end of the job hierarchy (see Chapter Eight).

25 This theory proposes, then, that evidence of duality in the labour market is manifested in a capital-intensive “primary sector” and a labour-intensive “secondary sector”13; divided along the lines of skilled, highly trained workers and unskilled, untrained workers. “The primary sector is characterised by higher wages, greater returns to human capital, stable employment and desirable working conditions, while secondary sector jobs lack these attributes” (Meyer & Mukerjee, 2007: 301). The key insight of the dual labour market theory is that the different segments do not integrate, let alone compete. Primary sector workers get stable, skilled jobs that require training and education for specific positions. They have more power at protecting their rights and therefore it is harder for employers to have them idle or make them redundant, in addition to stricter contracts where the employer is required to pay for unemployment costs. On the other hand, in the labour- intensive secondary sector, workers are unskilled and expendable, can be much more easily laid off, and have to support themselves while procuring new work. According to Piore (1979), in more developed economies, local workers tend to take primary sector jobs, while the jobs in the secondary sector are typically left to immigrants. However, this is not necessarily the case for those economies such as the Australian one, in which the skilled migration policy is geared to allow immigrants to take high-end jobs (except the case of some temporary and humanitarian immigration); in particular, it appears that Mexicans in Australia are able to place themselves in relatively well-paid jobs.

The dual labour market theory has been heavily criticized by theorists such as Meyer and Mukerjee (2007) who argue that it has been difficult to empirically verify the segmented structure of the labour market, and that “primary” and “secondary” types of jobs are arbitrarily defined. Thus, depending on the way “primary” and “secondary” are defined, the results vary considerably. Massey et al. (1998) propose that instead of focusing on this discussion, a more effective strategy to assess this theory is to focus on the theory’s predictions regarding international mobility. Since it is argued that migration is primarily demand-based – meaning that the destination attracts migrants to meet labour supply shortages – any consideration of migration that originates in formal labour demand programs should verify or refute the predictions of this theory. Moreover, Castles and Miller indicate that most migratory movements, both today and in the past, show that the state almost invariably has played a significant role in initiating and controlling flows (1993).

13 This is different from the usual meanings which refer to agriculture, mining, forestry, etc. as “primary sector”, manufacturing as “secondary sector” and services as “tertiary sector”.

There is definitely strong evidence to support the previous argument that the migration of Mexicans to the US started through the bracero programs of the 1940s through which the US hired “temporary” farming workers. The case of Mexican migrants in Australia also provides potential evidence for this argument, particularly because many of them have been drawn through Australia’s internationalisation of higher education policy and the General Skilled Migration visa program. For Australia, the internationalisation of higher education translated into valuable export revenue14. On the other hand, for many middle- class Mexicans, having an Australian (western) degree means “a ticket to employment in the more industrialized countries” (Iredale, 2001: 9). Overall, the dual labour market theory does shed some light in explaining the significant role that programs play in attracting migrants, but cannot be applied to the Mexican migration to Australia, since it does not really address middle-class migration.

World Systems Theory The world systems theory, first proposed by Wallerstein in 1974, has been used by many sociologists to explain the links between the developed capitalist centre and the less- developed societies, or the periphery (Lozano Ascencio, 2004). This approach confers great responsibility to the wealthy developed nations as to what happens in the underdeveloped regions of the world. According to this theory, the search for greater profits by capitalists draws them to enter poor countries in search of new markets for land, labour, raw materials, and consumer markets, provoking dislocations and disruptions in the society. The introduction of capitalist forms of production in non-capitalist economies drives workers out of local markets and contributes to the creation of a mobile labour force that has to migrate either to urban areas or abroad to find work (Wallerstein, 1974).

World systems theory argues that nowadays the core-periphery relation uproots populations through the globalisation of markets (rather than through colonialism, as in the past). In order to make products and services flow from centre-periphery-centre circuits, capitalists build transportation and communication networks that not only facilitate the movement of goods, products, information and capital, but also promote the flow of labour. The world systems theory argues that the international movement of labour

14 In the 2010-11 financial year more than AU$6 billion was received for international student fees, accounting for Australia’s third largest source of overseas revenue after iron ore and coal (Australian Education International, 2012).

27 generally follows the international movement of goods and capital, but in the opposite direction. While the free flow of financial assets has been promoted and seen as a great achievement by the mainstream, the movement of labour has in many cases been viewed as a problem that governments in receiving countries have to deal with. Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002: 217) analyse the reasons for immigrants being often portrayed as “politically unreliable, culturally different, socially marginal and biographically abnormal”, and as “natural enemies” to sovereign states. Perceptions are partially dependent on the economic conditions prevailing in the core country. During times of economic growth, immigrants are viewed as acceptable. In periods of recession and increasing unemployment they are often scapegoated. Also, an important challenge of international migration is the linkage between migration and security. The post September 11 world has put enormous pressure on some immigrant groups, especially those who come from predominantly Muslim countries (Koser, 2007: 11).

An important aspect of this centre-periphery relationship is that it creates ideological links between them, allowing the dominating part to impose ideologies or values on the dominated culture. Television and media play a big role in disseminating information of a particular lifestyle (i.e. consumerism) that is not necessarily compatible with the living standards and affordability of the developing world, therefore acting as another accelerant to dislocation (Massey et al., 1993). It is argued that people in poor countries cannot afford the type of lifestyle that has been instilled as “preferable” through the mass media; hence, a way of achieving it is by moving abroad and earning higher income that will allow them to fulfil a more consumerist lifestyle (Wallerstein, 1974).

Peripheral countries need access to markets and technology that can only be achieved through globalization. The problem with current globalization and the neoliberal doctrine is that finance and capital flows have been privileged while the movement of labour has been disregarded (Rodrik, 2002). Rodrick suggests that in order to legitimately address the needs of peripheral countries it is required not only to privilege what core countries have in abundance – capital – but also to allow labour abundant countries to participate in global trade. Moreover, globalisation theorists have “capably conceptualised flows in goods, services, finance and knowledge, [yet] they have been less able to tackle the complex human outcomes of the system” (Scott, 2006: 1125).

28 It appears that world systems theory is good at explaining the migration situation by dividing up in highly stylized and oversimplified units of analysis at both ends of the capitalist hierarchy between the core and the periphery, but it appears that it hardly engages what is “in-between”, either semi-periphery countries or middle classes. What is it about the categories of world systems theory that stops scholars using this framework from analysing middle class? Is it that it talks from the lower class? Or is it because definitions of ruling class and lower class are too confusing? Countries that rank “in-between” and classes that rank “in-between” seem difficult to theorise and/or explain, perhaps because, as Wright suggests, “the class structure of capitalism continues to become increasingly complex rather than simplified around a single, polarized class antagonism” (2000: 66), or perhaps, because of the amorphousness and fluidity of identities in “in-between” situations.

Previous theories that aim at explaining international migration do not seem able to capture the phenomenon of middle class migration. Although wage differentials, risk aversion, relative deprivation, developed market structure penetration or a combination of these are contributors to migration, different factors explain why migrants would stay in their destination and why the process of migrant flows may increase over time. Network connections (such as social capital), institutions and cumulative causation, explored below, make a contribution to the explanation as to why migration continues.

The network approach and the cumulative causation theory Massey (1987) introduced a more dynamic view of the migration process by introducing networks, a non-economic, social factor to better explain migration. As stated by Bauer and Zimmerman (1995):

Due to a lack of information about the labor market at the destination region, the first person who migrates is faced with high costs and risks. After the migration of the first individual, the monetary and psychological costs of migration are substantially lowered for relatives and friends of this individual from the original location (in Neto & Mullet, 1998: 59).

Existing network ties lower the risks associated with migration to a foreign region because individuals can expect help from earlier migrants to find a job in the destination country.

29 This reduction in costs and risks leads to a higher net return of mobility and therefore to a higher migration probability (Bauer & Zimmermann, 1995: 99).

The migrant network approach is intrinsically connected with the cumulative causation theory which explains that additional migration progressively contributes to further movements of people over time and space by making it easier. The concept of cumulative causation was first conceptualised by Myrdal (1957) to explain the cumulative nature of social change. The role of social networks is embedded in the cumulative process – the more people move, the more information available, the more support for each other and the easier it becomes for family members, friends and associates to move (Myrdal, 1957). Massey et al. (1993:451) and others have further developed the theory of cumulative causation within the scope of migration, identifying several factors that are responsible for the self-perpetuation of migration – distribution of income, distribution of land, organization of agrarian production, tastes, and motivations.

Migrants are exposed to different lifestyles, which shape their tastes and motivations according to the advanced industrial economy to which they have been exposed. Often middle-class skilled migrants experience a level of consumption that would be considered luxurious in their country of origin. Therefore, migrants acquire a stronger concept of social mobility based on their migration experience leading them to realize that it is possible to improve their income and consumption through migration. In some instances migration becomes so deeply ingrained in the communities’ repertoire and behaviour that migrants are seen as hardworking and driven individuals, while non-migrants can be considered lazy, conformist and unmotivated (Massey et al., 1993). However, the culture of migration may also be affected by a double discourse since migrants can also be considered traitors, anti-patriots and malinchistas15 (Wagley, 1958).

More recently, a more general paradigm has shifted the focus from “networks” to “transnational social spaces” in order to create a sociological framework for the understanding of migration. Defined by Faist,

[T]ransnational social spaces consist of combinations of sustained social and symbolic ties, their contents, positions in networks and

15 Malinchista is a Mexican word that describes a person who prefers foreign things over the ones produced in his/her own country. The concept is negative and derogatory, associated with treason. See Chapter Seven on Identity for a discussion on the concept of malinchismo.

30 organizations, and networks of organizations that can be found in multiple states. These spaces denote dynamic processes, not static notions of ties and positions (Faist, 2000: 199-200).

This approach also builds on the concept of social capital and highlights the usefulness of resources such as networks and organizations that serve as mechanisms to integrate groups of people (Bijak, 2006). Empirical studies conducted in the United States confirm that diffuse social capital strongly influences the likelihood of out-migration, and validates the social capital and networks theory (Palloni, Massey, Ceballos, Espinosa, & Spittel, 2001).

The theories on cumulative causation and the construction of migrant networks and institutions is useful and explanatory in many cases; however, it does not explain the reasons why so many Mexicans who decide to migrate to Australia often have no prior networks or connections (see Chapter Nine on evidence of very few prior connections). It suggests that the middle classes may feel they have a sense of “belonging” and “adaptability” to any “western mainstream” society since they have the required social, cultural and economic capital to survive and hopefully thrive in a foreign environment. Social capital and networks tend to be more relevant for underprivileged migrants, while the middle classes can rely on their economic and cultural capital.

There are complex reasons as to why Mexican middle-class people want to or are willing to move from their country of origin which the literature on general migration theories does not adequately capture. There is a paucity of work that addresses middle-class migration. The work that has been done tends to reflect a preference for the use of less contentious terms such as “professionals”, “skilled workers” or “elite migrants” and to focus on relatively homogenous groups of corporate expatriates (Beaverstock, 2012; Faulconbridge, Beaverstock, Hall, & Hewitson, 2009; Iredale, 2001; Kapur & McHale, 2005; Martuscelli & Leyva, 2007). Indeed, this literature tends to “focus on a privileged economic form of career-based mobility” and virtually ignores the settler middle-class forms of migration (Scott, 2006: 1105). So in this sense, the general migration theories discussed above appear to be limited in explaining middle-class migration: “migration is too diverse and multifaceted to be explained by a single theory” (Joaquin Arango, 2004: 15); while studies on the elite professional migrant tend to be narrow and incapable of appreciating the everyday complexities of the more confusing middle-ground of the migration scenario (Scott, 2006).

31 Very few studies have been conducted on the more heterogeneous types of middle-class migration than the professional expatriate model can explain. Scott’s work is a strong contribution in this area. Scott’s main argument is that with the advancement of economic and cultural globalisation “skilled migration has developed an increasingly diverse “human face” [… such that] traditional notions of the economic “expatriate” need to be placed within a much broader contextual and conceptual framework” (Scott, 2006: 1105). Studies done on the homogenous group of elite expatriates fail to recognise “the career flexibility and lifestyle fragmentation” which is now characteristic of the current globalisation era (Scott, 2006: 1106).

Various studies (Iredale, 2001; Scott, 2006) recognise that skilled migration is not a new phenomenon – one only has to think of the Huguenots or the Jewish diaspora over the centuries – yet “it has grown significantly in scale and scope over recent decades” (Scott, 2006: 1107). The Mexicans in Australia are a good example of this more messy middle- ground migration, as they are not represented by either of the extremes, neither the corporate expatriates nor the irregular workers. As will be shown throughout this thesis, Mexicans move for a variety of interrelated reasons.

Crime, Insecurity and Migration The migration theories outlined in this chapter are useful and they do partially explain contemporary migration trends; however, besides the lack of attention to social classes, a major gap in this literature is the failure to take into account personal security issues when explaining contemporary migrations; only a small body of research has addressed the impact of crime victimization and fear of crime as factors motivating international migration (Dodson, 2002; Louw & Mersham, 2001; Lucas et al., 2006; Wood, Gibson, Ribeiro, & Hamsho-Diaz, 2010). The impact of crime and sense of personal insecurity is an important factor that contributes to the understanding of the new middle-class fleeing phenomenon (Cullen & Levitt, 1999; El Paso Times, 2011; Lucas et al., 2006). For instance, Wood et al. (2010) argue that being a victim of crime or the fear of being a victim is a strong factor for people in Latin America deciding to emigrate.

The South African “brain drain” study of Dodson on motives for emigration found that “the biggest ‘push’ factors for both men and women were crime and lack of security” (Dodson, 2002: 2, emphasis in original). The South African civil war and post-apartheid

32 turmoils and the associated insecurity have been regarded as the backdrop for South African emigration (mainly to the UK, the USA, Australia, Canada and New Zealand) for several decades already (Louw & Mersham, 2001). Louw and Mersham argue that since the 1990s, crime, together with racial re-ranking, represents an important factor driving South African emigration: “post-apartheid migrants consistently ranked crime and fear for their own safety, especially for their children’s safety, as the topmost reason for migrating” (2001: 315). The bulk of this South African diaspora is identified as skilled individuals with university degrees and vocational qualifications, and in Australia they have been considered a successful group for their work and income outcomes (Louw & Mersham, 2001; Lucas et al., 2006).

Many regions of Latin America have experienced an increase in crime and violence since the mid-1980s. Davis concludes that violence in the region, linked to deep inequalities, massive unemployment and extreme poverty, is arguably “the central – if not defining – problem of contemporary Latin America as it faces the new millennium” (Davis, 2006: 178). Endemic violence, overall conditions of lawlessness and “la delincuencia”16 are the key problems for most Mexican citizens (Latinobarómetro, 2011). According to Wood et al., “[B]y the year 2002, the region’s homicide rate reached 23.2 [per 100,000], which is nearly three times the world average of 8.8” (Wood et al., 2010: 4), and Mexico’s homicide rate in 2010 was 21.7 (Presidencia de la República, 2012); in contrast, in Australia, the rate of homicide was 1.3 in 2006-2007 per 100,000 inhabitants (Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011). Homicide rates are often used as indicators of unreported violent crime in the absence of better data. In Mexico, crimes like robbery, assault, burglary and kidnapping are common. Social surveys conducted each year from 1995 to 2011 by Latinobarómetro17 reveal that nearly 40 per cent of those surveyed indicated that they or a member of their family had been a victim of a crime in the past twelve months. This survey covered all of Latin America; however, the country with the highest crime rate was Mexico, with up to 67.6 per cent of people answering this question affirmatively (Wood et al., 2010). The results from Latinobarómetro also show that when asked “What is the country’s most important problem?” 28 per cent of Latin Americans in 2011 considered crime (la delincuencia) and public security the most important problem in their

16 Although delincuencia and delinquency are cognates, these two words have different meanings in Spanish and in English. In Australia delinquency refers to social problems such as dropping out of school, drug and alcohol abuse, and teen pregnancy, among others. All of the above, although real social problems, most likely do not account as reasons for driving people to leave their home country. On the other hand, in Mexico the term delincuencia refers to more serious crimes such as murder, drug dealing, kidnappings, and extortion. 17 www.latinobarometro.org

33 countries (Latinobarómetro, 2011: 71). Nineteen of the 50 most violent cities in the world are cities in Mexico, with Ciudad Juárez at the top (Castillo García, 2011), a city where on average, “eight murders are committed a day – murders that remain uninvestigated and unreported outside of the region” (Pearson, 2012).

In addition to the crime and violence upsurge in the mid-1980s, at the beginning of 2007 a further dramatic surge in violence took place in Mexico after President Felipe Calderón initiated an anti-drug trafficking campaign with the backing of military force (Hernández- Bringas & Narro-Robles, 2010). In 2008, there were over 13,000 homicides in Mexico; that is, every two hours three Mexicans were murdered (Hernández-Bringas & Narro- Robles, 2010). In four years of the so-called war on organised crime and drug-trafficking the death toll had risen to at least 35,000 in 2010 (Ballí, 2012), and by the end of 2011 nearly 50,000 people had been killed in drug-related killings (Sierra, 2011). Although violence among drug cartel members has a long standing history, it has only been since this so-called “war on drugs” that “public terror became key to [cartels’] strategy” (Ballí, 2012: 40) and every day the lives of civilians are being taken (Vargas Llosa, 2011).

The consequences of fear and the sense of personal vulnerability are wide-ranging. In economic terms, the loss of social capital that results from endemic violence leads to negative impacts such as lack of trust (Davis, 2006). Moreover, the costs associated with crime and violence in Latin America are as high as 14 per cent of the GDP of the region (Heinemann & Verner, 2006). Attempts to consolidate democratic institutions are undermined by crime and insecurity in already fragile regimes by eroding public confidence in the political system of their country (Sánchez R., 2006). People’s daily lives are often ridden with fear and people may begin to restrict their movements, avoid notorious urban areas, barricade their residences, install sophisticated alarm systems and even hire private security escorts (Wood et al., 2010). Adam’s study on chronic violence in Latin America reports that “middle and upper-middle class people invest heavily in private security firms, which now outnumber police forces ... Mexico [had] 450,000 legal and 600,000 unregistered security agents vs. 390,781 police agents in 2009” (Adams, 2011: 32). This evidence gives an indication of the scale of people’s fear plus the magnitude of the financial costs of violence and crime.

The South African and Mexican situations illustrate that the existing theories of international migration fail to address important variables such as crime and insecurity as

34 propellers of new migration flows. As will be expanded on in Chapter Six, crime and insecurity were central reasons for Mexicans’ emigration to Australia.

2.4 Migration, Identity and Globalisation Having already explored theories on migration and social class, this third and final section of the conceptual framework will elaborate on theories of identity. For this study identity will be conceptualised within the socio-economic phenomenon commonly referred to as globalisation, a phenomenon made up of a number of processes by which the world is experiencing a rapid increase in the flow of information, communication, finance, commerce and population as well as the increasing interconnectedness of these factors (Steger, 2009). This global “compression” has laid the ground for the emergence of a transnational class, a class which can be characterised by its self-reflexivity and for its members’ ability to manage their lives independently of locally embedded traditional ties (Friedmann & Wolff, 1982; Rofe, 2003). The often privileged situation of such individuals allows them to take part in the benefits of globalisation as they are able to make significant, autonomous decisions – international migration being a prime example – to shape their destiny by using not only their economic capital, but also their social and cultural capital. Furthermore, this section will explore the interplay between globalisation and identity insofar as this interplay fashions migration patterns of Mexicans to Australia. By “compressing” the world, globalisation effectively accelerates the flow of ideas and individuals, and is thereby accompanied by a concomitant reshaping of human and social identity (Bauman, 2000; Easthope, 2009; Giddens, 1991). Mexicans in Australia will be shown to be largely a product of globalisation – many exhibit a “cosmopolitan identity” that gives them the benefits both of “fitting in” and possessing “something to offer”. The conclusion of this section will discuss the emerging concept of “cosmopolitan identity”.

The term globalisation has gained increasing usage in recent decades and has become a social buzzword. Despite the phenomenon emerging with the intensification and internationalisation of labour and capital flows throughout the 19th century (Balaam & Veseth, 2008), and the integrating effects of modernity (McGrew & Held, 2003), it was principally in the 1990s that the term captured the public imagination (Bisley, 2007; Steger, 2009). The term globalisation is highly contested and there is much debate about the magnitude, causes, impacts and features of globalisation (Bisley, 2007: 10; Rossi, 2007: 3). In their study, McGrew and Held (2003: 4-6) provide a short presentation on the

35 position of both the “globalists”, who consider that globalisation has real effects on contemporary society, and the “globalisation sceptics”, who challenge the explanatory value of globalisation as at best marginal. They achieve this by highlighting such factors as a lack of analytical rigour, and disagreement on the measurements of empirical and chronological evidence, as well as the influence of ephemeral intellectual trends (Bisley, 2007: 10; Scholte, 2005).

Still, in the midst of this heterogeneity, many commentators argue that there are some specific aspects of contemporary globalisation (material, spatio-temporal and cognitive) that make it a process distinguishable from the earlier phase of capitalism. The evidence tendered lies in the composition and channels of trade, of capital and of people around the globe (Nayyar, 2003: 69); the degree to which new technologies and communications systems diminish the constraints of distance and time on social interactions; the increasing interconnectedness and intensified global interdependencies (economic, political, environmental); the reduction of state controls; the permeability of nation-state borders, and the growing public awareness and consciousness of globalisation’s effects (Bisley, 2007; Nowicka, 2006; Rodrik, 2002; Sassen & Appiah, 1998; Steger, 2009). Despite the real effects of globalisation one has to be wary of an overly romanticised view of change whereby anything promoted in the name of globalisation takes on an imperative quality, as if it were part of a carte blanche opening up of a new world order. There are three reasons why I draw upon Bisley’s definition of globalisation, which is viewed as:

[...] a set of related social, political and economic consequences of a series of transformations in the social world, though the causal character of the relationships is uneven and often very unclear. Globalization refers to the aggregate social consequences that derive from the dramatic increase in both the rate and speed with which people, goods and services, capital and knowledge are able to move around the globe. This increase is the product of reductions in the transportation costs […] associated with movements and the reduction of barriers that prevent or constrain these exchanges from taking place. The notion of cost and barriers includes both the economic and non-economic spheres (Bisley, 2007: 30).

36 First, because Bisley understands globalisation as a set of consequences of diverse natures through which the complexity of such phenomenon is highlighted, as opposed to globalisation being either “a condition, a system, a force, [or] an age” (Steger, 2009: 8). Second, his definition takes into account the heightened rate and speed of global interconnectedness, which means that in contemporary times the influences fashioning people’s lives are not limited to local events, rather that events in one location have repercussions on the lives of individuals in other parts of the globe at a much quicker pace. Third, the changes brought about by globalisation are amplified by the reduction of costs and the increase of the speed of transporting people, goods and services, capital and knowledge worldwide. One of the impacts of globalisation and a defining characteristic of late modernity is that individuals are “disembedded” from time and space and social space is no longer constrained by the physical spaces in which people move (Giddens, 1991, 2002; Stones, 2012).

Third, another feature of globalisation that cannot be neglected is that it has always proven to be a remarkably uneven process, which affects individual lives in different ways and to different degrees. While some might be reaping significant benefits from the effects of globalisation, others might not enjoy any benefits (Eade, 1996; McGrew & Held, 2003; Nayyar, 2003; Sassen & Appiah, 1998; Steger, 2009). The uneven impacts are not constrained to individuals, but extend to entire nations in which, for instance, more developed countries benefit from the migration of skilled workers while less developed countries see their most talented population poached (Kapur & McHale, 2005).

When viewed as an economic process, globalisation reflects the intensely interconnected systems in the organization, production and exchange of commodities facilitated by new technologies. The increased flows of trade and capital across international borders and, to a lesser extent,18 the flows of labour across borders reflect a greater integration of markets and their global reach. The formation of transnational corporations and international economic institutions give both structure and impetus to many global economic processes through their economic and political power. While most studies on the economic aspects of globalisation have focused on the notion of neoliberalism (privatisation, deregulation, liberalisation, monetarist controls on inflation, reduction of public expenditure, expansion

18 The mobility of people is more complicated than the mobility of trade and capital, for several reasons of diverse natures: economic barriers, language barriers, and border protection barriers, to name a few. Trade and capital have increasingly seen a lowering of international barriers through policies of free trade, but the mobility of people continues to be restricted.

37 of international markets, and removal of controls on global financial flows) (Nayyar, 2003; Rodrik, 2002; Toye, 2003), the movement of people has also been recognised to be linked to global flows (Nowicka, 2006: 18).

Today, the “old geographical scales that distinguish sharply between ‘local’, ‘national’, ‘regional’ and ‘global’, no longer work in a complex, networked world where these [geographical] scales overlap and interpenetrate each other” (Steger, 2009: 10). Intensified and accelerated social exchanges and activities facilitated by important advancements in technology and communications translate into a compression of time and space (Castells, 2000). Local events can be rapidly shaped by events in other parts of the world (Stones, 2012) – a contemporary event being the case of the Tunisian street vendor who set himself on fire in December 2010 and therein sparked protests that engulfed the Middle East and began the Arab Spring.

The growing consciousness and awareness of people belonging to a global community is another characteristic of today’s globalisation and the formation of identity. As globalisation modifies cultural boundaries, people are “liberated” from the constraints of their local culture. According to King, people belonging to transnational elites “believe they live in a world culture” (King, 1991: 152, original emphasis). This aspect of consciousness refers to the subjective aspect of human beings, to their capacity to reflect upon their lives, something that Giddens argues is increasingly characteristic of people’s self-identity in contemporary society (Giddens, 1991). Roland Robertson summarises it by stating that “Globalization as a concept refers both to the compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole” (R. Robertson, 1992: 8). Numerous social scientists find convergence in the idea that in modern society people increasingly define their own identities as people become more open, flexible and reflexive. People’s life paths are increasingly less “set” and ascribed; rather, using their resources and various forms of personal capital, they live self-authored lives in which from day-to-day decisions they come to make life-changing ones, migration being a prime example. “The consequences of diverse mobilities is to produce what Beck terms the growth of ‘inner mobility’, for which coming and going, being both here and there at the same time, has become much more normal globally” (Beck 1999: 75-6 in Nowicka, 2006: 17).

38 Given that there are many aspects to globalisation (economic, political, cultural, ideological, environmental, inter alia) and being mindful that globalisation impinges on such constitutive parts of society, focusing on one or two aspects risks rank reductionism. For the purposes of this thesis, I argue that the economic, cultural and ideological aspects of globalisation help explain the appearance of a new cosmopolitan mobile class as represented by a large proportion of Mexicans in Australia.

Clearly migration is not a product of globalisation, since cross-border migrations existed long before the advent of globalisation. However, I contend that the particular case of the migration of Mexicans to Australia is a distinct type of migration grounded in globalisation. As reviewed in Chapter One, the migration of Mexicans to Australia has no discernible historical roots as there are no identifiable or established transnational networks that explain its rise. It has only been with the rise of globalisation that a transnational class has emerged. There are four reasons why I use globalisation as an important factor in the initiation of Mexican migration to Australia. First, more readily available information on Australia in Mexico exists compared to the past. Second, easier movement of people due to technological advances and social connections has revolutionised the way middle-class migrants from Mexico move elsewhere. Third, integration/adaptation to a host country is easier due to the rise of a transnational class that shares similarities with people at destination regardless of place of origin. Finally, globalisation has given people the feeling that the world is smaller, that people can move around more easily and that people have the power to actually take action for such movements.

A contemporary trend arising from globalisation is the formation of bridges that link net migrant sending states with net migrant receiving states based on the growing internationalisation of advanced education systems (Iredale, 2001). This trend attracts the movement of highly educated, proficient English speaking workers into developed economies (Iredale, 2001). In this respect Australia is a primary example (Beine et al., 2001; Docquier et al., 2007; Docquier & Rapoport, 2007; Lien & Wang, 2005). The emergence of a transnational class and a global labour market, one that becomes increasingly both complex and flexible, is what characterises the connections among people across the gulf of the developing and the developed world today (Sassen, 2007; Skeldon, 1997). There are established migration channels such as the demand for IT

39 technicians from India (Khadria, 2002), diverse professionals from South Africa19 (Bhorat et al., 2002), and nurses, care workers and domestic helpers from the Philippines (Carlos, 2010). The transnational class is characterised by their capacity to strategically resort to different forms of social and cultural capital to facilitate their transnational practices and to selectively assimilate elements of their place of origin and of their place of settlement (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007; Raj, 2003). Often certain professions are in demand in the receiving country, making migration much easier (Iredale, 2001).

Within migration studies, the concept of transnationalism arose when social scientists observed that given the impact of modern communications at the end of the 20th century migrants often maintain contact with people and institutions at both their place of origin and destination (Levitt, 2001) and “fail to shed their old identities and totally assimilate” (Pedraza, 2006: 45). This contact has been proved to exist through correspondence, political contributions and remittances for many centuries (Foner, 1997). However, the term transnationalism has come to the fore in recent years, particularly since the 1990s with the seminal works of authors like Glick Schiller et al. (1992) and Basch et al. (1994). They highlight the differences between current forms of migrant interconnectedness and earlier ones:

Transmigrants are immigrants whose daily lives depend on multiple and constant interconnections across international borders and whose public identities are configured in relationship to more than one nation-state. They are not sojourners because they settle and become incorporated in the economy and political institutions, localities, and patterns of daily life of the country in which they reside. However, at the very same time, they are engaged elsewhere in the sense that they maintain connections, build institutions, conduct transactions, and influence local and national events in the countries from which they emigrated. Transnational migration is the process by which immigrants forge and sustain simultaneous multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement. In identifying a new process of migration, scholars of transnational migration emphasize the ongoing and

19 “Architects, engineers and technicians; natural science; medical, dental and related health; education and related, humanities and related, accountant and related, art, sport and entertainment” (Bhorat, Meyer, & Mlatsheni, 2002: 11)

40 continuing ways in which current-day immigrants construct and reconstitute their simultaneous embeddedness in more than one society (Glick Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1995: 48).

These authors emphasize the existence and fluidity of certain social spaces in which transnational practices take place. They show how transnational migrants connect not only in their country of origin and destination, but also in other places around the world that connect migrants (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007). Furthermore, scholars who study transnationalism have also paid particular attention to the effects that migrants’ transnational practices have, not only on the lives of migrants but also of non-migrants (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007).

One change from past transnational practices stems from the technological innovations that have given rise to faster and more accessible communication and travel (Pedraza, 2006; Vertovec, 2004). Pedraza argues that although migrants in the past also engaged in transnational lives, “there is a qualitative difference in the transnational experiences immigrants live today” (2006: 46) because of the immediacy and reliability of new technologies and communications. Changes to the political and economic landscapes of countries of origin and destination have also contributed to changes in today’s transnational practices. Of great significance is the financial impact migrants make both through remittances to their origin country – which in Mexico represent the largest legal export after oil (remittances mainly originating in the United States) – and through their workforce participation in the country of destination20.

“Social remittances” as coined by Peggy Levitt (2001) refers to ideas, norms, practices and identities that transnational migrants carry with them. Levitt and Lamba-Nieves argue that migrants’ experiences prior to migration influence what they do at their destination as well as the social remittances they send back to their country of origin. In other words, the ideas, values and practices of migrants strongly shape what they encounter in their country of settlement, which, in turn, shapes what they import back to their homeland (Levitt & Lamba-Nieves, 2010). As will be shown throughout this thesis, in the case of Mexicans in Australia, migrants arrive with a keen interest in values such as educational achievement, professional success, the rule of law, property rights, quality of life and “work-life”

20 The literature on remittances and their impact on the communities of origin is ample (Faini, 2007; Ratha & Xu, 2009; Valdivia Lopez & Lozano Ascencio, 2010) and no further exploration of this topic will be included in this thesis, as remittances are not within the scope of this study.

41 balance21 (Birdsall, 2010), all factors which coalesce comfortably with the Australian middle class. The focus on these values contributes to facilitating the incorporation of Mexicans into Australian mainstream society and also shapes Mexicans’ imagery of Australia, an imagery which they ultimately communicate back to their community in Mexico. Mexicans in Australia send information back to Mexico about the quality of life in Australia (favourable employment situation, security, etc.).

The literature makes it clear that members of the middle class draw heavily upon their professional association to give meaning to their identity (Colic-Peisker, 2008; Tilkidjiev, 2005). Their professional identities are sufficiently de-territorialised and mobile to allow them to resettle in a new country by choice; however, they are not “chronically mobile people”, as are transnational professionals who work for multinational companies or international organizations (Nowicka, 2006: 18-20). Nowicka’s study focuses on transnational professionals who are “globally ubiquitous” and who spend at least a hundred days a year abroad. There are significant overlaps in the characteristics of these globally ubiquitous people with the middle-class Mexicans in Australia, despite their life situations being different. One overlapping characteristic is that their identity provides a natural medium for becoming cross-cultural and cosmopolitan while giving them the means (economic, social and cultural capital) to associate with a range of different groupings regardless of nationality or background (Nowicka, 2006). Mexicans in Australia exhibit a cosmopolitan identity – albeit a Western, capitalist, English-speaking version of it – that originated with their middle-class identity in Mexico but was reinforced upon migrating to Australia, because this life changing event necessitated the employment of considerable economic, social and cultural capital, thereby strengthening the cosmopolitan identity ipso facto.

For some contemporary scholars, cosmopolitanism refers to the ideal of global democracy and world citizenship (cosmopolitan deriving directly from the Greek “citizen of the world”) in which the nation-state’s role is, if not radically different, at least significantly weaker (Castles, 2002). For other writers cosmopolitanism emphasises the transnational structures that allow for social movements. And still others refer to cosmopolitanism as certain “socio-cultural processes or individual behaviours, values or dispositions manifesting a capacity to engage cultural multiplicity” (Vertovec & Cohen, 2002: 1).

21 Birdsall (2010) presents a discussion on the definition and values of the middle class in developing countries.

The use of the concept cosmopolitanism, as it refers to people’s attitudes and dispositions, is what Waldron (1992) identifies as a “mode of engaging with the world”. Cosmopolitans have a particular perspective which involves a willingness to participate in a plurality of cultures, and tolerance of, and openness to, cultural diversity. In this sense, cosmopolitanism refers to a desire for and an appreciation of the culture of others. Such a worldview and disposition allows the cosmopolitan person to experience simultaneously a sense of familiarity and strangeness either in their local culture or anywhere else in the world, while still “fitting in” with the imperatives of the here and now. For Appiah, the term cosmopolitanism refers to a person “who thinks that the world is, so to speak, our shared hometown, reproducing something very like the self-conscious oxymoron of the ‘global village’” (Appiah, 2005: 217). This cosmopolitan disposition demands the ability to command a degree of “social and cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1984), largely acquired by experience and travel, which in turn gives people social status (Scott, 2006). Scott affirms that international migration is employed by the middle classes, either consciously or not, as a particular mobility strategy which “leads to the[ir] appropriation of social, cultural and economic capital” (Scott, 2006: 1109). Throughout this thesis it will be shown that the use of various forms of capital by the Mexican middle-class migrants represents a strategy that allows them to fit into Australian society.

In fables of the ancient Greek world, Odysseus, a cosmopolite, was a person who looked for adventures and valued the unfamiliar and the exotic. A critique of the concept of cosmopolitanism is that it is only available to an elite – to people in privileged situations, with the resources to travel, to engage other cultures and to acquire new languages (Vertovec & Cohen, 2002). In this sense, cosmopolitanism is understood in large part as a matter of appetite, as an acquired taste for cultural and material consumption. Those who engage in cosmopolitan tourism search for diverse experiences and delight in encountering, understanding and engaging different cultures. “It is a trend arguably based on exoticism, commodification and consumer culture. Considering where most global tourists come from, such a trend may contribute to an image of cosmopolitanism as ‘a predominantly white/First World take on things’” (Vertovec & Cohen, 2002: 8). As will be discussed in later chapters, many Mexicans residing in Australia are people that can be categorised under the cosmopolitan umbrella, as many search for exotic adventures, have an appetite for diverse cultural experiences, and have the means to live a similar lifestyle to that of empowered groups in the developed world.

2.5 Conclusion In this chapter, I have discussed the three most important conceptual topics underpinning the theoretical framework of this thesis namely the debates around the concept of the middle class; theories explaining the migration of the middle classes, and migration and identity within the context of globalisation. I began this chapter by pointing out that class is a major factor shaping social life in modern societies. I then highlighted the importance of acknowledging the relative substantial life chances and resources, such as economic, cultural, social and symbolic forms of capital that the middle classes are able to draw upon in order to fittingly circulate within their “habituses” (Bourdieu, 1989). Primarily drawing upon the work of Portes and Hoffman (2003) I then sketched a class structure for the Mexican society.

I explored the major migration theories and discussed that such theories are too limited and – in agreement with Scott (2006) – I have argued that they are incapable of adequately explaining middle class migration. I dedicated a brief section to the importance of crime and lack of security in the homeland as a strong motive for middle-class emigration.

This final section of the theoretical framework sought to contextualise within various processes of globalisation the identity aspect of the migration of middle-class Mexicans to Australia. I identified that a major consequence of globalisation is the emergence of a transnational class of mobile professionals characterised by their capacity to reflect upon their life chances, to shape their identities and to make big decisions such as relocating internationally. I have explored the characteristics of transnational practices and have identified a subset of transnational migrants that have a cosmopolitan view of the world. Cosmopolitans are people with an interest in engaging with different cultures, seeking a work-life balance that allows for cultural consumption and they possess the cultural capital to minimise obstacles to self-actualisation. In the remainder of this thesis I will illustrate the ways in which middle-class Mexicans in Australia belong to this cosmopolitan grouping.

Chapter 3 – Methodology

3.1 Introduction: Why mixed methods? The first two chapters have sought to lay the foundations for this thesis by providing an introduction and a conceptual framework, therein creating the structure for analysing the data which are to be introduced in Chapters Four, Five, Six, Seven and Eight. This chapter, addressing methodology, outlines the two methods chosen for collecting and analysing the data and provides a rationale for the methodological approach used in this thesis. The chapter has two main sections. The first section reviews the literature on quantitative surveys and then describes the construction and design of the survey questionnaire used to collect the data underpinning the research questions that guide this thesis: Why Mexicans decide to migrate, why they move to Australia, how they identify themselves in terms of nationality and social class and how they are incorporated into their host society in the spheres of family, work, and friendships. A description of the data analysis procedures is presented, followed by a profile of survey respondents. The second main section reviews the literature on qualitative methods and in particular the use of semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The criteria for participant selection, the pilot stage, the sample size, data collection, processing and analysis are then described. This chapter concludes with a summary of how the data have been analysed, and discusses the validity and reliability of the research findings.

For this thesis, a combination of quantitative (survey-based) methods and qualitative (semi-structured interviews) methods was used to collect and analyse data. It was evident that utilising these two methods would yield more relevant data and contribute to the securing of a deeper understanding (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007). The use of a mixed- methods approach ensures that the data collected are richer. As Hall argues,

the use of a single method type is unlikely to provide answers to the often-complex set of research questions being addressed. Researchers are more likely to use… Mixed-Method Designs. In these designs the features of two or more research methods are employed in the one study. Mixed methods designs are coming to be widely used in applied social research particularly where the

45 methods combine qualitative and quantitative data. This enables a richer set of data to provide various perspectives on the research topic and removes the limitations imposed by using single methods (R. Hall, 2008: iv).

Other authors see the use of mixed methods as indispensable: “…mixed methods is a highly desirable research strategy, rather than an optional one” (Findlay & Li, 1999: 51). Greene et al. (1989) identify five purposes for mixed-methods evaluations, all of which proved advantageous for my study. The combination of two methods – in this case, a survey followed by interviews – proved to be useful for finding concurrence in respondents’ answers. This is what Greene et al. (1989) refer to as “triangulation” in which convergence of results and neutralisation of biases are sought. Secondly, combining methods allows for “overlapping” – different aspects of a particular phenomenon become evident and for “sequencing” – when the first method is used sequentially to inform the second method (Greene et al., 1989). When applied to my project, overlapping proved to be an advantage because findings from the survey were later corroborated through findings from the interviews (see below on “integrated design”). Further, findings from the survey contributed to the construction of the interview schedule. The combination of methods added breadth and depth to my study. My claims for the advantages of my methods in circumstances of a migrant population such as the Mexicans in Australia, are backed up by the work of other scholars who have established these advantages in their research (Findlay & Li, 1999; McKendrick, 1996; Meeus, 2012).

The mixed methods used for data collection in this study involved an “integrated design”, which is used “when findings from one part of the study are used to influence design aspects of another part of the same study” (Hall, 2007: 143). Creswell (1994: 177) calls this combining of methods a “two-phase design” and underscores the advantage of this approach, being that the two phases are separate. In this case, findings from the survey were used to shape follow-up interviews. The latter addressed issues which arose from the survey. The survey provided data from migrants in a more standardised format on all the thematic areas of this research, while the interviews provided detailed qualitative data on all major topics but particularly on identity and social life to complement the findings from the survey.

46 3.2 Quantitative research design

Reasons for doing an online survey The purpose of any survey research is typically multi-faceted. Babbie (1990) identifies three general objectives of surveys: to describe, to explain and to explore. In this thesis, the survey’s primary goal (it was an online survey) was to function as a “search” device to explore the Mexican population in Australia, and more specifically, to shed light on what their reasons for being in Australia are, what their experiences have been like in the spheres of identity, work, family and friendship, and the ways in which many of these experiences are influenced by the respondents’ middle-classness. A second objective was to collect data to be used for creating a demographic profile of the Mexican population in Australia given that the Australia Bureau of Statistics collects very few data on this group and previous studies are scant (Barba Ponce, 2013).

This choice of method was influenced by a number of considerations. Several authors (Alreck & Settle, 1995; De Vaus, 1995; R. Hall, 2008) agree that the most worthwhile method to undertake a study of this type is to survey a representative sample in order to gain greater knowledge of the population being studied (see below section on selecting the sample). Alreck and Settle (1995: 3) argue that the purpose of survey research is to ascertain information about attitudes, behaviours and other characteristics from a particular population. Although Australian census information on socio-economic characteristics of Mexican-born residents exists22, the scope of the information it yielded was inadequate for this study as it did not delve into the matters of motivation, class, social relations and identity, which are major concerns in this study. The reasons behind the preference for using a survey are encompassed in Hall’s statement:

The survey is by far the most frequently used method in the social sciences. It is most widely used in sociology but is also used extensively in all other social sciences. The reason for this is partly because of its simplicity. If you want to find out why people behave in certain ways or what people think about certain issues then the most obvious technique to use is to ask them (2007: 115).

22 ABS data on Mexicans in Australia for 2011 Census included: age, marital status, year of arrival, place of usual residence, Australian citizenship, religion, language spoken at home, English proficiency, employment type and labour force status.

47 There are several reasons why doing online survey research has advantages over alternative survey methods. Technological advancements have revolutionised the way surveys can be done, the foremost example being the web-based tools and services available (Evans & Mathur, 2005; Ray & Tabor, 2003). Although there are many ways of surveying people through the internet, the most highly recommended way according to Fowler (2009: 61), and the way used in this study, is asking people to go to a website where the survey is available for completion. Thus, respondents were emailed a hyperlinked URL (see Appendix B for online flyer) and were immediately directed to a feature-rich web-based survey with inviting illustrations, stimulating graphics and a broad range of question formats.

The reasons for choosing an internet-based survey include access to individuals in distant locations, the ability to reach socially or geographically isolated participants, and the convenience of automated data collection, which increases researcher effectiveness and efficiency (K. B. Wright, 2005: introduction), all advantages which this study benefitted from. Given the time and financial constraints of a PhD project, it would have been almost impossible to carry out a nation-wide coverage if it had not been for the internet design. I received responses from Mexican people in all the major cities in Australia and many rural areas thanks to this internet survey.

Given the breadth and sensitivity of the topics raised in the questionnaire, the anonymous self-administered online format proved preferable, especially in securing both candid and considered responses (Evans & Mathur, 2005: 208), rather than the inhibition that can be associated with face-to-face surveys, especially when conducted by a researcher known personally to many among the Mexican community.

Using an internet-based survey meant coverage error was minimal, given that even low- income Mexican households in Australia have ready access to the internet, as the advent of

VOIP telephony has rendered the internet the cheapest way to stay in contact with family abroad. This observation was corroborated by Hall (2008: 233), who states that “[c]overage problems for internet questionnaires are diminishing rapidly as internet access by households increases at a rapid rate”. It is largely for these reasons that I can attribute the high return rate and quality of the data the online survey yielded.

48 The online survey software used – WorldAPP Key Survey, a software platform for professional and academic online surveys – was remarkably flexible. It allowed for all responses to be securely stored and readily accessible in a systematic yet dynamic format. The survey’s flexibility allowed for respondent-specific, tailored versions of the survey. Each respondent sees and answers only questions specifically linked to them, thus eliminating confusion for the respondent and allowing the software to control the skip patterns (for example, if unmarried/single, then skip questions regarding partner). Also, the survey was constructed so that respondents had to answer all the questions in each thematic section before advancing to the next set of questions, thus eliminating the possibility of item non-response. Respondents were shown a graphic and percentage indicator that informed them of approximately how long it would take them to finish the survey, a tool that encourages respondents to either complete the questionnaire or not to undertake it until they have sufficient time for the task.

There is also an element of convenience associated with online surveys. Respondents can answer them at a time that is most convenient for them, and they can take as long as they want on each question. To reduce survey bias, the software prevented respondents from looking at the questions ahead and allowed control over the answer order; it also restricted going back to already submitted sections, hence capturing more candid responses. Also, having a set of short pages connected with next buttons, instead of one single continuous scrolling survey, meant respondents were less likely to be daunted by the apparent length of the survey (more on the length of the survey below).

Perhaps one of the greatest advantages of online survey research is that surveys can be administered in a time-efficient manner, minimising the time window it takes to get results back from the field. Also related to timeliness and efficiency, online survey softwares make it very simple for respondents to complete surveys and for the researcher to compile and analyse the data. With the completion of each survey, the software instantaneously stored information in a data base and presented it in graphic and numerical formats, generating “preliminary real-time data as the researcher waits for the full data set to be assembled” (Evans & Mathur, 2005: 208). As surveys are self-administered and do not require postage or interviewers, financial costs are minimal (Evans & Mathur, 2005: 199).

49 Potential weaknesses of online surveys I am aware that there are potential pitfalls associated with online surveys. However, by being fully anticipated, these potential weaknesses were significantly mitigated. For instance, the risk of online surveys being viewed by the recipient as unsolicited ‘junk’ mail was moderated in three ways. Firstly, the email invitation was distributed through respected and known channels to the respondents (see Appendix B for email invitation). The sources included the Mexican Embassy, longstanding associations of Mexicans in Australia, online groups where respondents have opted-in and, most effectively of all, through friends of friends – the snowballing method. Secondly, a carefully edited and presented email was designed in order to demonstrate the professionalism of the study.

Thirdly, respondents were asked to follow a secure URL from the University of New South Wales (https://www.surveys.unsw.edu.au), and the initiating email was clearly identifiable with the sender’s position as a student of UNSW ([email protected]) to minimise security concerns and maximise trust.

A lack of online experience was also a potential problem needing mitigation. To alleviate the burden on less computer-literate respondents, clear instructions and question types were used. The embedded URL that took respondents to the survey was accessible easily through a single mouse-click. The survey was pre-tested in a variety of computer configurations, browsers and screen settings to ensure its compatibility.

Low response rates are a common risk among all surveys potentially skewing the reliability of data. Whether on-line surveys have a lower response rate than other formats has not been clearly established. Ray and Tabor suggest that a critical factor in increasing response rates is to keep the survey “short, relevant and of interest to the respondent” (Ray & Tabor, 2003: 35). The unexpectedly high response rate among the Mexican residents in Australia suggests that respondents found the survey questionnaire relevant and of interest. I also received numerous emails from respondents saying that they were very interested in the scope of the study and that they were looking forward to seeing the results.

Scope of study The scope of the study and survey was limited to adults either born or raised in Mexico who are currently residing in Australia. Full-time students with intentions of returning to Mexico and no strong social connections to Mexican networks in Australia were excluded given the transient and purpose-specific nature of their residency in Australia. Even though

50 international students have proved a large source of permanent migrants (Colic-Peisker, 2010; Hazen & Alberts, 2006; Li, Findlay, Jowett, & Skeldon, 1996), they do not have the permanent characteristic23 of the migratory experience that is required for this study.

Finding survey participants Participants in this survey were found in a variety of ways. In May 2008 the Mexican Embassy in Canberra had a database of 1,256 Mexicans in Australia24. After I briefed the Ambassador on the scope of the study, she agreed to assist with the recruitment of participants. The Embassy sent an email asking those interested in my research project to reply to the Embassy expressing their interest in participating. Those who expressed an interest then received a second email from the Embassy with the link to the online survey.

The second largest contact group was made through the most recognised Mexican associations in Australia, the Mexican Australian Welfare Association Inc. (MAWAI) and

Mexican Social and Cultural Association of Victoria Inc. (MEXVIC). Other sources that were used to contact potential respondents included social networking websites, attendance at Mexican cultural events, and through Mexican retailers, including restaurants, in suburban areas. The most effective method of contacting respondents who fell outside these circles was achieved through the snowball technique in which more isolated respondents were recruited by existing respondents from among their acquaintances. This proved particularly useful, not only because it helped find respondents who were not part of the aforementioned networks, but also because it allowed me to gauge the extent of the informal social networks connecting the population in question. Other migration scholars (Tatz, Arnold, & Heller, 2007) have used the “snowball” sample method and have been similarly successful for finding hidden or inaccessible members of groups for whom no list was available. The researcher was mindful at all times of Australian laws on privacy which preclude from requesting lists of contacts (see below section on Ethics approval).

In addition, in many cases I met respondents by attending Mexican events and by engaging Mexicans in natural friendly conversation. We would talk about our reasons for being in Australia and our jobs, where I invariably talked about my PhD project. Then we would exchange details, we would remain in contact from that point onwards and I included them

23 Koser (2007) discusses the difficulties of defining what a migrant is. 24 Although there are no data available for specific numbers, it is estimated that there are around 3,000 Mexicans in Australia of which nearly half are students. Therefore, the Embassy’s database covers roughly one third of the estimated total population.

51 in my mailing list when sending out the online survey. Most of the people contacted in this way mentioned they were willing to be interviewed in the second phase of my study. The variety of sources contributed to the gathering of the sample, as presented below in the section on “selecting the sample”.

Instruments for data collection An attractive online “flyer” in Spanish (see Appendix B) was seen as an appealing medium to introduce potential respondents to the topic of the survey and to encourage full and active participation. The link to the survey was embedded on an electronic email flyer which I personally drafted and designed, and had uniquely illustrated. The invitation succinctly stated the importance of the research and the potential interest for respondents (Brown, 2003). The flyer invitation included the university’s logo, and the link to the survey was kept visible as a UNSW URL. The flyer was drafted with an inviting friendly tone, although the language was kept formal in order to transmit the formality of the overall study. To create a friendlier atmosphere, the informal second singular grammatical person tú was used instead of the formal usted, a usage especially common among Mexicans25. The flyer informed potential participants about the general aims of the study: to better understand the experience of Mexicans in Australia; about the survey being part of a doctoral research project, it stated the length of the survey, the actual link to the survey, the contact details of the researcher, the ethics approval and a request to forward the flyer to other Mexicans.

Distribution of online survey The first set of emails were sent at the end of February 2010 to Mexicans with whom I had had direct contact since my arrival in Australia. I then contacted the Instituto Cervantes in Sydney, the Mexican Embassy in Canberra, the Association of Mexicans in Sydney

(MAWAI), the Association of Mexicans in Victoria (MEXVIC), the most recognised and reputable migration agent used by Mexicans (VisAustralia), the Hola Mexico Film Festival, the Sydney Latin American Film festival, two leading Mexican community bands (The Real Mexico and Fiesta Viva Entertainment), a Sydney-based school of traditional

25 Different Spanish speaking countries have different usages and forms for the informal and the formal second grammatical person for both singular and plural. In Mexico, the formal usted form is still widely used although its usage is often contextual. Generally speaking, people tend to speak to the elderly using the formal form while it is less systematically used among strangers as one goes up the social class gradient. Working class people tend to stick to usted when addressing strangers as a way of showing respect, distance and submission. On the other hand, the middle class and upper class tend to use usted less often as a way to show friendliness and to blur boundaries that may imply a form of respect.

52 Mexican dance, Mexican retail businesses, groups of Mexican online social networks (such as Facebook), and Mission México – an Australian-based charity operating in Mexico. Before the first reminder was sent at the beginning of May 2010, a total of 130 people had responded to the survey. Straight after the first reminder there was a major increase in the number of respondents. By the beginning of June 2010, 288 people had fully completed the questionnaire, a number which achieved the targeted sample size (see section below on “selecting sample size”). The last response was received in September 2010, and shortly afterwards I made the link to the survey inactive.

Cross-sectional survey Given its cross-sectional rather than longitudinal design, this study focussed on data collection over a specific period in time, from February to September 2010, an eight-month period in which 299 respondents completed the survey. Since the software controlled for multiple responses through the IP record, respondents could only answer the survey once from the same IP address (thereby anticipating and offsetting another potential methodological weakness). The 299 respondents represent about 20 per cent of the Mexican adult population, excluding students and visitors, in Australia. Cross-sectional design studies have proved ideal for doing exploratory research “at one point in time from a sample selected to describe some larger population at that time” (Babbie, 1990: 62). Moreover, cross-sectional studies allow for data on attitudes and behaviours to be collected from a large number of respondents at a particular point in time and have been widely used by researchers doing empirical work on migration (Ward & Styles, 2003). Cross-sectional studies have been critiqued for being time-bound and unable to measure change over time (Babbie, 1990: 63). So, far from purporting to be a longitudinal study, in which participants would be traced and their progress gauged years later, the emphasis of this study was to capture the attitudes and experiences of Mexicans in the “here and now”. Although longitudinal studies would allow for observing change in individuals’ behaviours (Wooldridge, 2007), due to time and financial constraints of the PhD project it was not possible to collect time series. Nevertheless, the survey was designed to do an in-depth exploration, and the cross sectional design proved to be both feasible and sufficient in providing a detailed snapshot of the lives of Mexicans in Australia at one particular point in time, therefore fulfilling the purposes of this study.

53 Limitations and strengths in this study Before looking for participants and launching the survey online, I had cause to be concerned about a potential low response rate. In light of the following cultural considerations, I expected that if participants did not know me or recognise my bona fides, a lack of trust would make them reluctant to participate in this study. Given the frequency of fraud and kidnapping in Mexico, Mexicans tend to be less trusting of strangers when giving personal information, in particular middle and upper-middle class Mexicans and even more so, individuals from the large metropolitan areas. The excellent response rate suggests that Mexicans living in Australia are less apprehensive than those living in Mexico. Still, to mitigate against such potential mistrust and reluctance and to gain peoples’ trust I made extensive use of personal contacts for recommendations to prospective participants. While the source of respondents is unknown due to the confidentiality of the chosen method, I surmise that the snowballing technique was perhaps the singular factor in the success of the survey rollout.

Response rate and non-response bias problem Alreck and Settle (1995: 36) argue that the non-response bias is potentially a serious reliability problem. They emphasize that the response rate will depend on the particular characteristics of the target population and that those surveyed who are less pressured for time will be more likely to respond. In this study, survey responses were received from a wide range of people, from all Australian states (except Tasmania), and from not only major urban centres but also regional areas. In addition, the age distribution of the sample is very similar to the age distribution reported in the 2006 Census (see Chapter Four for comparison on age distribution in sample and in Australian Census). I attribute the successful response rate partially to the interest on the part of the Mexican population in the topic of the study.

Selecting the sample To choose the sample size I took into account some crucial variables. First of all, the size of the population was one of the most important variables and unfortunately, due to the small number of Mexicans in Australia, the Australia Bureau of Statistics holds very limited and often contradictory data. Thus, using the 2006 and 2011 Census information (respectively, 1,802 and 3,255 Mexicans in Australia), the data on Mexican students from Austrade (1,433 in 2007) and from the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (1,063 in 2010-11), the information provided by the Mexican Embassy (1,256 in 2008), and –

54 most relevant – the estimated Mexican-born resident population published by the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (3,510 at 30 June 2010), I arrived at the estimate of roughly 3,500 Mexicans in Australia in 2010, of which nearly 1,000 are under a student migration status, leaving a target population of about 2,500 people. Based on Salant and Dillman’s (1994: 55) sample sizes chart, for a population of 2,500 units of analysis, a sample of nearly 300 is needed to make estimates with a sampling error of no more than ±5 percent, at the 95 percent confidence level. Hence, I surveyed 282 people, which at 95 per cent confidence level and 5.5 per cent confidence interval are representative of the 2,500 of the eligible population.

Given the small size of the Mexican population in Australia and the concentration of Mexicans in Australia’s major cities, it appeared that there was no need for a stratification strategy when finding the target population. Moreover, a special effort was made to seek out Mexicans living in rural and regional areas. Even so, the survey collected a large sample of Mexican residents per state as illustrated in Figure 3.1 below.

Figure 3.1: Proportion of Mexicans in Australia (survey and 2011 Census)

% 45 42.6

40 35.4 Survey Census 2011 35

30 27.2 27.1

20 16.4 15 12.5

10 8.9 6.8 7.7 6.8 5 3.8 3.3 0.4 0.3 0 0.9 0 NSW VIC QLD WA SA ACT NT TAS

The sample gathered through this study’s survey is non-random. To collect the data, I used "purposive sampling" (through snowballing) and "availability/convenience sampling" (through the Mexican Embassy and the Mexican associations in Australia) (Creswell, 1994). The fact that it is a non-random sample means that it may not be a true reflection of all aspects of the entire population. So although it is a large and powerful sample and is reasonably representative, as shown through the comparison of the findings of the survey

55 with the 2011 Census, it is not possible to make any strong generalisations, inferences or predictions of how the whole Mexican population in Australia behaves.

In terms of the non-randomness of the sample, it is important to note that the way people were reached in order for them to participate in the survey was that they must have had some interest in their Mexican identity, either by being registered with the Embassy, or through association with Mexican networks. Mexican migrants in Australia who disassociate themselves from their Mexicanness would have not been contacted and therefore their experiences not included in this study.

Length of questionnaire Time and other resource constraints are real limitations for all research studies. Experts on surveying recommend keeping questionnaires short to ensure a high response rate and high quality answers (Brown, 2003). Despite such respondent constraints, I decided to extend the survey to a full 20 minutes. Fortunately, in the course of pilot testing, I received very positive feedback and considerable interest from respondents. The success of the survey was due to several factors. It became apparent that many respondents felt isolated in their migration experience, and found the survey a welcome opportunity to express and explore this experience, so there was no need for enticement. Anonymity, confidentiality and privacy of data were guaranteed. Many of the questions were personal, but none were intrusive. I observed the personal protections guidelines instructed by UNSW’s code of Ethics (see below section on Ethics and Appendix E for UNSW’s Ethics Approval). It was for these reasons that it became feasible to allow for a longer questionnaire that took an average of 35 minutes to complete 100 questions, and why it seemed not too ambitious to cover so many aspects of individuals’ migration experiences.

Type of questions Most questions were multiple choice (e.g., ‘What was your main reason for becoming an Australian citizen?’), some used Likert rating scales (e.g., significantly higher to significantly lower) and a few were categorical scales (e.g., yes/no). Adopting Likert scales contributed to precision of measurement levels and reliability of the data (Neuman, 2006). A significant number of questions, 39 in total, included the option of “other”. If a respondent answered “other” then there was a comment box in which they could further elaborate. Only six questions were open-ended – the purpose of such a format was to give respondents the opportunity to answer freely in their own words. For example, the question

56 “Which aspects of Mexican life that you value cannot be found in Australia?” was left open-ended although it was suspected that most answers were going to revolve around food, family and friends (see Chapter Eight for corroboration of this hypothesis). Another four open-ended questions were related to work: “What was your profession/occupation in Mexico?” These were left open-ended due to the diversity and specificity of industries and job titles that now abound, thereby averting a questioner bias by listing a string of suggested job categories. Moreover some job descriptions exist in Mexico but not in Australia and vice versa. Once the responses were obtained, they were organised in categories.

The questionnaire (see Appendix A) covered 7 main topics: (1) reasons for migration, (2) reasons for choosing Australia as a destination, (3) work life, (4) family and social life, (5) identity and sense of belonging, (6) prejudice and discrimination and (7) return/further migration. Each section and each question were geared towards answering the research questions.

Pre-Test stage and Pilot studies A multi-stage pre-test of several sections of the research design, together with piloting of the full survey, was carried out over a two-month period prior to the launch of the final questionnaire. All sections of the questionnaire were pre-tested among five different participants by emailing them sections and allowing for their responses to come back also through email. “Preferably the instrument should be pre-tested in the manner intended for the final study: self-administered questionnaires and interview schedules should be pre- tested in the appropriate manners” (Babbie, 1990: 206). Particular emphasis was put on questions on “the reasons to migrate” and “the reasons to remain in Australia” to confirm clarity of wording and easiness to complete. The sections on work experience and family life were pre-tested to confirm sequencing consistency. The pre-test stage was a cumulative process in which revision for consistency and comments by participants were taken into account.

The pre-test stage – the initial stage in which one or more aspects of the design are tested – differs from the pilot study since the latter is “a miniaturized walkthrough of the entire study from sampling to reporting” (Babbie, 1990: 211). The pilot study included all intended questions as close as possible to the one intended for the final survey with final draft wording, format and sequencing and was piloted by ten participants from the target

57 population. Eight of these pilot tests were conducted through email, while two were by interview. These latter two were particularly useful as I encountered one question that made no sense to the respondents. Babbie suggests that piloting a questionnaire through an interview might prove useful to correct for this type of weakness as it allows for greater identification of problems and the “interviewer can detect confusion and probe into the nature of that confusion on the spot” (Babbie, 1990: 206-7).

Ethics and online survey reminders

Ethics approval was granted by UNSW’s human ethics research committee to carry out the data collection for this doctoral study. Participants were informed that completing the questionnaire was voluntary; they could withdraw at any point without prejudice or further implications. Confidentiality and privacy were guaranteed. Although the use of multiple reminders in survey research is common to achieve adequate response rates, the ethical potential implications of coercion and harassment of such strategies were taken into account (Schirmer, 2009). Multiple reminders, as many as three or four, are common on survey studies. To comply with ethical research, I only sent one reminder per organisation or network (see Appendix C). However, since some participants belonged to several distribution lists, they received the invitation to participate from different sources.

Data analysis After the online survey was closed, data were imported into SPSS for analysis. Using SPSS I verified the normality of the data. Also, I performed reliability analysis for items on reasons for migration (Cronbach’s Alpha; see Chapter Six). Descriptive statistics (mainly frequencies) were calculated to obtain general information about survey respondents and this descriptive information is presented throughout the subsequent five analysis chapters.

Cross tabulations and Pearson Chi-square (X2) tests for independence were performed to find out, for instance, if respondents’ demographic characteristics (e.g. age, gender, marital status) affected whether they bought a house or not; whether their intentions to migrate were permanent or not, etc.

58 3.3 Qualitative research design There is a multiplicity of assumptions that characterise qualitative research. Below I refer to those assumptions that are most relevant to this study, and I also refer to some of the differences between this qualitative approach and the quantitative approach explored in section 3.2.

The qualitative researcher is interested in understanding how people make sense of their lives, their experiences and their decisions (Creswell, 1994). Qualitative research uses inquiry tools such as interviews to gain a better understanding of a particular phenomenon from the perspective of the participant (Asselin, 2003). This means that, for this thesis, it is important to understand the reasons why Mexicans move to Australia and how these Mexicans experience the act of leaving and relocating to Australia on a human, personal and cultural level. The qualitative researcher is interested in the layers of meaning behind experiences and decisions; therefore interpretative skills are necessary to elucidate the data.

The second characteristic refers to the process of qualitative research being broadly inductive as opposed to being deductive, as is characteristic of quantitative research (Asselin, 2003). This means that the bigger picture is built using details gathered during the process of the research. It is an emergent process that is refined during the research, as the researcher learns what to ask participants. For this thesis, the survey stage of data collection helped shape the interview schedule.

The third characteristic of qualitative research is that it is descriptive and it uses mainly verbal information to make sense of the data, rather than mathematical numbers and operations as quantitative studies do. This means that linguistic and sociological considerations, such as language usage and social context, become themselves matter for this study. The aim of interviewing was to gather first-hand data about the experience of Mexicans in Australia in a mutually agreed and comfortable setting, interviewees having the liberty to express themselves in their own words (Silverman, 2010: 125 - 126).

Fourth, qualitative research involves fieldwork and requires the researcher to physically go and meet participants, to some degree putting herself within the context of the participants’ lives. To ensure candour, it was important that such personal data were not collected in an artificial environment. This research involved travel to the participants’ cities and meeting

59 with participants either at their homes, work places, schools or at a local social setting, mutually agreed upon.

Fifth, the primary instrument for collection of data was the researcher herself. Playing the role of data collection instrument invariably puts the researcher in a position of having to reflect upon her own story and her own circumstances. Reflexivity on the part of the researcher is a key element of qualitative research (more on reflexivity on the “role of the researcher” in this chapter). It can also involve deliberate or unconscious filtering on the part of any researcher seeing material more from her own vantage point than that of the participants, hence overlooking important pieces of data. The tendency to presume knowledge is often a weakness of the researcher when being the data collection instrument (Asselin, 2003). For example, the researcher may believe that because she is a peer of the group under study she is aware of specific characteristics of the middle-class Mexicans in Australia and may run the risk of not probing for deeper understanding. The researcher should always ensure clarification and elaboration on the part of participants in order to avoid overlooking critical information (Asselin, 2003).

There are significant reasons why a qualitative section proves not only useful but indispensable for the problem being studied in this thesis, the main being that there is very little research of the Mexican population in Australia. Experts (Creswell, 2003; Morse, 1991) suggest that if there is a considerable lack of literature and research done, such as is the case of Latin-Americans in Australia, and in particular about Mexicans, qualitative research is especially useful. There are also specific characteristics about this social group’s apparent “invisibility” that if not studied in an in-depth, qualitative way would remain precisely that, “invisible”. Only a qualitative approach could fully explain the migration processes and identity changes. Creswell suggests that “One of the chief reasons for conducting a qualitative study is that the study is exploratory; not much has been written about the topic or population being studied, and the researcher seeks to listen to informants and to build a picture based on their ideas” (1994: 21).

Semi-structured interviews The second stage of data collection involved conducting 30 semi-structured in-depth interviews. The first interviews were conducted in 2010 in Melbourne, following a general interview guide that drew topics directly from the survey questionnaire. The second stage

60 of interviews was carried out during the first half of 2011 in Canberra and Sydney, the purpose being mainly to fill in the gaps on those topics that had not been fully explored in the first phase of interviewing.

Since this research is concerned with understanding Mexicans’ experiences as migrants to Australia, this section aimed at finding out what interviewees think and know and it also provided an opportunity for the researcher to gain insight into their perspectives of migration that cannot be directly observed or could not be captured through the survey. Patton (1990: 278) states that “The purpose of interviewing is to find out what is in and on someone else’s mind. […] Qualitative interviewing begins with the assumption that the perspective of others is meaningful, knowable, and able to be made explicit.” Interviews gave informants the opportunity to provide historical information and a personal account of their own migration experience, including aspects of their identity.

Semi-structured interviewing gave me the opportunity to understand the point of view of the interviewees by intently listening to their stories, by trying to move beyond my own experience and by avoiding imposing my views on them. Semi-structured interviews allow for a free exchange between researcher and interviewee. The interview is customised for each interviewee, so he or she is allowed to speak freely according to what he or she knows, experiences or feels about the subject (Rubin & Rubin, 1995: 6). The interviewer introduces the topic, allows the interviewee to answer freely and then guides the discussion by asking specific questions (Merton et al., 1990). In this research, I started most interviews by asking: “Tell me, why are you here in Australia?” and then I would determine follow-up questions based on what was said; for instance, “You mentioned quality of life as an important factor to migrate; what aspects of quality of life are important to you and why?”

In semi-structured interviewing, although the researcher formulates questions and raises topics he or she wants to address, the researcher is always open to exploring additional topics that the interviewee brings up and that may contribute to the further understanding of the topic. For instance, I asked interviewees to tell me how their experience of migration had been for them, for their partner and for their children and several interviewees elaborated on the schooling situations for their children. Their experiences and insights led me to include a section on the schooling of children in Chapter Eight. Semi-structured interviews are not prescriptive; thus the qualitative researcher needs to develop the skills to

61 adapt to unexpected turns and needs to be prepared to follow the interviewee’s lead (Rubin & Rubin, 1995: 7). This is one of the reasons why semi-structured interviews are so appropriate for exploring a topic in detail.

An important aspect of doing qualitative research is developing the ability to listen carefully to hear the meaning, the interpretation and understandings of what the interviewee says. I listened to the responses of many Mexicans in Australia and heard that the process of migration is replete with diverse experiences; for instance, learning the rules of the road, becoming familiar with subtle indirect “social hints” of Australian ways and getting used to the Australian English accent. Other things Mexicans have found they have to get used to because they are very different from Mexico are writing CVs and cover letters when looking for work, and educational systems including university lecture styles. I encouraged interviewees to elaborate, to provide details, examples, clarifications and to discuss their points of view at length. It is the depth and richness of what the interviewees has to say that the qualitative researcher is interested in (Creswell, 1994).

Complex material that cannot be obtained otherwise The key reason for interviews is that it is a method that elicits material that cannot be obtained through a questionnaire, such as deeper, underlying and complex emotions, and thoughts and views that drive people. “In semi-structured interviews, the goal is to explore a topic more openly and to allow interviewees to express their opinion and ideas in their own words” (Esterberg, 2002: 87).

Part of doing qualitative research in which the actual researcher is the instrument of data collection is the corporeal and cognitive disposition of the interviewer for getting into the worlds of the interviewees. Given that I was also a migrant from Mexico in Australia who had experienced the twin decisions of leaving my country behind and of choosing a new country (initially temporarily, and then more permanently), I was equipped with what sociologist Max Weber called the necessary empathy, especially because of the commonality of cultural and socio-economic backgrounds with the group under study (Letherby, 2003). Rather than compromising the objectivity of data collection and analysis, my empathy added to the richness and understanding of the stories told by interviewees (Vazquez Maggio & Westcott, 2012).

62 Researcher sharing about herself Researchers in qualitative research have different opinions about the extent to which the interviewer should reveal details about herself in the interview. Because some believe that the interview should resemble a “real” conversation as much as possible, it is expected that the researcher discloses some information about herself, instead of being an aloof observer. Feminist research methodology advocates that disclosure by the researcher and subjective involvement is viewed as crucial so as to dissipate the power imbalance between the researcher and her participants (Letherby, 2003; Oakley, 1981). This not only shows respect towards respondents, but also allows for building rapport. Feminist researcher Letherby argues that talking about oneself functions as an “antidote to feeling superior in research relationships” (Letherby, 2003: 9). Yet the question of hierarchy seemed not to be an obstacle to my fieldwork as most Mexicans did not seem impressed or intimidated by the fact that I was a researcher or that I was doing a PhD. In fact, most of the Mexicans I met were tertiary educated and held well-paid jobs. Most of them expressed an interest not only in the topic which naturally concerned them, but also in the final results.

The researcher’s personality also matters when revealing details about the researcher. Some researchers are more reserved while others are more outgoing. These personal qualities impact on the type of relationship that is established. Different qualitative researchers (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009; Esterberg, 2002; Ganga & Scott, 2006; Jiménez, 2010; Rubin & Rubin, 1995) agree that developing a personal relationship is one of the crucial tasks of fieldwork. I paid particular attention to developing a friendly relationship. This resulted in my interviews running smoothly. Although always displaying a degree of professionalism when conducting my interviews, I empathised with my interviewees and I noticed they opened up as a result. I felt comfortable talking to them about my experience in Australia and other areas that would come up in conversation or answering specific questions they had about me. Disclosing personal information allowed me to bond with my interviewees and gain their confidence (Letherby, 2003).

“Experience” being studied through interviews Silverman (2010: 421) suggests that it is entirely appropriate to use open-ended interviews when “experience” is the topic being studied (as opposed to, for example, behaviour, which is something that is studied mainly through observation). A central objective of this thesis is the better understanding of the contemporary experiences of the growing Mexican

63 population in Australia in the past two decades, for which open-ended interviews appear entirely suited.

The purpose of the qualitative research section of this thesis is to review a small sample in depth, recording the salient experiences of Mexican migrants in Australia. In order to mitigate against bias, I have tried to remove myself from the role of an all-knowing narrator and redactor.

The researcher’s role Being an insider or outsider? Within the field of qualitative research, there has been much discussion as to the impact of the researcher being part of the group being studied (Asselin, 2003; Dwyer & Buckle, 2009; Ganga & Scott, 2006). “Whether the researcher is an insider, sharing the characteristic, role, or experience under study with the participants, or an outsider to the commonality shared by participants, the personhood of the researcher, including her or his membership status in relation to those participating in the research, is an essential and ever-present aspect of the investigation” (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009: 55). By “insider” it is meant a researcher who shares “similar cultural, linguistic, ethnic, national and religious heritage” (Ganga & Scott, 2006: 2). In my case, I was both an insider and outsider to the Mexicans in Australia. My insider status came from the fact that I was born and raised in Mexico. My outsider status was due to the fact that I arrived in Australia not as a migrant but as an international student, and although that later changed, I initially saw myself as someone who had not migrated, but rather someone with my two feet still back “at home”.

One of the privileges that insiders often have is gaining easy access to the community under study. When participants view the researcher as “one of them” they often trust and open up in a way that would likely not be if they thought they were dealing with an outsider. I often found that my participants were more willing to share their experiences because they assumed I could relate and understand their circumstances. Insiders are also better equipped to recognise both the ties that bind them to the group under study and the social differences that divide them (Ganga & Scott, 2006: 2). Familiarity with the language is another clear advantage. In my case, having a name and a paternal surname of Spanish descent meant that Mexicans in Australia recognised me as an insider.

64 One of the difficulties associated with qualitative research design and with being an insider is the risk of being incapable of reflecting on one’s own context and position, and becoming blind to certain points relevant to the research. “Questions about objectivity, reflexivity, and authenticity of a research project are raised because perhaps one knows too much or is too close to the project and may be too similar to those being studied” (Kanuha, 2000, p. 444 in Dwyer p. 57). Jenkins (2002: xvi) suggests that the researcher must detach himself or herself from the subject of investigation as well as to realise what the relationship between the researcher and the field is in order to avoid guiding the interview by the researcher’s experience and not the participants’. Asselin (2003) has pointed out that when a researcher is very familiar with the research setting or the participants, he or she is at higher risk of responding to participants or analysing the data from a perspective other than that of the researcher.

It has been argued that the issues around being an insider or an outsider can be counteracted by developing a strong rapport with participants, by having an authentic and deep interest in the experience of one’s research participants, and by committing to accurately and adequately representing their views, all being strategies that would compensate for most barriers to gaining access and insight (Ganga & Scott, 2006; Jiménez, 2010). Also, “[d]isciplined bracketing and detailed reflection on the subjective research process, with a close awareness of one’s own personal biases and perspectives, might well reduce the potential concerns associated with insider membership” (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009: 59).

As mentioned above, one of the practical advantages of being an insider to this project was that the language was not a barrier. Interviews were conducted in Spanish, while only one person offered to speak in English. She said that for her it did not matter in which language the interview was carried out since she felt comfortable in both languages.

Dealing with Ethics

Ethics clearance to conduct face-to-face interviews was granted by UNSW Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel (see Appendix E). Sensitive ethical issues, such as maintaining confidentiality of data, preserving the anonymity of informants, and using the research for intended purposes and keeping the data safely stored were all addressed. I obtained all interview participants’ informed consent. Written and recorded data collected through the interviews were handled and secured to guarantee confidentiality to participants. In order

65 to preserve participants’ anonymity pseudonyms were used for every participant. Stories that could directly or indirectly lead to the identification of participants were not processed.

Data Collection Finding participants Since this part of the study did not employ a random sample of interviewees, and guidelines for determining non-probabilistic sample sizes are nearly nonexistent (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006), exactly how I chose them and the logic I used to select them are important to outline. Below I present the criteria I followed.

I looked for survey respondents that had voluntarily left their contact details at the end of the survey to participate in the interview stage of the project. The technique of recruiting interviewees at the end of my online survey proved very effective as out of 282 survey respondents, 195 volunteered to participate in the semi-structure interviews section of my study, leaving their name and details to be contacted. I did not offer any compensation or stimulus to any respondents for the survey or the interviews. I found that people regarded the overall study of some value. They often commented that they found the survey very interesting. I received 25 emails saying this and most interviewees told me that they enjoyed the process of being interviewed and were very happy to be helpful in some way.

Recruiting interviewees usually involved emailing those participants who were willing to participate in the interviews, asking them if they were interested in being interviewed for a study on Mexicans in Australia that I was conducting to obtain the degree of PhD and if so, proposing a time and date to set up an interview. In that initial email invitation, I always attached the Participant Information Statement and Consent Form for them to read before committing (see Appendix F).

In order to maximize representation of a range of perspective on the experience of Mexican migrants in Australia, a maximum variation sampling strategy was used to select interviewees (Fossey, Harvey, McDermott, & Davidson, 2002). This strategy involved interviewing Mexicans with different demographic characteristics over time and in different situations (e.g. variety of lengths of stay in Australia, various marital statuses, with and without children, variety of place of residence, etc). Maximum variation sampling

66 ensures that “the views of those who may otherwise be disenfranchised, or disempowered, are represented” (Fossey et al., 2002: 726).

To decide how many interviews were enough for the study, I followed the concept of saturation, which refers to the point at which the themes emerging from the research are fully developed and no new information or patterns are observed in the data (Fossey et al., 2002; Guest et al., 2006: 59). Theoretical saturation is commonly used and recommended to define sample sizes in qualitative inquiry (Fossey et al., 2002). Kuzel (1992) advises that sample heterogeneity and research objectives would determine the variation in the number of interviews necessary for a study; however, he suggests that when trying to achieve maximum variation a sample of twelve to twenty interviews is recommended. Indeed, Guest et al. (2006) posit that data saturation occurred in their study after analysing twelve interviews and they pose compelling arguments that small samples can be quite sufficient.

A total of 30 interviews were conducted: 11 in Melbourne, 14 in Sydney, three in Canberra and two in regional areas (Geelong and Parramatta). I paid particular attention to draw a balanced number of people according to gender, age, marital status, and work/income situation. I interviewed 14 women and 16 men. I interviewed people in their twenties, thirties, forties and fifties. I also paid deliberate care to select people who fell into different categories of marital status: 18 were married, 6 were cohabiting and the rest were single. I interviewed people who were employed, unemployed and not looking for a job (see Table 3.1).

I conducted interviews in diverse settings. I always asked interviewees to name a time, a date and place where they would feel most comfortable to have the interview. When conducting interviews in Melbourne because I had limited time and resources to move around the city, I suggested meeting at the State Library of Victoria or any other place of their preference. Out of 12 participants, only one of them preferred to meet at her home and I travelled to Geelong to interview her. Eight participants were interviewed at the State Library of Victoria, one at his work office, one at a university, and one at a coffee shop.

In Canberra, I interviewed a total of three people at the beginning of 2011. Two of them were interviewed at a coffee shop in the CBD and the third one was interviewed at his home. In Sydney, I interviewed one person from Adelaide who was visiting Sydney for a job interview. I interviewed him at the lobby of a CBD hotel. Another respondent was

67 interviewed at her office and two respondents were interviewed at a public library. The rest were interviewed in their homes.

“Purposive sampling” was used in the case of the interviews conducted with key informants to gain a better understanding of the contextual factors that might shape the experience of Mexicans in Australia. These interviewees included the heads of the two most important Mexican associations in Australia. “The idea of qualitative research is to purposefully select informants […] that will best answer the research questions. No attempt is made to randomly select informants” (Creswell, 1994: 148). The information provided by key informants became particularly relevant because they represented “[…] indispensable partners in the conduct of qualitative inquiry. There will be much that you could not know without the interpretive knowledge, sensitivity, and insights of insiders, […] to understanding hierarchies of power and authority” (Glesne and Peshkin, 1992: 51). The information they provided was helpful in providing a better picture of the reasons to migrate, the social networks and events, the type of interactions, and the difficulties that some Mexicans encounter, all of which play a part when migrating to Australia from Mexico.

The interview schedule An interview schedule was used to outline a set of issues to be explored (refer to Appendix D: Interview Schedule). The actual wording of questions was not determined in advance. This was done to allow a more natural flow of the interaction (Merriam, 2009). Special emphasis was put on asking open-ended and clear questions that permitted participants to respond using their own terms. The interview schedule served as a basic checklist to help me cover the relevant topics and allowed me to explore and ask questions on a particular subject (Merriam, 2009). The themes covered were reasons to migrate, work life experiences, family and social life, identity (links with Mexico, social class, values, “Mexicanness”), discrimination, and plans for the future.

Kinds of questions during interview Patton (1990: 291 - 292) distinguishes several kinds of questions that can be asked during an interview. Several of those types of questions are relevant to this research. Questions on experiences help to explore the migrants’ experiences, behaviours and actions (for example, “How was your migration experience to Australia?”), while questions on opinion and values give an account of what people think about the migration process itself (for

68 example, “What elements of your life in Australia do you like?”). Questions on feelings address the emotional thoughts of migrants (“Are you happy living in Australia?”), and questions on background and demographics are asked to identify people’s age, education, occupation, residence, and mobility characteristics (for example, “What do you miss most about Mexico?”).

Themes covered As stated before, the purpose of the interviews was to gain rich data and insights on the migration experience of Mexicans in Australia. Therefore, the themes covered during the in-depth interviews explored in greater detail topics previously addressed during the survey. An inquiry into the reasons for making the decision to migrate and for choosing Australia as a destination usually opened the interview. Questions on opinions and perceptions were asked to explore what people think about their community of origin (before and after settlement). Questions on feelings targeted the emotional responses of people to their migration experience and their expectations. Other themes that were covered were the role of family and community, cultural and national identity retention, work experience, social acceptance and/or repression, plans for the future, etc.

Recording and transcribing I tape-recorded all interviews, and all interviewees were asked beforehand if they agreed for the interview to be recorded. Knowing that some interviewees are intimidated by recorders, I brought a small and discrete recorder that after a few minutes into the interview, it seemed as though most interviewees had completely forgotten about it. I took substantial notes during the interviews which served two main purposes. First, note taking was a way of backing up the interview material in case the recording equipment failed. Fortunately, it only happened once that I ran out of batteries, and I noticed only after a few minutes before replacing them for new ones. Second, the notes allowed me to follow up crucial topics for my thesis that the interviewee would bring up, without having to interrupt when they were mentioned. I allowed the interviewee to talk freely and then I would come back to phrases or topics they mentioned to delve into in detail. The interviews on average lasted an hour. The shortest interview was 30 minutes and the longest 128 minutes.

I took copious amounts of field notes during the entire duration of my PhD project. Since I arrived in Australia I purposefully looked for Mexican activities to take part in and would take notes during the events if appropriate and if not, I would write down my observations

69 as soon as I came home. I participated in several Mexican parties organized by either

MAWAI (the Mexican association in Sydney), Mexican individuals, or the Hola Mexico film festival. I also participated in cultural events organized by MAWAI or the Mexican Embassy, such as celebrations for Day of the Dead or Mexican Independence Day. I assisted in plenty of film sessions organised both by the Hola Mexico film festival and the Latin American film festival. In the latter, I also participated as a panel discussion speaker at the end of a documentary on migration which was screened in Sydney in 2010. In these events, I would engage in conversation with Mexicans, listen intently to what they had to say, observe the way they interacted with one another and with other non-Mexicans; I would pay particularly attention to how their social class identity played a role in their interactions. I quickly jotted down notes when I could, either in my notebook which was always handy, or on my mobile phone notes’ function or digital voice recorder function. Later I would go back to those notes and would expand them on my computer.

I did my own transcriptions for just under half of all interviews, 12 out of 30. I decided to spread out my interviewing process over the course of several months in order to adjust my interview schedule and the topics that would come up from each interview in an ongoing manner. Although my initial intention was to transcribe all the material by myself given that the process of transcribing prompted a lot of ideas, I realised that transcribing was enormously time consuming; and given time limitations, it was necessary to hire some help. Reviewing the interviews as I transcribed them also helped in familiarising myself better with the data and making the necessary adjustments to the interview schedule for the following interviews. I translated from Spanish to English only the interview material used, and this was done after the qualitative material had been analysed.

After transcribing all interviews and having them in written digital format, I used NVIVO for managing and analysing them. NVIVO is a powerful analysis software that helps in organising, exploring, visualising and analysing unstructured qualitative data (Sorensen,

2008). NVIVO allows the researcher to assign codes to sections of text in order to organise and compare coded material throughout interviews (QSR International, 2011). I first established my preliminary broad coding categories such as reasons to migrate, reasons to choose Australia as a destination, the migration experience itself, work, family and leisure life, national identity, discrimination and plans for the future. Afterwards I went through each coding category and built sub-categories as I found appropriate for each topic. For the

70 final analysis of my data, I applied both categories and subcategories to present the findings of my project.

Data Analysis Procedures Profile of the interviewees Table 3.1 profiles the interviewees: year of arrival, gender, age, highest level of education, marital status, spouse origin, children, type of occupation, social class in Mexico and place of residence in Australia26.

With regards to year of arrival, the earliest arrived in 1975 and the latest in 2010. Four interviewees arrived in the 1990s and the remaining 25 arrived throughout the 2000s. The age of participants at the time of the interviews ranged from 24 to 57 years of age and the average age was 35. The interviewees were highly skilled; two had technical accreditation, 11 had undergraduate university degrees, 15 had Masters degrees and two had doctoral degrees. As mentioned earlier, six interviewees were single, another six were cohabiting and 18 were married. Seven had Mexican spouses/partners, 12 had Australian spouses/partners, and five had spouses/partners with nationalities other than Mexican or Australian (Colombia, New Zealand, Spain, Turkey and USA). Ten respondents had children; 20 had no children. With regards to their type of job at the time of the interview, 16 had non-supervisory jobs, five had supervisory jobs, another five had managerial jobs, one was self-employed, two did not work (stay-at-home mothers) and one was job-seeking at the time of the interview. With regards to the way they identified themselves in terms of social class in Mexico, 16 self identified as upper-middle class, 11 self-identified as middle class, two self identified as upper class and one self identified as lower class.

Coding procedure – themes and categories After all the interviews had been transcribed and the resulting transcripts had been loaded into NVivo, I created a themes list based on my research questions, the theories and concepts from the conceptual framework, and the topics which emerged from the interviews. I printed out all the interviews and read them several times to gain greater depth into the information collected, to find themes and to recognise categories. I looked for similarities in how people in different circumstances interpreted the world.

26 I will be constantly referring to these interviewees in the remaining chapters of this thesis, and Table 3.1 will be useful as a reference to know the demographics of each person in order to help situate the comments of each interviewee.

71 Table 3.1: Profile of the 30 interviewees A A A A A A A ------? M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M ilbl£iliiil a a a e tt d rr rr i ong e e a ney ney ney ney ney ney ney ney ney ney l ourne ourne ourne ourne ourne l residence b b d dney d dney d dney d d d d d d d hnurnP b bourne b bourne b bourne bourne b bourne b e i l l l l l l l l l l ee d of Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy Sy G A Can Can Canberra MP Me Me Me Me Me Me Me Me Me Me Parrama Place ass ass ass ass ass ass ass l l l l l l l class class class class class class class class class c c c c c c c Mexico ass ass ass ass ass ass ass e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e ass l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l l class class class c c c c c c c in class clooo c Pr.lo=tc;c; e e e dd dd dd dd dd dd dd dd dd e e e e e e e dd dd dd dd dd dd dd r i l l l i i i i i i i i i l l l l l l l e m m mi m mi m mi m m m mi m m mi mi mi w rlrl dd dd dd dd dd dd dd dd dd dd i i i i r r r r r r r Class o e e e e e e e l upper upper m mi mi m mi mi mi mi mi m m pp pp pp pp pp pp pp u u u u u u u upper upper upper upper upper upper upper upper upper Social rv rv rv rv rv rv rv rv d l l l l l ation ~o so so so so so so so sory sory sory sory sory sory sory sory a a a a a rv rv j j j j j j j i i i i i i i i i i i i i i oye r r r l so sory sory sory so rx rx rx rx rx rx rx i i i i i erv erv erv erv erv erv erv erv p p p p p p p p occu erv erv erv emp ~upcrv su su su su su su su su supe supe supe supe supe supe supe - anage anage anage p p p of ------f l m m manager m manager superv su su su superv se non non non non non non non non non non non non non non non non T e Y y y y y y y y y y N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N N d a o o=t a a a a a a a a a a i an o o o o o o o l li li li li li li li li li li li li n c c c c c c c ey i i i i i i i i n:t k mb t r. Zea o USA u l Spa I w Mex Mex Mex Mex Mex Mex Mex Austra Austra Au~tro Austra Austra Austra Austra Austra Austra Austra Austra Auc; Co e N ng ng ng ng ng ng d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d rl ti ti ti ti ti ti e e e e e e c e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e P a a a a a a l l l l l l i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i it it it it it it rr rr rr rr rr rr rr ng ng ng ng ng ng b b b b b i i i i i i a a a a a a a a a ab a a s s s s s s mArr morr marr marr marr marr marr marr marr marr marr h m h h m m m m m ma h h h o o o o o o c c c c c c MMFfhMliMMIErm&iiffiriii§.A on on ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ti ti r r r r r r r a a ee ee ee ee ee ee ee it it r r r r r r r d d OPerPP Deg Deg Deg Deg Deg Degree Degree Deg Deg Degree e e e e e e e e e e e P r re t t t t t t t t t t t ofEducation Degree Degree Deg Deg Deg Deg Deg Deg Deg Degree Degree Degree Degree Degree Degree Degree Degree l l cc cc ~ s s s s s s s s s s s s s s · ' ' ' ' ' ' ' w:t ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua ua A A r' r' r' r' r' r' r' d d d d d d d d d d rl l l cr e e e e e e e er er er er er er er a a a a a a a a t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t r r r r r r r ca c level i i eg eg eg eg eg egra egra eg eg egra Pen=t n Mo~ Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Mas Doctora Mas Mas Mas Mas Doctora d d d d d d d d d d rl h hn c c n n n hest e e lJ Un Un Un Un Un Un U Un Un U T T Hi 2 6 1 1 1 27 24 29 28 26 29 34 32 34 35 33 3 34 33 31 3 30 35 35 39 36 38 30 4~ 4 4 4 44 47 57 F F F M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M 75 995 9 'l'ln 996 992 2007 2010 2008 2006 2010 2004 2008 2004 2004 2008 2006 2005 2005 2009 2003 2002 2008 2003 2009 2006 2008 2004 2005 2009 2003 l 1 1 1 1 e a o o l r p o o i c l o o ano l i li e i A d o l u na o s c ra i an l li ogo r i i c ti it n i li d hitl aya ci r a c ores d r ti ze oma a c a ego r eban i br l l ose i d uan j t aye d t s a lt J sabe J An onza Ro e I gna D I A Zo X6 San Susana l Ramon G Brau I Octav Pa ua Es Do Ca G Son Mau Fran A G Venus 2 0 6 9 8 4 2 7 6 9 8 1 4 s 25 20 21 23 24 26 27 28 29 22 30 1 1 13 1 1 1 1 11 15 17 IIIIIIMMt.l.(I&W•¥11.iiiilli%111Cf:tt.ffiiEM

72 To analyse the interview data I used coding, a method for systematically organising data for finding patterns in which a code is “a word or short phrase that symbolically assigns a summative, salient, essence-capturing, and/or evocative attribute for a portion of language- based or visual data” (Saldaña, 2009: 3). The importance of coding in qualitative research is crisply put by Strauss when he says that “[t]he excellence of the [qualitative] research rests in large part on the excellence of the coding” (Strauss, 1987: 27). The actual approach and coding pattern used here parallels the one proposed by Rubin and Rubin (1995).

Firstly, I coded the interviews to find patterns and group similar ideas together into categories and to identify how the themes related to each other (Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Some paragraphs had to be coded into several categories, and NVivo was useful here to code into smaller specific categories nodes that had been already coded in a first level round of coding (Sorensen, 2008). The actual process of coding interviews proceeded in iterative stages (Rubin & Rubin, 1995); that is, confirming and disconfirming sets of connected themes, constantly changing and adding to the coding categories as the analysis progressed.

When coding, I marked each paragraph or section with a summary of what the interviewee told me and that often suggested a theme which typically fitted a common pattern. Once everything was coded, I collated sets of connected themes. Here again NVivo software proved most effective given that it helped me to manage, code, group and analyse material together more efficiently (Tesch, 1990) “by eliminating the need for many of the manual tasks traditionally associated with qualitative analysis” (Sorensen, 2008: 106). Once all material that belonged to the same category was grouped together, then I was able to make comparisons within and across categories. The point of examining material within a category is to “refine what a concept means [and] compare examples of a theme [...]” while the point of examining material across categories is to find overarching themes that either contradict each other or go together (Rubin & Rubin, 1995: 241). I constantly worked with potential and preliminary conclusions which I continuously revised until the data analysis was finalised.

To work out categories, the procedure here was in accordance with Spradley’s domain analysis (1979) and Strauss’s (1987) axial coding. I used domain analysis to find ideas or concepts that go together to form a cluster. Each cluster then becomes a major coding category, while individual ideas are treated as subcategories (Spradley, 1979). For

73 example, a cluster of ideas related to “feeling proud about being Mexican”, and its subcategories were “historical richness”, “gastronomic traditions”, “Spanish language”, “cultural expressions (music, dance, architectural designs, handicrafts)”, “family values”, and “Hispanic names”. Organizing categories into groupings of ideas that are thematically related is what Straus (1987) named axial coding. For instance, “Mexican identity” is one of the main umbrella categories that was developed given its substantive linkages to other subcategories such as “Mexican way of making friends”, “participating in country of origin festivals”, “Mexican identity retention among offspring”, etc.

Relationships among codes in the form of a matrix were examined in NVivo, an equivalent to cross-tabulation in quantitative analysis. This was useful to observe patterns among variables (Sorensen, 2008). This in turn, allowed for triangulating results with the quantitative survey results to find internal validity (more on validity below).

When quoting interviewees, I often used direct quotes when ideas were expressed most convincingly and spoke directly to the point (little need to inference), and other times I paraphrased the point made by the interviewee. Some quotes had to be lightly edited to improve readability; however, I kept in mind the suggestion of Rubin and Rubin (1995) not to alter the flavour, distort or misrepresent what the person said given that the point was to allow their voices to be heard and not to impute too much of my interpretation. Also, because of space constraints, I omitted repetition and comments that had nothing to do with the topic so I could preserve just the meaning. Wherever I made omissions, I marked it in the text with square brackets “[...]”. Another useful idea proposed by Rubin and Rubin (1995) was to keep a file in my computer called “sexy quotes” in which I compiled dramatic verbatim statements from interviewees and organised them into thematic categories for later incorporation into the analysis chapters. Additionally, when analysing the interview material, I mainly used a realist approach and took interviewee’s narratives at face value (instead of an interpretive approach such as narrative, discourse or deconstruction analysis) (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009).

One of the challenges of qualitative analysis and in particular of coding, is that after fragmenting the data from the interviews and dissecting them all, you then have to put the ideas back together to build an integrated and compelling explanation of what your data are saying. It is challenging not only to find overarching themes, to organise the material, and to put it into the context of broader theory, but also to find a logically flowing argument

74 while at the same time allowing the voices of the interviewees to be heard (Rubin & Rubin, 1995).

Method of Verification In the past, a common criticism of the use of qualitative methods was the lack of rigor; however, now that qualitative research has gained recognition, more sophisticated procedures have been established in the field to discuss quality and trustworthiness criteria (Meijer, Verloop, & Beijaard, 2002; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2007). Specifically, four critical issues are credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

Miles and Huberman (1994) conceptualise credibility (or internal validity) as a measurement to confirm if the findings of a study actually make sense and if they are credible to both the people researched and the readers; in other words, that the results are trustworthy. Researchers have proved that a worthwhile and rigorous procedure to enhance trustworthiness in qualitative studies is to use methods of triangulation (Creswell, 1994; Gliner, 1994; Meijer et al., 2002). Triangulation refers in the social sciences to the process by which the researcher tries to verify a finding by using independent measures to see if they agree with or at least, that they do not contradict each other (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Triangulation often involves different methods with different strengths in order to complement each other. Miles and Huberman (1994) categorise types of triangulation according to data source, method, researcher, theory and data type.

For this study, triangulation by method (survey and interviews) and triangulation by data type (quantitative and qualitative data) were used. Following Kopinak on triangulation by method (also known as “multi-method triangulation”), the purpose of “gathering information pertaining to the same phenomenon through more than one method [... is] primarily [...] to determine if there is a convergence and hence, increased validity in research findings” (1999: 171). The use of several methods can also lead to more detailed and richer findings, which in turn increase the validity and confidence of such findings (Kopinak, 1999; Meijer et al., 2002). Triangulation in this study was used to combine and synthesise data that were gathered using different instruments (survey and interviews). The purpose of combining the results from both instruments was to develop a comprehensive view (Meijer et al., 2002) of the experience of Mexicans in Australia.

I used the survey and the interviews with Mexicans to make general claims about the migration experience of Mexicans in Australia and to assess the identity of both in terms of social class and of cultural identification. Although the intent of qualitative research is not to generalise findings, rather to “form a unique interpretation of events” (Creswell, 1994: 158-9), it is fair to ask how much it is possible to infer from these results. The findings of the qualitative data in this study do not attempt to be generalisable in the conventional sense; rather, for transferability purposes, sufficient information about the data collection and analysis has been provided “to enable the reader to decide how the findings may transfer” (Morrow, 2005: 252). Because of the small number of Mexicans in Australia and the lack of information about the general Mexican population, it is impossible to ascertain the representativeness of the findings from this project.

The criteria of dependability deals with the way a study should be conducted consistently across time, research techniques and researchers (Morrow, 2005) in order to be replicable. Of course the uniqueness of a qualitative study makes it difficult to replicate exactly in a different context (Bryman, 2008). This means that the process of data collection and analysis should be explicit and replicable as much as possible. For dependability, a number of strategies were followed: accurate recording and storing of interviews, accessibility to the material, criteria for selection of informants, and criteria for coding and categorising, among others.

Finally, confirmability addresses the issue that the findings of the qualitative research should represent the situation being studied and not the past beliefs or biases of the researcher (Morrow, 2005). This criteria acknowledges that “research is never objective” (Morrow, 2005: 252); however, the researcher should conduct his or herself with integrity at every stage of the research. To enhance confirmability in this study I sought to minimise subjective biases through being deeply aware of my insider knowledge.

Other methodological issues One of the greatest challenges that I faced when analysing the interviews was to uninterruptedly keep my mind engaged when coding, so I could hear more meaning in my data. I had to be very alert and careful to understand the meaning people gave to certain words, concepts and nuances (Rubin & Rubin, 1995).

76 Another crucial aspect of researching a group of people in a particular place is identifying those who are not being studied. The people who answered my survey and participated in my interviews are Mexicans who, at the time of the study, were living in Australia. However, there are Mexicans that have unsuccessful migration stories and have left the country. A handful of people, whom I met when I first arrived, had left the country by the time the study was conducted and their experiences were not included. Although my survey did ask people if they were in Australia temporarily or permanently and also asked if they were having serious thoughts about migrating elsewhere, the experiences of those people who actually returned or moved elsewhere may be directly related to their social class belonging and their identity. Hence, raising the issue of those who were not studied seems pertinent. I nonetheless addressed successful and unsuccessful migration stories of those who were in Australia at the time of the study.

3.4 Conclusion In this chapter I presented the methodology used for this research project. I started by outlining the advantages of using mixed-methods in two stages, which in this study were an initial survey and follow-up in-depth interviews. This chapter elaborated in detail the steps followed in the design, implementation and collection of data through both the survey and the interviews. The survey questionnaire collected 282 responses which form the corpus of a large sample of the Mexican population in Australia. The survey was then followed up by 30 interviews to strengthen the quality and trustworthiness of this project’s findings. The next six chapters elaborate on the findings from the online survey and the interviews. Chapter Four presents a demographic profile of respondents.

77 Chapter 4 – Demographic Profile of Mexicans in Australia

4.1 Introduction This chapter is the first of six analysis chapters and gives an overview of the Mexican population in Australia, drawing mainly on the findings of the online survey. Given that there is scant research into Mexicans in Australia and the data provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) on this group is very limited, this chapter aims to fill the gaps by presenting a demographic profile of this grouping. The chapter first presents their profile in terms of gender, age, marital status, dependants and ethnicity. Secondly, it profiles their place of birth, point of departure, and year of migration to Australia as well as their current migration or citizenship status and intentions. Finally, their level of educational achievement, English proficiency, income and house tenure are also captured.

4.2 Basic demographic indicators

Gender The survey population of 282 individuals meant that about one in five of the Mexican adult resident population in Australia was surveyed27. At 56 per cent, women were slightly overrepresented in this study, given that, in Australia, mexicanas outnumber mexicanos 53 per cent to 47 per cent respectively (ABS, 2009); by the 2011 Census, this ratio had slightly balanced out with 51 per cent of females and 49 per cent of males. Recent research has highlighted the growing participation of women in migration (Ho, 2006; Pessar & Mahler, 2003; Wilson, 2009) and especially in skilled migration (Liversage, 2009; Lozano Ascencio & Gandini, 2012). Mexican research on skilled migration points to the substantial growth during the 2000 – 2010 decade of Mexican skilled women migrating to the United States (Lozano Ascencio & Gandini, 2012). Also of interest is that research indicates that emigration can be liberating for women. This is discussed in Chapter Nine when discussing gender roles of Mexicans in Australia.

27 Given this is a study of migrants, for the purpose of this study, residents in Australia excludes students and visitors. It is expected that official sources may have underestimated the total number of Mexicans in Australia, given that the last national census before this research was conducted was taken in 2006. Since then there has been a significant influx of Mexicans as evidenced by the 2011 census, which reported 3,255 Mexicans living in Australia. Evidence provided by AUSTRADE suggests that in 2007 up to half the number of Mexicans in Australia were students (Austrade).

78 Age While the universal set was not limited by any factor beyond being a Mexican migrant in Australia and being at least 18 years old, the age of actual respondents to the survey had a range of 42 years, from an 18 year old to a 60 year old, as illustrated in Figure 4.1.

Figure 4.1: Age distribution of survey respondents, (n=282)

Age distribution: survey respondents

60% 56.6%

50%

40%

30% 23.5%

20% 13.9%

10% 5.7%

0% 20 - 29 30 - 39 40 - 49 over 50

At 57 per cent, the largest group of respondents were in their thirties, most of them in their early thirties, a figure mirrored by the 2006 Census which found that the 30 to 34 year group living in Australia was the largest cohort of Mexicans by 5-year grouping (representing 18 per cent of all 1,802 Mexicans counted in the census). Again, for the 2011 Census the 30 to 34 age bracket was the largest and represented over 20 per cent of all 3,255 Mexican-born residents. In line with this trend, the second most dominant age bracket surveyed were those between 25 and 29 years old who represent a further 19 per cent of the sample (comprised in the group from 20 to 29 years of age in Figure 4.1). People in their forties account for 14 per cent of the total while the rest of the population is fairly small and was comprised in the age bracket of over 50 years of age. Hence, 80 per cent of total respondents were under the age of 40, reflecting that the younger demographic make up the bulk of this newly arrived migrant group. (Similarly, the 2006 Census reported 68 per cent of Mexicans were between the ages of 20 to 39 and the 2011 Census 61 per cent for this same age group).

79 Marital status Nearly 60 per cent of the respondents were married, and a further 17 per cent described themselves as being in a de facto relationship; 18 per cent were single and a further 6 per cent were separated or divorced. According to data from the 2011 Census, 45 per cent of Mexicans in Australia were married in a registered marriage and a further 12 per cent in a de facto marriage. In the current Australian context in which the 2011 Census reflected that 36 per cent of the population in Australia had a registered marriage (and a further seven per cent married in a de facto marriage), these results highlight a high prominence of marriage among Mexicans in Australia. The survey indicated that Mexican male immigrants were more likely to be unmarried: whereas 68 per cent of the female respondents were married, only 47 per cent of their male counterparts were (p = 0.003).

A noteworthy finding is that 42 per cent of respondents who are partnered, are married to or in a de facto relationship with an Australian (shown in Figure 4.2) and that of these Mexicans, 70 per cent are women. In response to the question whether “joining a spouse or partner” was of any influence to the decision to migrate to Australia, over 36 per cent of respondents said it was a “strong influence”. This suggests that over one third of respondents met their partners outside Australia and then migrated due to their relationship. This finding is discussed in detail in Chapter Six (section on “joining partner” as reason to migrate) and Chapter Nine (section on “profiles of households”).

Figure 4.2: Partner’s country of origin, n = 229

50 Spouse / Partner's Country of Origin, % (n = 229) 45 42.4 40 36.2 35 30 25 21.4 20 15 10 5 0 Mexico Australia Other* *Other 29 countries include: United States (7), Germany (4), New Zealand (3), Russia (3), South Africa (3).

80 The female respondents who have an Australian partner are far more likely to be married; 84 per cent of all women in a relationship with Australian men are married, 12 per cent are in a de facto relationship and the remaining 4 per cent said they were unmarried, divorced or preferred not to say their marital status. Among Mexican men these figures are 55 and 38 per cent respectively (p = 0.017). The remaining seven per cent of males responded “single/never married” as their marital status. In-depth interviewing allowed for gaining greater insight into why more Mexican women are partnered with Australians than men. Several female interviewees mentioned that they thought Australian men were particularly fond of Mexican women because “they are warmer, more caring, and more nurturing with children”, and because Mexican women are “more dependent on their husbands” than the average independent Australian women. Other female interviewees commented that they thought Australian men found Mexican women attractive because they are “less career- driven and more family-oriented” compared to their Australian counter parts. This issue is further explored in Chapter Nine in the section on gender roles.

Children Four in ten respondents had children. In terms of age groups, only nine per cent of respondents under 30 had children. Of those respondents between 30 and 39 years of age, 36 per cent had children and 64 per cent were childless (p = 0.00). Of the respondents who are coupled and have children, 95 per cent said that some or all of their children are still living with them, while only 5 per cent of respondents reported having children who live on their own.

With regards to people in their forties and people over fifty, the percentage of respondents with children was around 85 per cent. The fact that so few respondents in their twenties had children and nearly two thirds of respondents in their thirties were childless suggests that the majority of young people were delaying having children or that they had opted not to have any. This finding is likely to be related to the middle-class position of respondents who, as a result of having more information, tend to be more calculating, be more aware of the costs of children (McDonald, 2001) and have fewer children (Banerjee & Duflo, 2007). “If there is a perception that economic, social, intimate or personal futures are uncertain, decision makers may err on the side of safety in order to avert risk or they may pursue [other] opportunit[ies]” (McDonald, 2001: 7). In the era of late modernity, individuals, more especially the middle class, tend to shift from following a traditional and

81 predetermined life course to more opportunities for applying freedom of choice in various aspects of life, including reproduction (Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Kirby, 2008).

Of all respondents that are partnered (cohabitating or married), half have children and half do not, 48 per cent and 52 per cent respectively. Almost all (96 per cent) of the respondents who have children are married. None of the respondents that were single (never married) reported having children. Mexican research on family, marriage and children suggests that individuals who have children outside marriage may suffer various negative consequences including encountering social stigma and sexism towards single mothers (González-López, 2004). Kirby’s study on middle-class women in Australia found that although attitudes towards marriage have become more lax, de-institutionalised and liberal, attitudes towards having children still fall within the traditional order: “ as for child birth outside marriage, [this] was normatively positioned as acceptable for ‘others’ rather than themselves” (Kirby, 2008: 7).

Ethnicity In terms of ethnicity28, the majority of respondents (47 per cent) consider themselves mestizos29, that is, descendants of both European and Indigenous; 28 per cent consider themselves entirely descendent from European stock and only five per cent view themselves as mostly Indigenous30. In Mexico, the majority (70 per cent) of the population are mestizos, and less than 10 per cent are considered entirely indigenous (Lizcano Fernández, 2005). Both of these categories are associated with skin pigmentation. While “whites”, recognised as such, are a minority, they are overwhelmingly concentrated among “aristocrats, plutocrats and the upper-middle class” (Nutini, 1997: 235). The survey revealed that a considerably higher percentage of self-ascribed “white” Mexicans have migrated to Australia than the proportion of “whites” there are in Mexico. That is, there are relatively many more “white Mexicans” in Australia than in Mexico.

28 As many as 20 per cent of respondents answered that either “did not know really know their ethnicity” (14 per cent), “preferred not to say” (0.5 per cent) or “other” (six per cent). 29 The term "mestizo" is not in wide use in Mexican society today and has been dropped as a category in population censuses; it is, however, still used in social and cultural studies when referring to the non- indigenous part of the Mexican population. The word has somewhat pejorative connotations and most of the Mexican citizens who would be defined as mestizos in the sociological literature would probably self-identify primarily as Mexicans (). 30 The remaining 20 per cent answered either “don’t really know”, “prefer not to say” or “other”.

82 Villarreal (2010) found through his research of skin colour stratification in contemporary Mexico that many Mexicans have a preference for fairer skin and European features, given the advantages that having a fair complexion entails. Researchers have found that Mexicans with fairer skin have a greater chance of being in higher socioeconomic positions (Colby & Van Den Berghe, 1961; Nutini, 1997; Villarreal, 2010). Scant research has been done on racial categories in Latin America (except for those countries with a large recognised presence of individuals from African descent, such as Brazil (Schwartzman, 2007) and countries in the Caribbean) including Mexico where the denial of the existence of racial distinctions coexists with preferences for whiter skins (Sue, 2009). Further, “the main socially recognised ethnic distinction in Indo-Latin American countries such as Mexico, between indigenous and non-indigenous residents, is not based primarily on phenotypical differences but rather on culture and language” (Villarreal, 2010: 671); therefore there is extreme ambiguity in terms of skin colour categorisations which in turn impedes a clearer identification of the ways in which skin colour plays out. Although it is not the aim nor it is feasible for this thesis to do an in-depth exploration of skin colour stratification among Mexicans in Australia, it is a topic that was brought up by several interviewees. This finding is of significance because, as will be seen in this thesis, the types of Mexicans coming to Australia originate from privileged socio-economic positions in Mexico, reflected not only by their ethnic background but also by various educational and income-related characteristics.

4.3 Place of origin, destination and migration characteristics

Place of origin and city of residence in Australia As illustrated in Table 4.1 below, some 62 per cent of respondents were born in Mexico City. This is notable, given that only a quarter of all Mexicans are from Mexico City31.

31 For simplicity, this figure includes 10 respondents born in Estado de Mexico (as distinct from the contiguous Distrito Federal) given that both jurisdictions form what is commonly known as Greater Mexico City.

83 Table 4.1: Respondents by place of origin

n % Mexico City 175 62.1 Monterrey 14 5.0 Guadalajara 8 2.8 Puebla 8 2.8 Subtotal 205 72.7 Other* 77 27.3 Total 282 100.0

* 5 respondents were born outside Mexico (Cologne, Edinburgh, Israel, Paris, Westminster)

The Mexican community is spread across all the Australian states and the two major territories (Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory), as was shown in Figure 3.1 in Chapter Three.

Of the 282 respondents, 38 per cent lived in Sydney, 21 per cent in Melbourne, eight per cent in Brisbane, five per cent in Perth, another five per cent in Adelaide and four per cent in Canberra. Of interest is that 13 per cent lived outside of the capital cities32.

Table 4.2 below illustrates that of those respondents who come from Mexico’s largest city, Mexico City, 39 per cent are living in Sydney, 23 per cent are living in Melbourne, 28 per cent in other capital cities (Brisbane, Adelaide, Perth, Canberra and Darwin)33 and 11 per cent live in areas outside Australian capital cities34. This pattern does not differ by city of origin. A similar settlement pattern is present among those who come from Monterrey, Guadalajara and other non-metropolitan areas who have mainly found a place of residence in either Sydney or Melbourne.

32 Six respondents lived in regional NSW, 13 in regional VIC, 11 in regional QLD, three in regional WA, another three in regional SA and one in Darwin. 33 No responses were received from Hobart. 34 Some respondents who live in Australian regional areas would have migrated through the regional migration visa scheme which precludes them from settling, at least initially, in major urban areas.

84 Table 4.2: City of origin and city of destination

Mexico non- metropolitan metropolitan Monterrey Mexico City and Other Guadalajara Sydney 39% 40% 42% metropolitan Melbourne 23% 30% 18% non- Other capital cities 28% 20% 25% Australia metropolitan Rural 11% 10% 15% 100% 100% 100% (p= .781)

These numbers show a significant urbanisation/metropolitanisation trend among Mexicans in Australia. That is, the majority come from large metropolitan cities in Mexico and continue that settlement pattern in Australia by settling mainly in Sydney and Melbourne, as do all the other migrants. The data indicate that the Australian city that attracts most Mexicans is Sydney, where nearly 40 per cent of all Mexicans from this survey lived; followed by 21 per cent in Melbourne. The findings appeared to be in line with contemporary research which points to the fact that Sydney and Melbourne are the international gateways to Australia given that “[T]he overwhelming majority of [international] migrants settle initially in capital cities, particularly Sydney and Melbourne” (Department of Infrastructure and Transport, 2011: 3).

The geographical percentile distribution of respondents obtained through this survey is similar to the numbers from the 2011 Census (see Figure 3.1 in Chapter Three) and the numbers provided by the Mexican Embassy in 200935: 49 per cent in New South Wales, 21 per cent in Victoria, 11 per cent in Queensland, and the remaining in the other five states and territories (nine per cent in the Australian Capital Territory, five per cent in Western Australia, four per cent in South Australia, one per cent in Tasmania and less than one per cent in the Northern Territory).

35 These numbers have not been published. The data was provided directly to the researcher with the warning that it may not be accurate information.

85 Year of arrival in Australia Table 4.3 illustrates the years in which respondents migrated to Australia. 57 per cent of respondents arrived within the five years prior to survey data collection, that is, between 2006 and 2010; 27 per cent arrived between 2001 and 2005; eight per cent arrived between 1996 and 2000 and the remaining eight per cent arrived prior to 1996. The five earliest arrivals registered in this study are from 1974, 1975 and 1977. 2008 was the year which reported most arrivals, 16 per cent of all arrivals. The average number of years respondents had been living in Australia was 5.8.

Table 4.3: Respondents by year of migration to Australia

Respondents by year of migration to Australia (n=282) 5 year groups % 2006-2010 57.0 2001-2005 27.1 1996-2000 8.1 1991-1995 2.9 1986-1990 1.9 1981-1985 1.2 before 1980 1.8 100.0 Total

Prior to 2000 there were few Mexicans in Australia (see Figure 1.1 in Chapter One) and it is most likely that they had arrived by pure chance, either for adventure reasons, relationships, or other “out of the blue” migration opportunities. These migrants represent the pioneers of Mexican migration to Australia. For those who arrived after 2000, four factors are identified which endeavour to explain the concentration of responses in the most recent 5 year group. The first explanation is closely associated with one of the main reasons for carrying out this study: in that prior to 2000 there were less than one thousand Mexicans in Australia (ABS, 2008b); moreover; it has only been since the effects of contemporary globalisation and modern technology advancements that the number of Mexicans in Australia has become significant. The second factor is that, since the 1980s but more dramatically from the 1990s, the economic and social conditions in Mexico deteriorated significantly to the point that the middle classes started looking for destinations other than the U.S. to migrate to (see Chapter One, pages 5 to 13). Thirdly, Australia (and Canada) has sufficed for that middle-class coping strategy while the in-

86 depth interviews suggested that Australia became part of the “vocabulary of migration” in Mexico.

A final and fourth factor that helps explain the increase in the number of Mexicans in Australia is associated with the effects of networks. The literature on social network theory presented in Chapter Two argues that the first individuals to migrate to a new country are faced with a lack of information about the destination country and therefore have to bear higher costs and risks (Bauer & Zimmermann, 1995). However, relatives and friends who migrate subsequently face lower economic and psychological costs associated with migration (Massey et al., 1993). The effects of networks and cumulative causation theory are likely to be present among this migrant group. Table 4.4 below illustrates that migrants who arrived in Australia in the most recent five-year period (2006-2010) prior to this study were much more likely to have connections with Mexicans who had migrated to Australia before them.

Table 4.4: Mexican contacts in Australia prior to migration

Knew Mexicans Had family member in Australia prior in Australia prior to Column1 to migrating % migrating %2 2006-2010 81 66% 9 56% 2001-2005 24 20% 1 6% 1996-2000 10 8% 5 31% 1991-1995 4 3% 1 6% 1986-1990 1 1% 0 0% 1981-1985 0 0% 0 0% before 1980 2 2% 0 0% Total 122 100% 16 100%

Of 282 respondents, 43 per cent (122 respondents) knew other Mexicans living in Australia at the time they decided to migrate. Also, of the 282 respondents, only 16 had family members in Australia prior to migration. Of these, the majority arrived after 2005. Table 4.4 above also indicates that respondents who arrived after 2006 were much more likely to know someone in Australia prior to migration. Whereas only one fifth of respondents who arrived between 2001-2005 had Mexican connections in Australia prior to migration, as many as 66 per cent of the 2006-2010 migrants knew someone already in Australia. These findings indicate that clearly a threshold had been reached which would make it reasonable

87 to expect a continued growth in the number of Mexicans migrating to Australia in the future.

Current migration or citizenship status Two thirds of Mexicans in Australia had either Australian citizenship or Permanent Residence, 39 and 27 per cent respectively (see Table 4.5 below). The remaining third were on skilled (includes business visas), student or family (including partner) visas. The high number of Mexicans who hold either Australian citizenship or Australian Permanent Residence gives a good indication of the value Mexicans attribute to being both legally and permanently in Australia, and reflects the immigration system.

Table 4.5: Respondents’ migration status at the time of the survey

Current migration status n % Australian citizen 110 39.0 Permanent resident 76 27.0 Skilled visas 41 14.5 Student visa 35 12.4 Partner and Family migration visa 13 4.6 Other 7 2.5 Total 282 100.0

The Australian immigration department has an extensive migration program, and various entrance pathways exist through visas for workers, migrants, visitors, students and refugees (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011d). The table above presents simplified categories of each current migration type of visa or status.

As shown in Table 4.5 above, 14.5 per cent of respondents were on skilled visas at the time of the survey. This category comprises a wide diversity of visa types which are divided in two main categories: employer sponsored, and general skilled migration (GSM). Employer sponsored categories are not points tested; however, applicants must meet certain skills assessments (i.e., occupation must be on the ENSOL – Employer Nomination Scheme Occupation List, have recently completed an Australian qualification in Australia or have recent relevant skilled employment, etc). The most popular form of employer sponsored working visa is the 457 visa, a long stay (up to four years) business visa which requires

88 that applicants meet the necessary requirements to perform the occupation for which they are being sponsored. Some GSM visas are points tested; others must meet certain skills requirements (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011b).

Australia has eight categories of student visas, and eligible applicants must be accepted for full-time study in a recognised course. International students must also meet financial, health insurance, English language proficiency and health and character requirements (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011c). Given that this study does not focus on Mexican students and no emphasis was made on targeting students to answer the survey, only 12 per cent of respondents were on student visas at the time of the survey.

It is interesting, however, that the majority of those respondents who initially arrived in Australia as student visa holders now hold Australian citizenship or Permanent Residence (more detail in Chapters Five and Six on this topic). There were no reported arrivals of people on student visas prior to 1995; only one arrival in 1995 and another in 1999. From 2001 onwards, the survey data reported arrivals of students each year up to 2010, the year the survey was taken. Most respondents on student visas arrived in 2008 (17 per cent) followed by 2007, 2009 and 2004 (13.4, 13.4 and 11.3 per cent respectively), understandably, as most university courses run for four years or less.

Family and partner visa categories are mainly granted on the basis of family ties in Australia. For a foreigner, marriage to an Australian per se carries little weight when requesting a partner visa, for de facto and married couples go through the same application process, except that de facto couples must prove they have been living together for one year (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011a). Skilled and family visas often lead to Australian permanent residency and citizenship after the applicant has lived in Australia for a number of years. The “other” category in Table 4.5 above includes mainly bridging visas and working holiday-maker visas. A bridging visa is a temporary visa that provides for a non-citizen to remain lawful in certain circumstances where they do not hold a substantive visa, typically granted when an application for a substantive visa has not been decided (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2010).

89 4.4 Level of English proficiency and formal education Just under eight in ten respondents said that their English was fluent. Another 18.4 per cent said it was proficient and only 2.5 per cent said that it was basic. This is clearly a strong indication of their educated and middle-class status.

Although most Mexicans in Australia are indeed capable of speaking English well enough to hold jobs, when interviewed, many interviewees said that they feel speaking English as a second language is sometimes a barrier (this issue is further explored in Chapter Eight in the section on English and work).

Table 4.6 illustrates that 90 per cent of respondents had a tertiary qualification; 42 per cent have an undergraduate degree; 38 per cent have a Masters degree; five per cent have a professional degree (i.e., Medical Doctor – MD, Doctor of Jurisprudence – JD) and four per cent have doctoral degrees.

Table 4.6: Respondents by highest education qualification

Highest education qualification (n=282) % Elementary education 0.4 High School 2.8 Technical accreditation (Certificate, Diploma) 6.7 Undergraduate Degree (BA, BSc, Licenciate) 42.2 Master’s Degree 38.3 Doctoral Degree 4.3 Professional Degree (MD, JD) 5.3 non-tertiary educated 9.9 tertiary educated 90.1

Total 100.0

When comparing this group to the Australian population and to other similar migrant groups, the findings for the Mexican-born population are dramatic.

90 Table 4.7: Qualifications: comparison between selected groups in Australia by country of birth

Australia Mexico Brazil Colombia South Africa (n=15,021,791) (n=3,255) (n=14,511) (n=11,317) (n=145,683) Postgraduate Degree Level 1.90 17.9 9.4 12.0 6.6 Graduate Diploma and Graduate Certificate Level 1.43 1.3 2.6 2.3 2.2 Bachelor Degree Level 9.52 36.3 35.7 35.7 22.5 Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level 6.03 7.4 9.7 9.9 13.3 Certificate Level 15.75 5.8 7.8 8.4 13.2 Level of education inadequately described 0.96 2.1 2.5 2.7 1.5 Level of education not stated 3.87 3.2 3.8 3.9 2.8 Not applicable 60.55 26.1 28.3 25.2 38.0 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Source: ABS 2011 Census

The data from the 2011 Census illustrated above in Table 4.7 show how, based on formal qualifications, the Mexican-born population in Australia tends to be much more educated than the whole Australian-born population. That is, 63 per cent of the Mexican-born population in Australia had a tertiary degree (18 per cent Doctoral & Master degrees, one per cent Graduate Diploma, 36 per cent Bachelor degrees and seven per cent Advance Diploma respectively), while only 19 per cent of the Australian-born population had that level of qualifications.

When compared to other migrant groups in Australia, for instance, Brazil and Colombia (both Latin American countries and with similar migration patterns to the Mexicans in Australia), in terms of tertiary education both countries fare similarly to Mexico: Brazil 57 per cent and Colombia 60 per cent. Yet, when looking at the category of Postgraduate degree, the difference between Mexico and the other two countries is substantial. 18 per cent of Mexican-born individuals had Postgraduate degrees, while Brazil and Colombia only had nine and 12 per cent respectively. Also, if one compares the data to South Africa, a country which shares many similar patterns to the migration of Mexicans in Australia, (with regard to being mainly middle class, professionals, and coming from significant circumstances of crime and violence), Table 4.7 shows that Mexican-born individuals in Australia tend to be much more qualified as only 45 per cent of South-African-born people had tertiary education.

As shown in Table 4.8, more than half of the respondents acquired their highest qualification in Mexico and no significant differences by gender were found (p > 0.05).

91 About 30 per cent of Mexicans acquired their highest qualification in Australia and around 10 per cent acquired it in a third country. Clearly, to study in another country requires significant economic and cultural capital, and reflects this group’s middle class status. Even when one takes into account the considerable number of scholarships offered to Mexicans to study overseas, almost exclusively offered for postgraduate degrees, the cultural capital acquired by these people prior to going abroad is significant.

Table 4.8: Highest level of education by country of acquisition of qualifications

Highest level of Education by country Male Female Total (n=125) (n=157) (n=282) % % % Mexico 59 61 60 Australia 30 32 31 Elsewhere 10 7 9 total 100 100 100

(p = 0.597)

One third of survey respondents first arrived to Australia on student visas. Of those respondents who first arrived in Australia on student visas, 57 per cent acquired their highest degree of education in Australia, 40 per cent acquired their highest degree of education in Mexico, and 3 per cent acquired it elsewhere. This is captured in Table 4.9.

Table 4.9: Respondents who initially arrived under student visas by place of acquisition of highest degree of qualification

Place of acquisition of highest degree of education (%) Only respondents who first arrived on student visas Place of Education Respondents who Mexico Australia Elsewhere first arrived on a (n=39) (n=55) (n=3) student visa (n=97) 40.2 56.7 3.1 100.0

Of those who acquired their highest degree in Australia, 44 per cent had studied a Masters degree in an Australian institution. It is therefore important to highlight that given that the Australian dollar was cheaper than the US dollar before 2008, more people who arrived as

92 students and paid for their education with money earned in Mexico would have been influenced by the exchange rate. Indeed, 14 per cent of all survey respondents said that the lower cost of Australian education was an influential factor.

Household income Table 4.10 shows that nearly one third of respondents earned an annual household income of less than AUD$55,000; 23 per cent earned between $55,000 and $74,999; 17 per cent earned between $75,000 and $99,999; 16 per cent earned between $100,000 and $149,999, 10 per cent earned between $150,000 and $199,999, and 3 per cent earned over $200,000 per annum. 21 per cent of respondents did not know what their annual income was or preferred not to disclose that information (and were not considered in the below chart).

Table 4.10: Respondents’ Annual Household Income

Respondents' Annual Household Income before taxes % (n=223) Below $30,000 14 $30,000 - $44,999 10 32% $45,000 - $54,999 8 $55,000 - $74,999 23 $75,000 - $99,999 17

$100,000 - $149,999 16 45% $150,000 - $199,999 10 $200,000 or over 3 Total 100

It is significant that 45 per cent of respondents earned a household income of at least $75,000 per year. This high level of income is noteworthy considering that most respondents have been in Australia for five years or less. Chapter Eight further explores the situation of employment, income and class among respondents.

93 Housing tenure Most respondents are renters; that is, 58 per cent said they rent the place where they live from a private landlord. A further five per cent rent from a public housing authority and six per cent have other types of living arrangements (boarding, living at home, etc). The finding that most respondents rent is probably explained by two factors. Firstly, and as shown earlier, many Mexicans are recent arrivals and it takes time to accumulate the capital required to buy property. Secondly, although solidly middle class in Mexico, because of the strong currency and high real estate prices in Australia it is significantly more difficult to buy housing.

Figure 4.3: Homeownership among Mexicans in Australia, n=282

5% 6% 31% have bought a home 5% Own outright

Own, paying off 58% mortgage 26% Rent from private landlord Rent from public housing authority Other (boarding, living at home, etc.)

Just over one quarter of respondents have bought a property and are paying off their mortgage, while five per cent own their home outright. As most respondents (64 per cent) have been in Australia for 5 years or less, it is noteworthy that over 30 per cent of them have bought a house in Australia (Figure 4.3). In Chapter Five I further elaborate on the motives and conditions under which Mexicans have purchased property in Australia.

4.6 Conclusion This chapter has presented a demographic profile of those Mexicans in Australia who responded to the online survey in 2010. Some of the most significant findings of this part

94 of the study are briefly outlined here. It was found that most respondents are fairly young - over half of them are in their thirties, and 80 per cent are under the age of 40.

The survey found a high prominence of marriage among respondents, particularly among women. When excluding people who are single, this study found that 42 per cent of respondents are married or in a de facto relationship with an Australian, and of these, the majority (70 per cent) are women. This finding has significant implications for the proper understanding of this group. Subsequent chapters address what facilitates these relationships, what the implications are in terms of national identity, language, children’s education, etc.

In terms of children, this chapter showed that 40 per cent of respondents had children. Of those who had children, the vast majority (89 per cent) were over the age of 30. This indicates that the majority of respondents were delaying having children (or opted for not having any children), which is a common trend among the middle classes.

In terms of ethnicity, nearly 50 per cent of respondents considered themselves mestizos, just over a quarter considered themselves descendants of European stock and five per cent viewed themselves as mostly indigenous. Of interest is the high number of people who consider themselves to be entirely descendants of European stock as these are a minority in Mexico, yet they are concentrated among the privileged socio-economic groups. This finding suggests that there are relatively more “white Mexicans” in Australia than in Mexico.

As many as 62 per cent of respondents come from Mexico City, 11 per cent from either Monterrey, Guadalajara or Puebla (the three biggest cities in Mexico after Mexico City) and a further 27 per cent come from other localities in Mexico. In Australia, the Mexican community is concentrated mainly in Sydney, and Melbourne.

In terms of year of arrival, just over 50 per cent of respondents settled in Australia between 2006 and 2010, around a quarter between 2001 and 2005 and 16 per cent prior to 2001. The average years living in Australia for this group was 5.8. The reasons for the increase in the number of arrivals during the 2000 decade have been outlined in this chapter and in Chapter One.

95 Nearly 40 per cent of Mexicans in Australia have acquired Australian citizenship and a further 27 per cent have Australian permanent residence. Many of these who now hold Australian citizenship or permanent residence initially arrived under student visas. This phenomenon in which temporary migrants convert into permanent settlers is explored in detail in Chapter Six.

Nearly 80 per cent of respondents said they were fluent in English and 90 per cent had a tertiary qualification. These findings are dramatic when compared to Mexicans in Mexico and when compared to the general Australian population. According to the 2011 Census 63 per cent of the Mexican-born population in Australia had a tertiary degree while only 19 per cent of the Australian-born population had that level of qualification. Of interest is that around 40 per cent of respondents acquired their highest level of qualification outside of Mexico, suggesting the significant economic and cultural capital of this middle-class group.

The final two variables considered in this demographic profile are income and housing tenure. In terms of income, 45 per cent of respondents had a yearly household income of $75,000 or more, 23 per cent between $55,000 and $75,000 while 32 per cent earned less than $55,000. With regards to housing tenure, nearly 60 per cent of respondents were renters. Three in every ten have bought a house and/or are paying off a mortgage. This finding is notable considering that most respondents have been in Australia for five years or less and Australian real-estate is amongst the most expensive in the world.

In Chapter Five I will present findings on the temporal or permanent characteristics of the settlement intentions of Mexicans in Australia. It will be shown that a significant proportion of them arrive in Australia with no strong intentions of settling permanently.

96 Chapter 5 – The immigration process: Do Mexicans intend to stay permanently in Australia?

5.1 Introduction Mexican migrants’ intentions of settlement are explored in this chapter. I show that around two thirds of respondents initially intended to settle temporarily in Australia at the time they made their decision to come to this country and only a third had clear intentions of settling permanently. An examination of the reasons for their settlement intentions ensues. A significant number of those who came with temporary intentions arrived on student visas in Australia. The chapter concludes with a discussion around the situation of respondents’ homeownership and their future settlement intentions.

5.2 Original Intentions Previous research has highlighted that for a variety of reasons temporary migration may lead to permanent settlement (Colic-Peisker, 2010; Colic-Peisker, 2011; Khoo, Hugo, & McDonald, 2008). The experience of the Gastarbeiter (guestworker) programs in Europe, particularly in West Germany during the 1960s and 70s (Castles, 1986, 2000), is a powerful example of the way in which temporary migration leads to permanent residency. Khoo, et al. (2008) have shown that skilled temporary migrants to Australia who originate from less developed countries are more likely to want to become permanent residents than those who come from Europe, North America or Japan. In the present study, when Mexican survey respondents were asked to answer what their original migration intentions were, one third of respondents said they came to Australia with the intention of settling permanently, 30 per cent said they came to Australia “temporarily with an open mind to either settling in Australia or returning to Mexico”, and over one fifth said they came “temporarily with a view to returning to Mexico”. Just over 10 per cent said they came to Australia “temporarily hoping to settle if possible”, and four per cent chose “other” as an answer. This is captured in Figure 5.1 below. Some of the findings, together with some of the motives interviewees gave for originally coming to Australia, are discussed below.

97 Figure 5.1: Respondents’ original migration intentions, n = 282

% 35 33 Original Intentions 30 30 25 21 20 15 12 10 4 5

0 Permanently Temporarily Temporarily Temporarily Other with an open with a view to hoping to settle mind returning

Permanent intentions When breaking down respondents’ original migratory intentions into types of visa when they first arrived, Figure 5.2 below shows that of those who came with intentions to settle permanently in Australia, naturally, the majority (52 per cent) came as permanent residents.

Figure 5.2: Respondents with initial intentions to settle permanently in Australia: First visa status

% Permanent intentions 60 52 (n = 96) 50

20 16 9 10 9 10 4 1 0 Permanent Student Skilled Visitor / Partner Australian Other resident visa visas Tourist and Family citizen visa migration visa

98 All of the interviewees, besides one, who from the very beginning had intentions of settling permanently in Australia, submitted their permanent residence application through migration agents. Although only a few migration agencies exist that cater for the Mexican market, in recent years a few new ones have started offering their services and have mainly been targeting middle-class Mexican professionals36. The one exception was Isidro, one of the “pioneers”, who migrated in 1992 and applied directly without utilising a migration agent’s services, most likely because they did not exist at that time. The interviewees talked about the ways they prepared themselves for the move and how they had saved substantial amounts of money to prepare for immigration. This level and type of preparation is typical for the middle class as they are individuals who possess the economic capital to make the move while paying for migration agents’ services to look after documentation and processes.

We brought with us a good buffer - I did bring a heap of money. We brought a [transport] container with all our belongings. We bought a house within the first nine days of our arrival. We bought a new car. “If we migrate, we migrate well. We are not going to go through misery.” (Adrián)

I had brought the money from Mexico from selling my cars and several properties we had. We also sold several things from the house, money I had saved. I also sold my company. With that money I was able to live for two years. (Isidro)

Arriving in Australia to settle permanently, for these interviewees “migrating well” was of importance. It is not that anyone would choose to migrate in a miserable way, but these interviewees expressed in various ways the considerable amounts of money they had invested into their migration experience. For instance, Diego, a highly paid accountant with substantial professional experience in Mexico, found it very difficult to find his first house in Australia, a difficulty he attributed to the reticence of Australian real estate agents

36 “VisaAustralia”, established in 2003, was the agency that most Mexicans mentioned when interviewed. VisaAustralia’s head office is located in Australia and it has an office in Mexico City. “Australia Experience” started trading in 2009 with offices in Australia and Mexico City offering young Mexicans visa and migration information and services. “Australia Experience” has grown and has several offices in various cities in Mexico and now has expanded its market and offers services to various Latin-American countries and Spain. “VivaenAustralia” opened up in 2002 and also offers services to several Latin-American countries.

99 to rent properties to new migrants whose real estate records and references were unavailable. So Diego saw himself having to put down a substantial initial amount of money to secure stable accommodation while he spent his first six months in Australia looking for a job:

I told him [the real estate agent], “I’ll pay you in advance. Eight months”. And eight months long was the contract. Eight months were nearly 17 thousand dollars. A huge amount. (Diego)

Although it was a far from a pleasant experience to pay eight months of rent up front, Diego’s economic capacity gave him and his family the opportunity to secure decent accommodation when they first migrated to Melbourne.

Likewise, the middle-class position of Mauricio, a male in his early thirties, and his economic situation when living in Mexico was stable enough to the degree that he could speak about his situation as “I always had work – and very well paid work”. Mauricio worked in the area of information technology in Mexico, migrated at the age of 28, and at the time of the interview he was about to open his own consultancy firm in Melbourne. The fairly stable economic position of both Diego and Mauricio exemplify the middle- class status of many Mexicans in Australia.

An interesting finding was that men and women had equal intentions of settling permanently. About one third of all women and one third of men wanted to settle permanently from the outset. This appears to contradict the literature on risk that suggests men are greater risk-takers than women. Despite the fact that women are generally considered more risk-averse than men (Borghans, Heckman, Golsteyn, & Meijers, 2009; Jianakoplos & Bernasek, 1998; Sapienza, Zingales, & Maestripieri, 2009), this study found that Mexican men and women have similar patterns of risk-taking when analysed by looking at their original migration intentions.

Temporary intentions: Keeping their options open Another surprising finding was that 18 survey respondents with permanent residence at the time they first arrived in Australia said they had come “temporarily with an open mind”.

100 These individuals are captured in the first column of Figure 5.3 below and they represent 21 per cent of all those who came initially with an open mind.

Figure 5.3: Respondents with initial intentions to stay temporarily in Australia but keeping an open mind: First visa status

% Temporarily with an open mind 50 43 (n = 84) 40

30 21 20 18 10 10 7 1 0 Permanent Student visa Skilled visas Visitor / Partner and Australian resident Tourist visa Family citizen migration visa

Two of these respondents, Catalina and Juan, were interviewed. Catalina was encouraged by her Mexican partner to apply for permanent residence, but she admitted that she had had misgivings about wanting to settle permanently in Australia:

I had lots of doubts and I said to myself, “well, I am going to start the process and if in the end I change my mind, the worst that can happen is that I lose my money. I’ll go on holidays and I can use my visa. There is nothing lost”. Then I said, “Another thing that could be worse is that I go, things don’t work out and I don’t find work; well, I’ll come back. Here I have my house, I live with my parents, and here I have everything. There is nothing to lose”. (Catalina)

Similarly to Catalina, Juan emphasised the uncertainty he felt about migrating to Australia and not knowing if things would work out. Juan applied in Mexico for Australian permanent residence in 2007 under the regional migration visa scheme - which precludes

101 migrants from living in major urban areas. Juan talked about the unsuccessful migration story of his brother who had obtained permanent residence in Canada but who eventually returned to Mexico. Juan had also tried to migrate to the United States, but he found that it was an almost impossible process to follow if the intention was to immigrate with proper documentation. Both unsuccessful immigration attempts close to him were most likely the root of his uncertainties. Juan arrived in Adelaide in 2008 without knowing anyone in Australia, let alone Adelaide. He spoke of his feelings of loneliness due to him being “all on his own”. Juan said: “I felt a bit depressed. ‘Now what do I do?’ I am all on my own; I do not know anyone here”.

People like Catalina and Juan had gone through the complex and costly migration application (roughly $8,000 Australian dollars including the costs of a migration agent’s services), yet had not made a commitment to migrate. Firstly they would examine Australia as a country, evaluate if they considered it a suitable place to live, and then decide to migrate – something that would seem like a rather costly “taste” only available to people with substantial economic capital. Once again, their social class positioning is revealed through these actions.

Of those who said they came “temporarily with an open mind to either settling in Australia or returning to Mexico”, the majority came under a student visa (captured in the second column of Figure 5.3; representing 43 per cent). Several interviewees recounted their ambivalence towards either returning or staying, despite the fact that a significant number of them had already spent more than one year in Australia. For instance, Isabel, a highly educated academic from Guadalajara who came to Australia to pursue her doctoral studies in 2003, expressed her lack of intentionality to become a permanent resident when she first arrived in Australia, while at the same time she had no urgent need to decide where to reside in the long term.

I came without a fixed plan. Either I stay or I go. “I simply go, I do the doctorate and then I see how I feel. If I return to Mexico…” – The truth is that I had not thought about any other place. Besides China. I did think, “And what if I return to China again, to live there? To work there?”

102 After finishing her postgraduate studies in Australia, Isabel said she was still entertaining the possibility of returning home in the future or going somewhere else, like China in her case, even after obtaining Australian permanent residence. This aspiration of having continued transnational migration experiences defined some of the Mexican migrants in Australia. During her interview Isabel expressed feeling uncertain about remaining in Australia after her temporary stay as a student.

About two years ago, when I had already finished the doctorate, I was working as research officer in a project for the [name of research institution] with a lecturer from uni. I did not have a permanent job then. There was a period when I did say “What do I do now? Should I go back to Mexico? Should I stay here?” There was a period in which I felt as if I did not know if this was the place where I wanted to stay. (Isabel)

Gabriel, in his late thirties, who worked in management in the retail industry in Sydney, expressed similar doubts about committing to long-term settlement in Australia. At the time of the interview, Gabriel had recently lodged his application for permanent residence and was waiting for a response.

I’ve come for the time I have to be here. No more. I am not forcing anything. If the residence does not work out, I’ll sell everything and I’ll leave – no problem. Start again and do other things. I’ve done it once, not a big deal. It’s not hard. (Gabriel)

Gabriel talked about his flexibility and adaptability to move and resettle elsewhere in the event that the permanent residence was denied. His attitude towards uncertain changes in the future displayed Gabriel’s life as malleable and fluid (Bauman, 2000). Within the context of late modernity, Bauman argues that people find themselves exposed to more experiences and more possibilities than ever before and adhering to identities as a matter of personal choice (Bauman, 2000). Bauman suggests that contemporary society, or in Beck’s terms “second modernity”, has done away with burdening traditions and institutions that limited the “individual freedom to choose and to act” and has created the setting in which social forms and institutions no longer solidify nor function as frames of reference for human actions. “Liquid modernity” has “melted the solids”, getting rid of the ballast of

103 tradition, and people nowadays have the possibility to construct themselves (Bauman, 2000). This does not mean that contemporary individuals are guided solely by their decisions, pursuits and free will (in other words, by pure agency), and that they are no longer constrained by structural forces. What it does mean is that in today’s societies individuals are not pre-allocated and ascribed to particular reference groups but that the point of reference is of “universal comparison”. This is especially the case with individuals who are members of the “transnational class”. Within the setting of liquid modernity, individuals are riddled with ambiguities, a challenge never encountered before. People’s lives are malleable and fluid; they have to be adaptable and constantly ready and willing to change (Bauman, 2000). Mobile professionals view the world as an oyster and have the real possibilities to travel and to re-invent themselves when they arrive at their new destination. These professionals have the potential to integrate in their recipient society as they have the social and cultural capital, the know-how and the social codes to be flexible.

One of the flip sides of such potentially powerful flexibility is the anxiety that comes with the shapelessness of “universal comparisons”,

in which the destination of individual self-constructing labours is endemically and incurably underdetermined, is not given in advance, and tends to undergo numerous and profound changes before such labours reach their only genuine end: that is, the end of the individual’s life (Bauman, 2000: 7).

Individuals in contemporary society struggle with endemic uncertainty and are expected to be “on call” at short notice to change to the current availabilities and abandoning commitments and loyalties. This is not to say that every individual in contemporary society is affected by psychoneurosis; yet, compared to historical periods prior to late modernity in which stricter traditional social forms dominated, despite significant economic advances, people today seem to live more uncertain lives (Bauman, 2007; Giddens, 1991).

Gabriel talked about his rootless existence in Australia. He had been in Australia for five years at the time of the interview.

104 Laura – and about your future plans? You’ve mentioned that whatever happens, you are flexible. Do you feel you have put down roots in Australia?

Gabriel – Well, look, not really. Why? Because I’m not tied to anyone nor anything here in Australia. So not really. I live well as a foreigner […] I haven’t put any roots down because I don’t have a base here. I don’t have anything that says that I am Australian or that I am a permanent resident. (Gabriel)

Gabriel explained that he lives well “as a foreigner” but being in that category implies his stay in Australia does not have permanency. This example highlights the way in which Mexican middle class-migrants have gotten rid of the ballast of tradition. They have the cultural and economic capital to reconstruct themselves in new places (Bauman, 2000) and they keep their mind open as to whether to stay in Australia or go somewhere else, and they stay for as long as they have to stay. Appiah (2005: 217) uses the term “cosmopolitans” to refer to the type of person similar to Gabriel, “who thinks that the world is, so to speak, our shared hometown”, or as the Greek etymology of the word “cosmopolitan” suggests, they are “citizens of the world”. Cosmopolitans are characterised by a particular disposition to experience simultaneously a sense of familiarity and strangeness either in their local culture or anywhere else in the world, while still “fitting in” with the imperatives of the here and now, like Gabriel, who “lives well as a foreigner”. This cosmopolitan disposition necessitates a certain degree of “social and cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1984) which is primarily acquired by “class” – education, income, wealth, inherited status, etc., but also by travel and experience.

Intentions to stay temporarily in Australia and to go back to Mexico Of those who came temporarily with a view to returning to Mexico, Figure 5.4 shows that the majority of these respondents came on a student visa.

105 Figure 5.4: Respondents with intentions to stay temporarily in Australia and with a view to returning to Mexico: First visa status

Temporarily with a view to returning % (n = 60) 70 63 60 50 40 30 20 20 8 10 3 5 0 Permanent Student visa Skilled visas Visitor / Partner and resident Tourist visa Family migration visa

These respondents would have initially come to Australia to study and to gain international experience, improve their English and broaden their travel experiences. However, some of these “temporary migrants” ended up staying because they found a job, they found a partner in Australia, or they simply felt that Australia was a good place to make their home. Responses given by Esteban, a male in his thirties who worked in Human Resources and was very satisfied with his job in Mexico, exemplify the ways in which interviewees changed their minds and decided not to return to Mexico after a temporary stay in Australia:

Initially I came to Australia as a student and my idea was to do my Masters, maybe get a couple of years work experience and then go back to Mexico. But the situation in Mexico got worse and Australia offered me a good opportunity, so I decided to apply for residency and then citizenship. (Esteban)

In this statement, Esteban identifies the worsening social and economic situation in Mexico during the 2000s which encouraged him and his wife to extend their stay in Australia, in addition to the job and visa opportunity he was offered.

Upon obtaining permanent residence, Esteban and his wife reassessed their situation. They could leave Australia at any time, but they made the concerted effort to wait a further two years until they obtained Australian citizenship:

106

Retrospectively, Eli and I knew that in the end our life was here. We wanted to stay here. […] Once we had the nationality, basically we ran out of excuses and it was the moment when we said, “our life is here” (Esteban).

After spending two or more years in Australia, several interviewees noted that their circumstances changed along the migration journey and they decided to stay. The interviews indicated that temporary migration is often a facilitator for more permanent immigration (Colic-Peisker, 2010; Khoo et al., 2008). A substantial number of initially temporary Mexican migrants reached the conclusion that job opportunities were better in Australia and their personal security, education, children’s future would be enhanced. Many also embraced the Australian lifestyle during their stay as temporary residents.

Using university education as a way to obtain permanent residency Itzel’s story was fairly common. Aged in her late twenties, Itzel worked as a financial analyst in Mexico and arrived in Australia with the intention of returning to Mexico straight after completing her graduate studies. She remarked:

I came to study for two years and afterwards I looked into work possibilities. I came without the slightest intention of staying. I said to myself, “I’ll finish my degree, I’ll return and that’s it”. But my thoughts have changed since I’ve been here. Now I’m working full time on a working visa. I would like to stay, at least for some more time. […] My work is going well; this is a good country. (Itzel)

While Itzel described in the previous quote her initial firm intention of returning, during the duration of her studies various aspects of her life changed so that she eventually decided to stay.

In part the reason why37 I decided to stay was first because of the job and the opportunities that arose when I was studying. I did an

37 The other aspect further mentioned by Itzel which changed her decision of staying from temporarily to permanently in Australia was the relationship she had with an Australian.

107 internship and everything developed easily. That is, I had the contacts, or I made the effort to generate the situation (Itzel).

During her studies, Itzel sought an internship in financial services which later led to a formal job. Itzel describes the job opportunities as the result of the efforts she made “to generate the situation”. As a middle-class person, Itzel is a strong believer in the power of agency and attributes her success of finding job opportunities in Australia to her own efforts and self-motivation (Tilkidjiev, 2005). Tilkidjiev argues that individuals who belong to the middle class are “people who owe everything to their own efforts, resources, qualification, education” (2005: 211). The case of Itzel represents those migrants who consciously use their cultural and economic capital to present themselves as motivated and thus integrate better in the receiving society. This accords with the findings of Van Bocheve et al. (2010) who conducted research among middle-class migrants in the Netherlands and found that their middle-class characteristics allowed them to be regarded as socioeconomically “well-integrated”. This study found that the fact that many Mexican interviewees originally went to Australia to pursue postgraduate degrees is important to their identity in the host country. Their middle-class location gives them some societal leverage and position in Australia which helps Australians see them and accept them as both intelligent and professional, rather than as simply “Mexican migrants”.

An important sphere in many young people’s contemporary life trajectories is the diversification of life course options in which both international mobility and higher education play a significant role (Collins, 2014 in press). Various scholars point to the “normalisation of international mobility” – either in the form of backpacking excursions, student exchange, long term travel associated with working holidays, “gap years” and “overseas experiences”, periods of international volunteer work or stable employment abroad – among youth populations particularly in western countries (Collins, 2014 in press; Conradson & Latham, 2005a). In fact, Conradson and Latham (2005a: 288) rightly point out that “a period spent abroad – whether to study, develop a career, as part of travelling, or as an experimentation with the possibility of emigrating permanently – is becoming a normal and almost taken-for granted part of the life-cycle”. Interestingly, this literature focuses on young people of affluent western countries, yet as this study found, some Mexican middle-class individuals encountered in this study also participate in this type of “western mobility”.

108 The experience of Zoraya is similar to that of Esteban and Itzel. Zoraya (25 at the time of the interview) did her undergraduate degree in Mexico and went to Australia to do a one year exchange program. During her one year exchange she found out about a Masters program at an Australian university, envisioned herself returning to Australia to pursue her graduate studies, and achieved it two years later.

When I came here, I honestly never believed I was going to stay here for such a long time. That is, my idea when the Masters opportunity came up was “I am going to return to Mexico to apply [all my knowledge from the Masters]”. (Zoraya)

Zoraya was very interested in doing the Masters program because it was in development studies and she was very enthusiastic about applying her knowledge back in Mexico, so her migratory intentions in Australia were temporary. Also Zoraya mentioned that during her first year in Australia, she met her naturalised Australian boyfriend from South America and that the relationship was an additional incentive to come back to Australia.

The above stories are not surprising findings given that research on international students suggests it is not uncommon for them to end up staying after their studies (Hazen & Alberts, 2006; Li et al., 1996; Robertson, 2013). In Australia, because of the current immigration policy which seeks to attract skilled workers, it is relatively easy to get permanent residence once a person has completed a degree at an Australian university. At times students set out to temporarily resettle for educational purposes only – as Esteban, Itzel and Zoraya’s cases demonstrate – however, circumstances can change and many end up migrating permanently.

At other times emigration for study is used in part as a conscious strategy by people to become permanent labour migrants (Ramón, Dolores, Venustiano, Braulio, Paloma, Gabriel, and Rocío). In Australia, “the number of temporary entrants, especially longer- term stayers (several years), such as international students and temporary skill entrants (e.g. the much debated ‘457 visa’ introduced in 1996)” has grown considerably over the past 15 years (Colic-Peisker, 2010: 2). A large proportion of those international students and temporary skill entrants eventually make the transition to permanent residency (Colic- Peisker, 2010). Figure 5.5 below shows that those survey respondents who came

109 temporarily and hoped to settle in Australia if possible, the majority of these respondents came on a student visa.

Figure 5.5: Respondents who arrived temporarily in Australia hoping to eventually settle: First visa status

Temporarily but hoping to settle % (n = 34) 50 38 40 35

20 12 12 10 3 0 Permanent Student visa Skilled visas Visitor / Partner and resident Tourist visa Family migration visa

The narratives of Ramón, Dolores and Venustiano show the way in which the three of them used their study abroad opportunity as a first step into permanent migration. Aged in his mid-thirties and with substantial work experience in Mexico and now doing his PhD in Melbourne, Ramón recalled,

I started doing the paperwork to apply for doctoral studies with the idea of leaving Mexico already in my mind. My idea indeed was to migrate to Australia but it was necessary to investigate more. So it seemed as though studies – the doctorate which I had had in mind since a long time ago – was the quickest way to jump. (Ramón)

Although the category of international student is typically regarded as temporary, Ramón, and various other interviewees, noted that in his intentions at the time of preparing himself for the move to study in Australia, he and his wife were already contemplating resettling permanently. Also, the fact that Ramón was pursuing doctoral studies in a foreign language speaks loudly about his privileged upper-middle class position given that a vast number of Mexicans do not have access to education in a foreign language, let alone to postgraduate degrees. Similarly to Ramón’s story, Dolores moved to Australia in 2002 as an

110 international student to do six months at an Australian university as part of an exchange program her private university had with some Australian universities. In referring to her intention to stay permanently after her studies, Dolores stated:

I was accepted in Australia, in [name of] University. So I came. I said to myself “I am going to stay for 6 months, but if the opportunity arises, I will stay for longer”. So I was looking, and looking, and looking for the opportunity, until I found that there was the possibility. […] I thought that it was a very good opportunity and very good option to have residence and eventually citizenship. (Dolores)

Dolores shared that before arriving in Australia, she already had intended exploring the ways in which she could continue her studies beyond the six month exchange period. She also noted her desire to obtain not only Australian residence but also Australian citizenship because “it was a very good opportunity” and “it was not that complicated to obtain it [residence]”. For people like Dolores, at a young age, financially supported by her parents to pay for her studies in a foreign country, and being fluent in the English language, dealing with the paperwork for obtaining Australian residence indeed is not too complicated. The case of Venustiano reinforces this point. He arrived in Australia in 2003 also as a student. Venustiano had completed his business administration degree and postgraduate degree in human resources in a Mexican private university. After a year and a half of work experience in Mexico and desiring a change, he decided to migrate to Australia. He recalled,

Venustiano – Originally, the reason I came was to study. I wanted a change of career. I wanted to do something completely different. I came as a student.

Laura – So you came with the idea of studying but also with the idea of staying?

Venustiano – Yes. And my mum knew it. That is why I chose Australia. Because ultimately the idea was to migrate permanently. I already had the idea of “I will stay”.

111

Similarly to Ramón and Dolores, Venustiano also moved initially as a student and also talked about his original intention being ultimately to settle permanently in Australia. He also had the economic resources to finance a further degree in Australia as an international student in a different area of study – in the hospitality industry – which to him represented an opportunity to make his hobby also his career. Later he applied for permanent residence; however, Venustiano ended up resuming his career in administration.

This interview material suggests that university study is a crucial mechanism used by a large proportion of Mexican immigrants to move permanently to Australia. They generally have the economic and cultural capital to achieve this objective.

5.3 Housing tenure as an indication of permanency? I presented in Chapter Four that 31 per cent of respondents had bought a house in Australia. Table 5.1 below illustrates that when asked the question “Do you ever seriously consider permanently leaving Australia?”, as many as 70 per cent of all respondents said that they would seriously consider leaving Australia permanently. I elaborate on this point when I discuss in Chapter Nine the importance respondents placed on family and family values. Moreover, as many as 61 per cent of those respondents who have bought a house in Australia (outright owners and owners paying off mortgages) have seriously considered permanently leaving Australia. Therefore the question of why they have bought a house arises, as such an acquisition is a strong commitment and sign of stability. In-depth interviewing revealed that securing permanent residence or Australian citizenship functions as an insurance which opens up many more mobility options.

Table 5.1: Homeownership and intentions to leave Australia permanently, %

p p y ( ) home owner non home owner Total (n=87) (n=195) (n=282) Yes 35.6 38.5 37.6 Sometimes 25.3 35.4 32.3 No 39.1 26.2 30.1 Considers leaving 60.9 73.8 69.9 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (p = 0.068)

112 As shown in Table 5.2 below, 59 per cent of those who have purchased a house have an Australian spouse or partner, and one quarter have Mexican partners (statistically significant). For those respondents who have purchased a property, it is likely that their Australian partners were already in the housing market, or that the parents lent a hand. Only 6 per cent of respondents that are single have bought a house and 10 per cent that have a partner from another background (neither Mexican nor Australian) have purchased as well. This indicates that Mexicans who are coupled with non-Australians are less likely to buy a house in Australia, either because they have doubts about staying permanently or perhaps because of the (non-)affordability of real estate prices.

Table 5.2: Home ownership by partner’s nationality

Home ownership by Partner's nationality (%) non home home owner Total owner (n=87) (n=195) (n=282) Mexican spouse/partner 25.3 31.3 29.4 Australian spouse/partner 58.6 23.6 34.4 Single 5.7 24.6 18.8 Partner from other background 10.3 20.5 17.4 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (p = 0.000)

Respondents of all years of arrival have bought houses except for migrants from only four years: 2010, 1992, 1991 and 1989, as shown in Figure 5.6 below. 2006 is the year when most (13 per cent) home owners arrived in Australia, followed by 2003 with 10 per cent of all home buyers. Over 52 per cent of home buyers arrived after 2002. This means that it took less than 8 years for the majority of respondents who are home owners to own a property outright or acquire a mortgage.

113 Figure 5.6: Homeownership by respondents’ year of arrival in Australia

50 Homeownership by respondents' year of arrival 45

All respondents (n=282) 35

Homeowner respondents (n=87) 30

Figure 5.6 above also illustrates that nearly all respondents who have been in Australia longer than 10 years have bought a house, which in turn indicates that people who have been in Australia for a long time have been able to build up their savings to afford a deposit. The findings also suggest that older migrants are more likely to purchase before younger ones. The former would have arrived with more capital and would have more stable long term plans than the latter and therefore would have been able to buy a property sooner.

Table 5.3 shows that nine per cent of respondents who had bought a home had a household income of less than $55,000; 31 per cent had a household income between $55,000 and $99,999; 39 per cent over $100,000 and around 21 per cent of respondents preferred not to state their household income. That means that at least 39 per cent of respondents had a gross annual household income of more than $100,000, and given that 21 per cent of home owner respondents opted for not sharing their income information, this percentage could be close to 50 per cent.

114 Table 5.3: Respondents who are home owners by household annual income

Home owners by gross annual household income (%) (n=87) Below $30,000 1.1 $30,000-$44,999 2.3 $45,000-$54,999 5.7 $55,000-$74,999 18.4 $75,000-$99,999 12.6 $100,000 - $149,999 21.8 $150,000 - $199,999 11.5 $200,000 or over 5.7 Below $55,000 9.1 Between $55,000 and $99,999 31.0 $100,000 and over 39.0 Prefer not to say / Don't know 20.7 Total 100.0

The data presented above suggest three things: that people coming to Australia brought with them from Mexico a substantial amount of money which allowed them to buy a house, that people coming from Mexico had well paid jobs in Australia that allowed them to buy a property within the first years after settling, or that respondents have married Australian partners who already had a house or with whom they jointly bought a house.

5.4 Conclusion In this chapter I have discussed the original intentions of settlement of Mexicans in Australia. As many as two thirds of respondents initially intended to settle temporarily in Australia and only one third had clear intentions of settling permanently. This finding suggests that their middle class location allows them to be flexible with regards to important life-changing decisions such as migration.

The first section of the chapter focused on those participants who from the outset intended to settle permanently in Australia. The majority had applied for Australian permanent residence and had gone through the relatively onerous immigration process while still in Mexico and the majority had no firsthand knowledge of Australia. Many of them had used the services of Australian migration agents. Interviewees who fell within this category had accumulated substantial amounts of economic capital to make the move – a trait which is characteristic of middle-class people’s ways and capacities for being prepared.

115 Of those who came to Australia “temporarily with an open mind to either settling or returning to Mexico”, the majority came under a student visa. These participants who initially arrived as Masters or Doctoral students expressed their lack of intentionality to settle permanently in Australia. Their intentions were to keep their options open and to allow their futures to be malleable and fluid (Bauman, 2000). These middle-class migrants draw upon their cultural and economic capital to keep their mind open as to whether to stay in Australia, move back to Mexico or to a third (fourth, fifth…) destination. An interesting finding was to encounter among this group participants who had applied and obtained Australian permanent residence while in Mexico, yet arriving in Australia with the intention of “trying it out” and without making a full commitment to migrate. Again, their well-endowed capital afforded them the ability to participate in such international mobility practices.

One fifth of all respondents came with a clear intention to go back to Mexico at the end of their Australian sojourn; the vast majority of these were students and a few of them were visitors. Understandably these students would have initially arrived in Australia to study and have the international experience of being abroad in a country with few links to Mexico. Yet, as the literature indicates, temporary migration is often a precursor for permanent settlement, and these individuals exemplify this pattern (Castles, 2000; Khoo et al., 2008). Interviewees talked about how once they were living in Australia, job and personal circumstances had changed that had led them to stay permanently.

Many respondents mainly under student visas arrived in Australia temporarily but were hoping to settle. That is, for them a study sojourn in Australia was consciously used as a strategy to eventually become permanent migrants. This finding complements recent research on international migrants, which suggests that it is not uncommon for them to eventually stay after their studies (Hazen & Alberts, 2006; Li et al., 1996; Robertson, 2013). Moreover, in the Australian current context in which the immigration policy seeks to attract skilled people (Colic-Peisker, 2010), many of these migrants find the process of changing their visa status relatively straightforward.

After examining respondents’ migration intentions and finding that a considerable number of people had temporary intentions, in the last section of this chapter I looked at the housing tenure situation of respondents to get a better indication of respondents’ permanency. Of all respondents, 70 per cent said they have given serious consideration to

116 leaving Australia permanently. Moreover, of those respondents who had purchased real estate in Australia, around 60 per cent also had seriously considered leaving Australia. What was revealed through in-depth interviewing was that for many Mexicans in Australia, securing Australian permanent residence or citizenship functioned as an insurance policy and as a mechanism to open options for further international experiences.

In the following chapter I identify and explore the four most prominent motives for migration to Australia among Mexicans. Those motives are the quest for better quality of life, fear and insecurity in Mexico, seeking an international adventure, and re-joining a partner.

117 Chapter 6 – Reasons for migrating to Australia

6.1 Introduction This chapter examines the reasons Mexicans migrate and their reasons for choosing Australia as their destination. The four most important reasons to migrate guide the structure of the chapter: the desire for a better quality of life, security, adventure, and joining a partner. The desire for a better quality of life was the key reason for migrating and for choosing Australia. The last part of this chapter explores the destination options migrants gave some consideration to and their reason for deciding on Australia. What is argued is that many of the reasons for emigrating are primarily associated with a middle- class identity that affords migrants the sufficient agency and capital not only to migrate, but also to choose a destination far from home, with few previous contacts and knowledge (migrant networks) in order to migrate independently.

6.2 Reasons for Migrating Migration theorist, Silvia Pedraza, suggests that the most important questions in immigration research are summarized in three main areas: reasons which lead people to make the decision to move (including “push” and “pull” factors); the nature of the move, which includes policies between countries that lead to the development of migration systems; and the outcomes people can attain after migration with regards to their acculturation processes (i.e. assimilation, integration, transnationalism, etc.) (Pedraza, 2006: 33-34). This thesis addresses the three questions posed by Pedraza. The current chapter focuses on the first area - the reasons which lead people to migrate. The question regarding the nature of the move is partially dealt with in this chapter, when exploring the initial type of visa or migration programs of people, and was also dealt with in Chapters Four and Five which contained sections exploring survey respondents by types of visas. Regarding the question on the outcomes people attain after migration, these topics are discussed in Chapter Seven (i.e. identity, integration, transnationalism and cosmopolitanism), Chapter Eight (employment, income and class) and Chapter Nine (profiles of households and friendships).

Chapter Two elaborated on the many theories about reasons for migrating and pointed to the way such theories are often contradictory. Berry et. al. (2002) suggest the use of push

118 and pull motivations to examine migration decisions. Although economic factors are often considered dominant in the migration decision-making process (Michael P. Todaro, 1969), a number of researchers (Arnold, 1987; Massey, 1990; Massey et al., 1998; Palloni et al., 2001) postulate that non-economic factors can be of major importance and are often the leading reasons to motivate a decision to migrate. De Jong and Fawcett (1981) suggest that migration is often premised on people’s desire to either improve or at least maintain their quality of life.

Survey respondents were given 13 reasons related to their decision to emigrate and were asked to rate the degree to which each of those reasons had influenced their decision. Better quality of life, obtaining international experience, giving children a better future, seeking a new life or doing something different, concerns about personal security in Mexico and joining a partner or spouse emerged as the top six factors which had a “strong influence” on respondents’ decision to migrate. Figure 6.1 below, derived from the survey data, summarises the reasons respondents gave for leaving Mexico.

Figure 6.1: Influential factors precipitating migration

56.7 To enjoy a better quality of life 21.6

42.2 To obtain international experience 23.4

40.4 To give my children a better future 12.8

To seek a new life / to do something 38.3 different 32.3

Concerns about personal security (e.g. 36.5 violence) in Mexico 24.5

35.8 To join my partner / spouse 3.2

28.4 To improve my English 24.8

To broaden my cultural & travel 27.0 experience 39.4

23.4 To secure a better job 22.3

To work in a specific field for which 14.5 opportunities in Mexico are limited 15.2

11.3 To avoid unemployment in Mexico 22.3

11.0 To gain independence from my family 15.2 Strong influence Some influence To be with my family who migrated 3.5 before me 2.5 % 0 10 20 30 40 50 60

119 Figure 6.1 illustrates that to enjoy a better quality of life was noted as a “strong influence” by 56.7 per cent of all respondents and as “some influence” by another 21.6 per cent, exceeding any other variable by far.

Obtaining international experience came in second; 42.2 per cent said it was a “strong influence” and 23.4 per cent said it had “some influence”. For 40.4 per cent of respondents giving a better future to their children was a “strong influence” and for another 12.8 per cent was of “some influence”. Of these respondents, 60 per cent were women, regardless of whether they had children or not. An interesting finding was that women tended to worry more than men about the future of their children, even those who were childless at the time of their responses. For people with children, 57 per cent said giving them a better future was a “strong influence” (60 per cent of these respondents were female) and an additional eight per cent said it was of “some influence”. Of the childless respondents, 46 per cent said that the possibility of giving their children a better future influenced them.

Thirty-eight per cent of respondents said that seeking a new life or doing something different was a strong influence to their decision to migrate, while for another 32.3 per cent it was of “some influence”. Over one third of respondents said that concerns about insecurity in Mexico were a “strong influence” to migrate, and a further 24.5 per cent said it was of some influence. That is, just over 60 per cent said that security concerns influenced their decision to migrate38. This is not surprising. As discussed, in 2011 Mexico had one of the highest homicide and kidnapping rates globally (Castillo García, 2011; Latinobarómetro, 2011). Over a third of respondents said joining their partner or spouse had influenced their decision to migrate, and a further three per cent said it was of “some influence”. The previous factors which emerged as the most influential for Mexicans to migrate to Australia are dealt with in detail in the remainder of the chapter.

Factors such as improving respondents’ English language skills, broadening their cultural and travel experience, and securing a better job, although they all contributed in varying degrees to the decision to emigrate, appeared of lesser importance to respondents. Of further lesser significance were the following factors: working in a specific field for which opportunities in Mexico are limited; avoiding unemployment in Mexico; gaining

38 Of course there would be a lot of overlap between the question of insecurity in Mexico and quality of life. Nevertheless, because insecurity in itself is a sufficiently big and important topic in itself in the Mexican context, in this study insecurity has been separated for its analysis.

120 independence from family, and being with family who migrated before. It is interesting to note that economic factors such as securing a better job and avoiding unemployment in Mexico were less of a consideration in the decision-making for these middle-class migrants.

Traditionally reasons for migrating have often been studied within the “push and pull” factors framework, where there is a focus on both the factors that lead people to leave their country (“push”) and the factors that attract individuals to a particular destination (“pull”) (Berry, 1997). The push-pull framework has been criticised for being less a theoretical framework and more a heuristic device which helps classify determinants of migration (Massey et al., 1998). It has also been criticised for lacking applicability at the micro level of research and for considering “under the rubric of push-pull [factors which] have always been exclusively economic” (Massey et al., 1998: 12). Although this approach has limitations, it does help to organise the various factors involved in the migration of middle- class Mexicans to Australia. See Table 6.1 below for push and pull factors.

Table 6.1: Push and pull factors motivating Mexican emigration to Australia in order of importance Push Pull

Insecurity in Mexico Better quality of life Desire for a better job Obtain international experience Unemployment in Mexico Give children a better future Gain independence from family Do something different or seek a new life Desire to work in a specific field not existent in Mexico Join a partner Improve English Broaden cultural and travel experience Seek a better job

As acknowledged by other scholars, and as will be explored in this chapter, there are various reasons for migrating. Ramón, a 34 year old interviewee who migrated to Australia in 2010, explained:

The reason for migrating is very complex because in the end, one does not make the decision of changing countries based on one reason. It is a very complex decision (Ramón).

121 In the case of middle-class Mexicans, this study illustrates that a significant push factor is the increasing levels of crime and insecurity throughout Mexico. Of lesser importance are economic factors, especially when compared to working class Mexicans going to the United States who among various other indicators, have been sending enormous amounts of remittances back to their country of origin39 (Durand & Massey, 1992). Having said this, seeking a better quality of life can encompass economic factors. On the other hand, there are a number of pull factors that are driving Mexicans to migrate overseas, such as better quality of life, obtaining international experience, doing something different, and joining a partner, among others. The following sections discuss, in detail, the various reasons for migration.

Desire for a better quality of life As stated, the survey indicated that the pursuit of a better quality of life is the most important factor pushing Mexicans to immigrate to Australia. The 2009 Report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress postulates that “[Q]uality of life includes the full range of factors that make life worth living, including those that are not traded in markets and not captured by monetary measures” (Stiglitz, Sen, & Fitoussi, 2009: 58). Subjective and objective factors are both encompassed in the definition of quality of life suggested in the 2009 Report. Subjective well-being refers to people’s cognitive evaluations of life and people’s hedonistic experiences and feelings (both positive and negative, i.e. joy, happiness, and pride, or pain, frustration, and fear), all of which reach beyond the material side of life. Further, quality of life’s objective conditions include

people’s health and education, their everyday activities (which include the right to a decent job and housing), their participation in the political process, the social and natural environment in which they live, and the factors shaping their personal and economic security (Stiglitz et al., 2009: 15).

Of all the objective factors mentioned by the report, three of them – personal insecurity, personal everyday activities and environmental conditions – featured prominently in the

39 In 2011 Mexico was recipient of US$22.4 billion remittances, mainly from the US (Banco de México, 2012).

122 interviews. Adrián’s quote crisply captures this: “I was absolutely fed up with living in Mexico City. I had had enough of the traffic40, the pollution and the insecurity”. Personal security is an integral quality of life indicator. Given that insecurity is such a widespread concern throughout Mexico and, as uncovered in this research, an enduring concern for Mexicans in Australia, the topic warrants its own dedicated section. The second section of this chapter addresses this issue.

With regards to everyday activities, recent research identifies that the way people spend their time and the nature of their personal activities matters for quality of life, irrespective of the income generated (Krueger, 2009). Activities that people involve themselves in during their day-to-day lives (cleaning the house, relaxing, grooming, preparing food, travelling, doing repairs, taking care of children, (paid) working, grocery shopping, exercising and so forth) have various effects on their appreciation of their well-being (Cutler, 2009). This research identified that what the Mexicans interviewed meant by quality of life with regards to the way people spend their time was largely associated with the combination of paid work activities and leisure activities. Dissatisfaction with working hours in Mexico and with little time left for leisure was particularly common among interviewees. When testing for correlation, I found that quality of life and having plenty of leisure time were items that highly correlated (at 0.01 level, 2-tailed). Of the 23 interviewees who had worked full-time in Mexico, 40 per cent mentioned having little time to have a life apart from work: “The jobs [in Mexico] work you to death, you don’t have a social life, you don’t have time to go out,” said Juan.

Nayeli, a female professional in her mid-thirties with postgraduate qualifications, who worked for a large motor company and who at the time of the interview was looking for a job in Melbourne, mentioned that among her and her Mexican husband’s reasons for migrating the need for a more balanced life played an important role. When I asked her to expand on what quality of life meant to her, she said,

[Better quality of life means] in our particular case – because of our background – that you are able to work and you are able to have time for a cultural hobby or to play a sport, at least […] To have the

40 Adrián often spent two hours in traffic commuting back home, only to find his family had already had dinner, and the amount of time he could spend with them was minimal.

123 possibility to make two international trips per year. In Mexico it is very hard to earn enough money for that (Nayeli).

In this statement, Nayeli characterises quality of life as having a job with working conditions that allow for everyday leisure activities, both in financial and time aspects. Her mention of “two international trips” per year clearly reveals she had very high expectations. As the interview proceeded, Nayeli emphasised several times the importance it had for her to be able to engage in cultural activities, which reveals another aspect of her middle-class identity, and hence her and her husband’s decision to choose Melbourne from among other Australian cities.

Nayeli expressed her disappointment with her work situation in Mexico. She ultimately felt a sense of powerlessness which needed to change:

The years start going by and all of a sudden, because of a bad experience or a moment of injustice in the workplace, you start reflecting and you say “it is not possible, so many years, so much experience and I’m still earning the same as a waiter in the United States”. And in Mexico you see the people that are on their Spring break […] they are not rich gringos, they are any person with any type of unskilled job but with their salary they have enough to come to our country to spend it. […]

Nayeli’s observation of unskilled workers in the United States earning similar wages to her, implicitly revealed a feeling of injustice, particularly when she took into account that she had a Masters degree and many years of work experience in highly demanding professional job roles. Nayeli also talked about comparing her professional work situation to an equivalent situation in a developed country, and this time she spoke of her feelings of injustice in an overt way:

I had the work opportunity to go to Germany for an exchange of experiences with regards to a particular product and there I realised that my job in Mexico was being performed in Germany by three Germans! They work from 9 to 5 sharp and have the luxury of having a break from 9 to 9:30am and to eat peacefully, while in

124 Mexico you supposedly work from 8 to 5 but that 5 in reality is always 6 or 7 and when we had to communicate for negotiations with Germany we had to start work at 6am. So you say “It is not fair. It is not fair that I am working for one third of what people in first world countries earn and that I am working twice the number of hours”. You get used to it, but when you have a moment of lucidity you say “No. It is worth looking for something better, to search for a better quality of life”.

A report based on 2012 OECD data, that looks into an international comparison of working hours and wages, notes that although the United States is high on the list of countries where workers toil the hardest, Mexico ranked #1: “In Mexico, workers average 45 hours a week, the most of any industrialized nation. They work about 519 hours more than the typical American worker each year, only to earn less than a fifth of the pay” (Kurtz, 2013). That is, based on data of wage and salary workers (not the self-employed), Mexicans work an average of 2,317 hours and earn average wages of $9,885 dollars annually while in the United States these figures are 1,798 hours and $54,450 respectively. Even compared to Japan – a country that has the reputation of working long hours – Mexicans worked 552 longer hours and earned less than one third of what the average Japanese worker earned in 2012 (Kurtz, 2013).

Research of subjective well-being points toward the need for attention into work-life balance, work intensity and the hours spent working (Krueger, 2009). For instance, some scholars argue that “a decline in the amount of time spent working has been a major source of improvement in Americans’ daily lives over the last century” (Krueger, Kahneman, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2009: 77). In terms of migration and subjective well-being, recent research found that life satisfaction “is a good predictor of migration flows” (Blanchflower, 2009: 112 emphasis on original), more so than GDP per capita. With regards to hours spent working, it is interesting to note Nayeli’s observation that “you get used to it”. That is, she admits that she was used to the intense workload and long hours of work life in Mexico. However, the two comparisons she made, although each example is remarkably different in the scale of unskilled-skilled jobs, are with regards to work situations in other countries. The exposure to other countries is what inspired her to search for a better quality of life.

125 Similarly to Nayeli, another interviewee, Catalina, a female accountant in her early thirties now working for a large corporation in Sydney, talked about the way she was used to her standard of living in Mexico. Although in Catalina’s case she did not experience the conscious dissatisfaction with work life that Nayeli talked about, it was her partner who instilled the idea of searching for a better quality of life in another country:

It’s like Paco used to tell me – Paco is my partner. “What you have here [in Mexico] is good for your standards, because you do not know anything else. But when you go to other countries and you compare the standard of living of other countries you will come to the realisation that you can have better things”. So that was really the idea, the intention when migrating.

Catalina’s response crystallises the idea of people “being used to” their situation particularly when they have no other point of reference despite the intensity of their work life. Catalina talked about being satisfied with her life in Mexico; however, her partner had travelled abroad and convinced her to try living in Australia. Once she arrived in Australia she found herself comparing the quality of life in Mexico and Australia:

Now I do compare and I say, “Here I scored!” [with tone of victory]. That is, I was doing well there, especially if I compare myself with the average, well, yes. I was doing well. If I compare myself with what I have got now then I was doing poorly [estaba mal]. I was not doing well and you can always do better. That was always the reason [for migrating]. […] The only thing that was not possible [in Mexico] was the quality of life.

Catalina was conscious of and acknowledged her privileged class position in Mexico by saying that she “was doing well” particularly when she compared herself with the average Mexican. Although Catalina was initially hesitant about leaving Mexico, once she was living in Australia and had a point of reference to compare, her experience was that her quality of life had greatly improved, particularly in terms of the work-leisure hours ratio:

When I look back and compare, in Mexico I always used to finish [work], on average, at 8 or 9pm. And when it was the end of

126 financial year, because I’m an accountant by profession, well, I used to always finish late. I’d stay back till midnight or one in the morning. Instead, since I’ve been here, the latest I have gone home has been 8 in the evening.

Similarly to Catalina, Braulio, a 29 year old male from Mexico City, also mentioned that in Australia people seem to have more free time for leisure. He viewed this as part of the better quality of life in Australia compared to Mexico:

Standard of living is good. […] The day I don’t work I go to a tennis club; I go by bicycle and it takes me 5 or 10 minutes. I play tennis in the middle of lots of trees. I have no complaint. I do not struggle with traffic. I do not have to drive. […] The truth is that life is very comfortable in that sense. […] You have time for a lot of things. For example, I see that in people that work; my housemate is an accountant. I see he’s very relaxed. It is not the hard work of Mexico where you have to work 10 hours a day. Here I see that he is back at home by 5.30. You still have time to do your own things.

Catalina also talked about an additional element of her job in Australia that she viewed as a significant improvement to her quality of life – flexibility in the workplace. Catalina’s situation at work translated into her being “much happier”. In describing this flexibility, she stated:

Here there is a lot of flexibility, mostly in this company. […] This company has a big culture of flexibility in the workplace. They give you chances. If you have to arrive late, well, you just arrive late. If you have to leave early, you just leave early. Here each person controls their schedules as it is most convenient. If you have to work from home, you can work from home. All that flexibility, I did not have it in Mexico. Now that I have it, I say “Wow! I did not know this was possible!” I did not know this existed. Now I compare and I say “well, I’m doing great now!” For that reason I am much happier, in the sense of quality of life.

127

The experiences of Ignacio, Rocío and Adrián follow a similar pattern. Ignacio, aged in his early thirties, had worked for two engineering firms in Monterrey and now works in engineering consulting in Sydney. Ignacio described his busy and stressful work life:

[In Mexico] you work a lot of hours. My job was very hard. I had a lot of pressure. My salary was not very good, so my outlook into the future seemed kind of gloomy. […] I used to start work at eight in the morning but I used to arrive at the office at 7:30am and I would leave at 7 or 8pm. I had a lot of stress. […] I used to think that I did not want that type of life. Not only because of the economic factor, but also because in Mexico, if you are lucky, you get to go on holiday only once a year. I said to myself, “This is not how I want to live, not in this way”.

Likewise, Adrián, who had worked for a state company in Mexico City, talked about how his decision to migrate to Australia was driven by his frustration with the hectic lifestyle and the little time he had for his family in Mexico:

To leave work early and spend a couple of hours with my kids – I did not have that. I finished work at five and sometimes it would take me two hours to get back home. When I got home at 7pm my wife would say to me “Once again you did not have dinner with us tonight”. Yes, but what do I do?

Rocío, who had worked for an advertising agency in Mexico, had a similar sentiment:

I had no life outside work. Everything was work, work and work. I reached a point in which… I was getting old and I said “Well, thirty-six years of age, now what?” […] It was so much pressure that… no. I was coming home late at night. I was not getting any pay rises. I was already stuck/stagnant. I was not happy anymore.

In each of the above cases interviewees left Mexico to escape intense workplaces and embraced life in Australia hoping to find a more balanced life. Various interviewees spoke

128 of how, for them, “Mexico could not give them the standard of living that Australia gives them”, “their country could not give them the opportunities”, or “they wanted a better lifestyle than what Mexico could give them”.

Another topic mentioned by five interviewees (Braulio, Diego, Mauricio, Dolores and Venustiano) as to why they viewed quality of life in Australia as superior, related to population pressures. Interviewees viewed Australia’s comparatively small population as advantageous, attributing many of Mexico’s quality of life problems to its being almost five times as populous as Australia, despite its much smaller land and resource base. As Portillo Parody (2009) suggests, many Mexicans have the general perception that migration to Australia is easier than to the US. One of the reasons for this perception, Portillo Parody argues, is that “based on the fact that Australia is roughly the same size of the continental US but has only 21 million [in]habitants, people in Mexico assume that the small amount of population means a bigger demand for imported labour” (Portillo Parody, 2009: 4). Ignacio described the serendipitous situation in which through an Australian tourist he met when holidaying in Puerto Escondido (a small hippie Mexican beach town in 2002), he found out that Australia had a small population:

I asked the guy what he did [for a living]. And he told me he was a drug dealer. […] I asked him, what do you sell? How do you do it? Explain to me. So he said he sells marihuana. […] He said he planted marihuana 15 minutes outside of the city; then he would collect and sell it. At that moment I already knew Australia was a big country, geographically. […] So the first thing I thought was that if this guy is able to grow drugs […] only 15 minutes away from the city, then there would not be many people in the country. That was my hypothesis.

So when Ignacio went back to his hometown he did some research and found out about Australia’s skilled immigration points system and that he had a strong case for applying for permanent residence. He thus applied himself to acquiring the work experience he required to pass the “points test”, then obtained Australian permanent residence and migrated in 2008.

129 Mauricio, who has been living in Melbourne since 2006, argued that the smaller population meant that there was more room for a more orderly society:

There are not many people, so that makes problems to be very few. […] I think that things are well controlled here. The police can still be everywhere. In terms of growing, I think that they make a growth plan for the city. There is not much development just wherever. I think that is what I like the most.

Mauricio’s preferences for a more orderly society, which he defined as more control from the authorities and institutions, were also supported by Gabriel. In the following excerpt, Gabriel talked of the things he liked about living in Australia:

Gabriel - It has been quite easy here to have a motorbike because they have rules for everything […] that makes things easier for transportation, more accessible. And it is safe. They respect the traffic rules; it is much easier to drive.

Laura - Do you like that? That there are rules for everything?

Gabriel - Of course! [I like] that there is order. That is why I think that this society works a bit better.

Like Mauricio and Gabriel, other interviewees talked about the advantages of living in a society in which traffic rules are respected and in which urban development is planned, and the rule of law is institutionalised. Birdsall (2010) notes that the middle classes in developing countries tend to have a desire to uphold the rule of law and view it as a positive value: “Members of the middle class are more likely to play the positive political role in the provision of accountable government, e.g. in supporting the rule of law” (Birdsall, 2010: 8).

A further topic raised among interviewees as part of better quality of life was their enjoyment of the beauty in Australian natural landscapes as well as the temperate climate. Dolores, a 28 year old female from Mexico City, travelled to Australia with her parents and siblings prior to migrating to Australia. For her, one factor in choosing Australia as a

130 future migration destination was the natural beauty. Also, for Gabriel, living close to the beach was an important factor for his consideration of good quality of life in Australia. As will be further explored below, many respondents considered Canada as a destination before considering Australia, but the extreme cold put many off. In fact, as many as 29 per cent of survey respondents said that the Australian temperate climate was an influential factor in their decision to choose Australia.

Security, Children and Migration As indicated, the issue of personal security was among the major factors which motivated emigration: 61 per cent of respondents said that personal security concerns in Mexico played a role in their decision to migrate. Another important reason for migration was the perception by respondents that Australia offered a better future for their children (economic as well as security); just over half of respondents said this was a major factor. As indicated earlier in Chapter Two and as captured by the social surveys conducted by Latinobarómetro (2011), one of the key problems of their everyday lives identified by Mexicans are violence, “la delincuencia” and general conditions of lawlessness in Mexico.

Certainly emigration as a response to violence is not new in Latin America or in countries like South Africa. However, the increased vulnerability of the middle classes, illustrated by the increase in the frequency of thefts, kidnappings, carjackings, assaults and street crimes, are prompting the migration of middle-class Mexicans to Australia as an extreme measure of protecting themselves, their family and the future of their children. For most respondents and interviewees, escaping violence and insecurity was never the sole, or even the most important, motivation behind migration, although both the survey respondents and the interviewees indicated that for most it was a significant factor in precipitating their decision to emigrate. As Wood et al. conclude, “crime victimization in Latin America has become a significant consideration in people’s desire to leave their homeland in search of jobs and safety” (2010: 7). Australian author and journalist Chris Bowden in 2011 stated,

What we find is growing poverty in Mexico, growing violence, and the expanse of police and military powers; the flight of the affluent - an estimated 30-60,000 rich Mexicans have crossed the bridge and moved from Juarez to El Paso in the last three years, for example. (ABC Radio National, 2011)

131

Emigration as a response to insecurity was very strong for interviewees who had been victims. Adrián was violently mugged in 2004 in Mexico City while getting out of his friend’s new car: “But the [feeling of] insecurity – no one relieves you from it. Who takes away from you that fear of the gun from the guy that is robbing you at gunpoint?” It is Adrián’s feelings of powerlessness, illustrated by his rhetorical question “Who takes away that fear ... ?” which suggest an imposed constraint on his general sense of entitlement and personal agency. For people like Adrián, when presented with the opportunity of escaping violence, migration presented a compelling option:

The first thing I thought [straight after the attack] was: If this guy had shot his gun, he ruins our future in Australia and ruins my kids’ and my wife’s lives. At that moment, if I had any doubts about Australia, everything became clear; let’s get the hell out of here.

When social capital is lost through insecurity, and empowerment cannot be restored, migration presents itself as an alternative to exercise one’s agency. Cullen and Levitt (1999) examined the link between crime and urban emigration in the United States and found that members of highly educated households or households with children are more likely to migrate as a response to increases in crime. These households are able to relocate because they have the necessary economic and social capital.

In the interview material presented below, there appears to be a consistency with both Bowden’s (2011) comment and the findings of Wood et al. (2010) in that they all reflect the security considerations of those Mexicans who shared their migration experience to Australia. Six interviewees had been direct victims of crime; another three indicated that a family member was a victim of crime and 13 had no close connection to victims of crime; however, they mentioned in their interviews that insecurity was a factor that played out in their decision to migrate. Eight interviewees did not raise the issue of crime, violence or insecurity during the interview. It is worth noting that at no point did I raise the topic of crime, rather I asked interviewees to talk about their motives to migrate; and for those who had intentions to return to Mexico, I asked them to talk about the challenges they thought

132 they would face there upon their resettlement. With those interviewees who talked about “la inseguridad41”, the topic was then further explored.

Socio-demographic characteristics have been taken into account when researching insecurity, as the literature suggests that different socio-economic groups experience violence in different ways (Cruz, 2009). The size of the city where people come from and the crime rate associated with that city is a demographic variable connected with feelings of insecurity and vulnerability. In terms of the experience of violence by different socio- economic groups, research shows that “middle and high income neighbourhoods are mostly affected by property crime, whereas homicides and physical injuries are more common in low-income neighbourhoods” (Heinemann & Verner, 2006: 4). As the stories of middle and upper-middle class people below illustrate, they were mainly affected by property crime and assault in Mexico.

Anita talked about her experiences of crime and insecurity in Mexico and how they had had a significant impact on her life:

I was mugged three times in Mexico City and now when I visit I am always paranoid. I project that paranoia immensely. You have no idea what level of paranoia I have. Now that the situation is much worse with kidnappings and Los Zetas [a drug cartel], I would not be able to live there peacefully. I would not be able to get used to that. The first time I was mugged was in a combi [minibus]. I was on my way home from work and several fulanos [guys] hopped on and robbed all of us in the pecera [minibus].

Anita’s fear of crime and insecurity precludes any consideration of return to Mexico. The fear of being assaulted at any time - what she calls being “always paranoid” - prevents her from being at ease when in Mexico. Scholars who study fear of crime (Pain, 2001; Snedker, 2006; Warr & Ellison, 2000) have explored the ways in which women and men experience perceptions of fear and threat differently, and the ways in which they modify their behaviours in public spaces. It has been observed that, more than men, women restrict their movements through cities in order to minimise their fear of insecurity and

41 “La inseguridad”, which in English roughly translates as “insecurity”, is the Spanish term that Mexicans use to refer to a series of social problems that Mexico has experienced over the last few decades.

133 vulnerability to crime (Ortiz Guitart & Mendoza 2008). Again, in several studies, “Stanko has shown that the fear of personal attack amongst women is at a very high level, and that this fear functions to imprison some women in their homes in the evenings and at other times of the day” (Stanko, 1985, 1990 in Taylor & Jamieson, 1998: 161). Similar to Anita’s feelings of fear, the narrative below illustrates Nayeli’s fears of insecurity and how her quality of life has improved in Australia given that she feels free and safe to move unaccompanied around public spaces in Melbourne.

Nayeli (34) from Mexico City, who lived in Puebla for a couple of years before migrating to Australia, said she had never been a victim of crime but was always fearful in Mexico. In Australia she loved the feeling of being safe and the freedoms that flow from such feeling of safety:

In terms of security, I think that is the part that I enjoy the most [in Australia] and which makes me think that I do want to live here for longer. I have never had an ugly experience, the sort of experience where you are mugged or something but we know a lot of people – both family members and close friends – that had had a gun put on their head or a knife. What is really nice about here, is I can walk by myself on the streets, wherever, and I am not fearful that someone will harm me or assault me. That is really good. That has allowed me to explore the city a lot and become familiarised with it.

In another part of the interview, when Anita was asked what her plans for the future were, to either stay in Australia, go back to Mexico or remove herself to a third country, she talked about how important it was for her that her child was safer in Australia, and although she would like her daughter “to learn all the beautiful things about Mexico”42, she would not take her to Mexico because of the insecurity:

I often think about this. I think that if one day my dad or my mum fell ill [in Mexico] and no one else could go and look after them except me, I would go, but I would leave my daughter behind. I do

42 In Chapter Seven where I discuss issues of identity, I elaborate on Anita’s sense of Mexican identity and her desires for her daughter to retain such an identity.

134 not take my girl there. I ask my brothers and sisters-in law to look after her or something, but, my daughter, no, I don’t take her there.

Anita’s emphatic remark of “my daughter, no, I don’t take her there” clearly illustrates her fear. Often, people who are younger and/or childless tend to be more carefree about the risks in their environment. However, as part of the life cycle, when people have children, their attention focuses on the protection of their offspring (Warr & Ellison, 2000). An environment that may represent risks for the individual becomes a problem when it comes to providing a safe environment for children (Snedker, 2006; Warr, 2000). As illustrated in the quote above, Anita was resolute not to travel with her child to Mexico because she feared the insecurity. Warr remarks that when studying fear of crime, “it is essential […] to distinguish personal fear (fear for oneself) from altruistic fear (fear for others)” (Warr, 2000: 455). In Anita’s and various other interviewees’ cases, parents reflected profound concern for the safety of their children. In fact, Warr and Ellison contend that fear for others – children, spouses, friends, elderly parents –,

is a good deal more common than personal fear. Adults are quite likely to fear for their spouse, but fear for children is even more common, and daughters are the household members who generate the most concern among parents. Regardless of the sex of the child, however, parental fear for children is so common as to be almost universal among households where children are present. (Warr & Ellison, 2000: 559; author's emphasis).

Octavio and his Australian wife initially lived in Mexico after their marriage. However, when his wife fell pregnant they decided to move to Australia: “When my wife became pregnant, we had to make a decision, that is, what are we going to do?” Octavio told of how he had explained to his now wife that his intention was not to leave Mexico because it was important for him to be close to his elderly mother, and therefore they settled in Mexico. However, when his wife fell pregnant, and after considering the heightened levels of crime and insecurity in Mexico, they had to reconsider where to live to ensure a better future for their children. They promptly moved to Australia. Octavio’s decision to migrate to Australia was influenced by the desire to protect his family.

135 Mauricio’s decision to migrate to Australia was also influenced by personal security concerns. Although he was happy with his life in Mexico and he had thought about looking for a better work opportunity abroad, the theft of his car triggered his decision to initially come to Australia as a student and then to return as a migrant:

I was very comfortable living in Mexico until the day my car got stolen […] I was actually quite disturbed initially by the theft, so I decided to come to Australia to study for 6 months. I did not feel safe in the city [Mexico City].

Mauricio’s case is a good example of a middle-class young professional exercising agency. Mauricio was at a stage in life where he had the economic capital to go overseas, the cultural capital to “explore the world”, and the theft of his car was “the final straw”.

In Chapter Two I explored the consequences of contemporary globalisation, focussing especially on advanced interconnectedness and on a growing public interest in globalisation’s effects (Bisley, 2007; Sassen & Appiah, 1998; Steger, 2009). Beck contends that the increase in “knowledge interconnectedness” in a period of “high modernity” has translated into risk being viewed as a central feature of people’s lives (Beck, 1992, 2009). The mass media plays a not insignificant role when it injects anxiety into public consciousness by using catastrophes, threats, terror and crime, often in distant places, to appeal to the fears of its followers (Beck, 2009). While people are inclined to trust the sciences and demand protection from their governments, as instanced in increasing levels of surveillance and proliferation of regulatory bodies, nowadays more and more people are weary as to the limits of science and technology and governments’ capacity for eliminating risk. In less developed countries, fears and insecurities, given the high levels of inequality and poverty and only rudimentary social security systems, mean that the middle class is particularly fearful, if not actually vulnerable. As suggested by Beck, “in the risk society, therefore, handling fear and insecurity becomes an essential cultural qualification” (1992: 76 emphasis in original). In the case of the Mexican middle class in Australia, their agency and capital allowed them to “handle” this fear through migration.

136 Ramón, who moved to Australia in 2010 to pursue doctoral studies, said that although he was never mugged in Mexico, he had had car parts stolen from him at least six times while living in Puebla. The level of crime and insecurity greatly disturbed him:

I think ... I would not go back to Mexico unless there was something [professionally] that was extremely worthwhile to go back to. And even then I would consider it twice because in Mexico, one of the worst things that can happen to you nowadays is to be rich. Why would I want to be driving a BMW in Polanco [an upper-middle class suburb] if that will translate into me and my family being kidnapped? Really, any scenario that I can see now in Mexico, provokes in me the feeling of terror. If I do not own it is because I do not own; if I own, others want to appropriate what I own. So, in which direction should I move?

Although “crime is crime”, it is evident that perceived levels of fear and insecurity, caused by different types of crime (opportunistic theft as compared to aggravated kidnapping), leave a different impact on different groups of people (men, women, children, or elderly) (Warr, 2000). Ramón’s experience with crime in Mexico comes across as genuine fear and an overall dissatisfaction that insecurity has brought into his life. The sense of being perpetually insecure (Beck, 1992) was a major factor driving his decision to leave Mexico.

Esteban initially went to Australia to pursue postgraduate studies and intended to return to Mexico in order to use his international experience to contribute to his society back home. For him and his wife Karina (they were married just before migrating), the trip to Australia was the right time for choosing “something different” and having international experience. Esteban talked about how they “have never been closed to the idea of some day returning to Mexico nor are we engaged in a contest with Mexico”. It was only when they were already in Australia and began to consider the current situation in Mexico, that they realised their life was quite good in Australia and returning would be “quite complicated”. When asked if he could elaborate on the things that would be “complicated” in Mexico in case they returned, Esteban referred to insecurity. For Esteban and his wife, insecurity in Mexico played a central role in their deciding to stay in Australia:

137 Of the sort of things that were bad about living in Mexico City, I think that the most common was the insecurity. Karina and I, when we started dating in 1998 or 1999 we were victims of an armed assault – a very violent assault. They took us in the car, and took us for a long ride. Too terrible. From that time, we were both quite traumatised from the insecurity in Mexico.

Despite this traumatic event, Esteban still had strong feelings for Mexico. He explained that he holds on to his traditions, his culture and his language, and mentioned that he gets upset when he encounters Mexicans who only talk about Mexico’s negative aspects – such as insecurity – and deny their origins (more on identity and malinchismo in Chapter Seven).

Dolores, who identified herself as from the upper class in Mexico, came to Australia as an undergraduate student, and studying in Sydney was a springboard for migration. When she first visited as a tourist with her family, she was impressed with Australia and the people. Dolores liked Australia because she felt safe, the society seemed orderly, the natural landscapes were impressive and she felt “free” within the society. Dolores talked at length about her sensitivity towards poverty, injustice and other social problems in Mexico. She mentioned she had witnessed her mother being mugged in a wealthy neighbourhood in Mexico City.

It happened to me once with my mother when we parked in a shopping centre, in Interlomas. When we got out of the car, I from one side of the car and my mum from the other, suddenly I only heard her screaming. She was being mugged. A guy put a gun directly on her face. He took her watch, her wallet, her money and her jewellery. There were more people in the carpark, but no one did anything. People just stare at you, but they don’t do anything. I was making signs with my hands to the security guards from the shop but when they realised what was happening, they ignored me. It is normal. They are afraid. I did not want to move so the guy wouldn’t shoot… I never saw the face of the robber. It was a horrible experience. That was about 12 years ago when I was in my last year of high school in Mexico.

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Other interviewees said that although they had never been victims of crime, someone close to them – a family member or friend – had been. They talked about feeling unsafe in Mexico and how this fear led to a desire to emigrate. For example, although Juan had never been a victim, he told of his fear and his desire to relocate his family to Australia:

I feel unsafe with the insecurity and crime in Mexico. Nothing has ever happened to me, but my brother was once robbed and his car got stolen. [I also know of] other people that … have been mugged. Also a neighbour was once mugged … I was already in Australia when that happened, but that is why I have wanted to bring my family here but I have not done so. My brother left and some other family members had gone to look for something in other countries trying to escape because we do not have many options [in Mexico]. If we don’t do it [leave], then what? Do we stay and suffer unemployment and insecurity?

Catalina said that she is mainly in Australia because her partner had encouraged her to come as she had never previously given any serious thought about leaving Mexico: “I had never imagined I could live in a different country, have a job in a different country, own a house in a different country.” However, when asked for the main reason to be here, she mentioned both insecurity and better quality of life:

The main reason for migrating, I would say, was insecurity in Mexico and the search for a better quality of life, really. The one thing that always made me think was the topic of insecurity. You always say “oops, it has already happened to such-and-such”... the least expected day it could happen to me.

Catalina raised an important point; the lack of predictability. Although some of these individuals, like Catalina, had never experienced insecurity first-hand, the likelihood of something happening was high, in addition to the feeling of “you never know when it can happen”.

139 Guadalupe migrated to Australia because she met her future husband (an Australian), when she was studying as an exchange student for a semester in Melbourne. Guadalupe was very happy with her life in Mexico and had no intention of settling in Australia; however, her relationship flourished and this led to her eventual migration. Nevertheless, she still regularly thinks about going back, and when asked about the difficulties she thinks she might encounter if she were ever to return to Mexico, insecurity was her primary concern.

The type of things that I do not like about Mexico is the insecurity, because se está poniendo de mal en peor (it is going from bad to worse). Thanks be to God, no one, no one, none of my friends... But you do hear a lot [of things happening] and that makes you restless.

For many migrants, due to the tyranny of distance, stories from the media and from friends and family back home become as powerful, if not more powerful, than the actual events. Guadalupe refers to her impression of “conditions getting worse”, based not on her own experience, but on the information she is fed which then creates fear. With regards to subjective insecurity – which refers to the perception of fear and the feelings of threat – scholars hold that it is often fed by the media and the comments of people which create and reinforce the sense of vulnerability in public spaces (Ortiz Guitart & Mendoza 2008).

As shown by several of the narratives presented above, the constant possibility of being a victim of crime has a severe impact on people’s perspectives on life, and interviewees were appreciative of the freedom from fear that they experience in Australia. Most of the interviewees perceived that the security situation in Mexico had deteriorated. It is important to highlight, as already pointed out in Chapter Four, that the majority of survey respondents were from Mexico City and only eight of the interviewees were from other parts of Mexico. Revealingly, only one (Guadalupe) of those eight raised insecurity in the interview43. It is also noteworthy that the interview material revealed that several of these migrants were content with their lives in Mexico but migrated due to personal or professional circumstances; but when asked about their impressions of the problems back home, insecurity still remained a central topic. Escaping violence and insecurity might not be the only nor the most important reason for migration; nonetheless, as the interviews

43 This is topical because since the worsening violence situation with the “war on drugs”, Mexico City has been referred to as the “last bastion” holding out against drug cartels, which have taken over many states in the central and northern part of the country.

140 indicate, la delinquencia in Mexico has become a significant consideration in people’s desire to migrate in search of safety.

Seeking a new life, an adventure Lifestyle migrants are one aspect of globalisation’s many emerging effects (Torkington, 2010). As explored in Chapter Two, globalisation processes have led to an “increased sense that the world is a ‘smaller’ place, or that all places in the world are accessible to many of its citizens” (Torkington, 2010: 103). In the survey, it was found that 70 per cent of respondents were “seeking a new life” or “doing something different”, while just under two thirds indicated that “obtaining international experience” were influential factors towards their decision to migrate to Australia. The three items, “seeking a new life”, “adventure” and “international experience”, were grouped into one concept given that they are related and the scale was tested for reliability (Cronbach’s Alpha = 0.737; which indicates that the items correlate into one scale). These responses appear to demonstrate that although economic opportunity and personal insecurity are prominent motives behind migration from Mexico to Australia, other factors such as adventure and “wanderlust” are part of the mix of motives.

The desire for and an ability to obtain international experience, to do “something new” or to set out on an overseas adventure, reflect the agency of these individuals (Giddens, 1984). Research on the lives of contemporary young people has identified a diversification of the options of life course trajectories (Collins, 2014 in press), many of which are associated with new lifestyle options and a greater capacity for individual identity construction (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002). These aspirations of young people also reflect the attainment of a certain degree of economic and cultural capital. This small but growing literature, which looks at the heightened international mobility of young people, focuses on western countries’ populations (Collins, 2014 in press; Conradson & Latham, 2005a). For instance, Collins (2014 in press) looked at young graduates from western English speaking countries who are teaching English in Korea, and Conradson and Latham (2005a) looked at New Zealanders in London. However, these studies fail to take note of the contemporary situation of the middle classes in less developed countries. As this study reveals, the Mexican young middle classes share this aspiration and capacity with their counterparts in the western world.

141 Recent research on mobility focuses on the blurred boundaries of migration (O'Reilly & Benson, 2009; Szerszynski & Urry, 2006; Torkington, 2010). The evidence certainly shows a clear continuum from short-term travellers to permanent settlers, but Mexican “adventurers” to Australia can rarely be found at either end of this continuum. Rather, temporary visitors arrive with an openness to migration (as shown in Chapter Five), while many settled migrants harbour an openness to returning to Mexico in the event that conditions change there. As Castles points out, “[I]t seems that migration almost inevitably leads to settlement of a certain proportion of the migrants, whatever policy-makers expect” (Castles, 2000: 278). For academic purposes, a broad consensus has developed that a migrant is a person who has left their country for a year or longer (Castles, 2000; Jordan & Duvell, 2003).

Acknowledging how the term “migrant” encompasses divergent individual circumstances, the interview material presented below highlights how many Mexicans in Australia can be classified as “lifestyle migrants”. Following Torkington, lifestyle migration means:

[A] type of migration clearly not motivated by economic hardship or the search for work or some form of financial security. Lifestyle migrants are not post-industrial migrants seeking employment in a more de-regulated and flexible labour market, nor are they part of the transnational flows of highly mobile corporate and intellectual elites (for if work is involved, it is rather a means to an end) (Torkington, 2010: 102).

Lifestyle migrants, then, are relatively affluent individuals who have a sufficient degree of agency (Giddens, 1984) to make a conscious decision to choose not only how they live their lives but also to choose where to live (Benson & O'Reilly, 2009). They may have several reasons for choosing their place of residence, but the one common factor is the pursuit of a better quality of life (Benson & O'Reilly, 2009; Torkington, 2010).

The following paragraphs illustrate the stories of several Mexican migrants who viewed their voyage to Australia as “an adventure”, a way of “doing something different”, “having an international experience”, or a combination of any of these broad motives. The expression “for the adventure” appeared in at least 17 of the interviews.

142 José’s migration story was motivated by what he calls “the adventure” factor; prior to moving to Australia he had lived and worked in both New Zealand and Singapore. José’s initial reason for migrating for the first time at the age of 26 was that he was mainly motivated by a desire to explore the world (aided by the fact that he had a couple of friends living in New Zealand who told him there were many job opportunities in that country):

The truth is that [the motivation to migrate for the first time] was a bit for the adventure; seeing what is out there ... [My Mexican friend] basically convinced me to go [to New Zealand] on an adventure. He said to me, “Look, come on holidays, I’ll give you work, you stay for as long as you want and go back whenever you want”. During that time I was still living at home with my mum so I said to myself: “I’ll leave for 1 or 2 years to see what happens, right? And then I’ll come back [to Mexico]”

In the ancient Greek literature, iconic cosmopolitans were people who looked for adventures and who valued the unfamiliar and the exotic. A critique of the concept of cosmopolitanism is that it is only accessible to people in privileged situations, as is the case with the middle classes interviewed through this study (Szerszynski & Urry, 2006). The cosmopolitan disposition exhibited by José demands the ability to exercise a degree of not only economic resources to travel a long and costly distance, but also “social and cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1984), which is largely acquired by previous experience and travel. José’s decision to travel “for the adventure” suggests a view of the world as a place to be discovered, to see what is out there, emphasising the individual’s behaviours, attitudes and dispositions all characteristic of the cosmopolitan individual and its “mode of engaging with the world” (Waldron, 1992).

José’s comment “I was still living at home” also suggests that he had no serious commitments such as family to support or to travel with him. People in their 20s and 30s are at the right stage of life to take on a life-changing adventure (Collins, 2014 in press; Conradson & Latham, 2005a; O’Reilly, 2006). José and several other interviewees represent a type of modern individual that has “gotten rid of the ballast” (Bauman, 2000), and are at a stage of life to take risks, and can voluntarily enter into uncertainty, “to see what happens”. In José’s case, what happened was that after encountering and engaging with different cultures (working in diverse places in Australasia), José was transferred and

143 sponsored by his then employer to migrate to Australia with permanent residency. He then married an Australian, had a family and settled in Melbourne permanently.

Conducting this research, I encountered eight stories similar to José’s where individuals were “exploring the world” as in a “merry-go-round” and by chance had ended up settling in Australia. For example, Catalina attributed her Mexican partner’s decision to migrate to being that “there are people that have a more adventurous spirit. That’s it. It’s the adventurous spirit which is what motivates you to look for other things”. Again, Gabriel, a 38 year old who had lived most of his life in a small city in Mexico, said:

Gabriel – I wanted to go overseas for a while to see something else. Not everything is Mexico. Not everything was Queretaro. I was already tired of that … I always wanted to make my life en el extranjero [abroad] no matter where that was … I had no problem in Mexico, it was only to go out and experience something else.

Laura – And what did you say about “I always wanted to leave Mexico”, was that a temporary intention or something else? That is, what was your wish?

Gabriel – Just to go, to do whatever, to go wherever. I was open- minded. If I liked it I would stay. If not, I could always go back.

Gabriel said he had an open disposition to experience the unknown without having a specific place where he wanted to be, as long as it was abroad, en el extranjero. For Gabriel and other interviewees, Mexico represented the default position where they could fall back in the event that their adventure plans did not turn out positively. This is the disposition of many contemporary migrants (with the exception of refugees) treating their home as a default if they feel things are not so good abroad. It is a side-effect of globalisation processes and their middle class status; they can easily come and go.

Francisco is a well-travelled cosmopolitan who was interested in getting to know something else besides “Western culture”. Francisco had lived in seven different countries in North America, Central America and Europe. Before migrating to Australia, he was

144 looking for a temporary experience in Africa or Asia. When I asked him why he was in Australia, he responded:

By mistake. Because I was looking for an experience in Africa … but I couldn’t find anything. Then I changed my options to Asia … something completely different from “the West” but the only option I was given was Australia and that was because my financial background was in demand within Australia’s service sector.

Francisco initially came to Australia on a one-year working program; “basically [the program was] a professional exchange program to acquire experience in what I do but abroad”. During this program, he was working for a transnational company in Sydney, and when Francisco finished his one-year program the same company offered him a permanent job. He accepted the job because, he said, “my professional career was going well”, and he wanted to advance his career but had no intention of living in Australia permanently. At the time of the interview, Francisco was intending to move to Spain in the near future44.

Again, the “something different” factor peppered Francisco’s narrative. As opposed to other interviewees who talked about desiring something rather vague and unspecific termed by them as “algo diferente”, Francisco was explicit about his desire to experience “non-western” countries. I asked Francisco to elaborate on why he was interested in going to Asia or Africa. He responded:

Because I was looking for something culturally different to Western life. I was looking for a culture which was completely different from what is known in Mexico, Europe, USA, and Canada. For me, the Anglo-Saxon culture coincides a lot with European culture. Many things are similar – not so much the culture – but certainly the way we interact. It can be very similar. I was looking for something completely different … I wanted to know why Africa and Asia had always been so different – in the way I think about them. I have never lived in Africa. [I have been there] only on holidays. I have been several times to Egypt,

44 Subsequent to the interview, Francisco migrated to Spain.

145 Morocco and other countries. But never living; never living together with the locals.

An important component of migration in pursuit of new experiences is the unique living conditions which migration gives the individual, such as getting to know the local labour market, language, social and cultural practices. For instance, Francisco talked about wanting more than just tourist experiences, as his comment on having been to Africa “only on holidays” demonstrates. Francisco’s narrative displays an attitude of interest for the “other”, of wanting to “live together with the locals” in order to have an experience that is worthwhile and completely different – all attributes of the cosmopolitan type (Hannerz, 2000; Szerszynski & Urry, 2006). In Hannerz’s words, what real and genuine cosmopolitanism is about is “an orientation, a willingness to engage with the Other. It entails an intellectual and aesthetic openness toward divergent cultural experiences, a search for contrasts rather than uniformity” (Hannerz, 2000: 103 in Weenink, 2008: 1091). Likewise, Szerszynski and Urry suggest that some of the characteristics of the cosmopolitan disposition are to have “a curiosity about many places, peoples and cultures”, “a willingness to take risks by virtue of encountering the ‘other’”, and “an openness to other peoples and cultures and a willingness/ability to appreciate some elements of the language or culture of the ‘other’” (Szerszynski & Urry, 2006: 115 emphases on original) which was exhibited by Francisco and various other interviewees.

Several interviewees moved to Australia for the joint reasons of adventure and study. Esteban and his wife initially came to Australia “to do something different” while at the same time combining the adventure with postgraduate studies. Work-wise, Esteban told me that his intention was to obtain international experience which he could apply back in Mexico upon his return. He first moved to Australia with the full intention of returning to Mexico. In terms of personal fulfilment, the experience in Australia represented an opportunity to try something different:

We had recently married. So we said, “What better moment to leave, to go to a place that is further away, with a different life, different idea and at the same time have the study aspect [el aspecto de los estudios]”. That is why [we are here]. That is, basically, we said “Let’s experience something new” … In the end, what was important to us was to have the experience.

146

Esteban also migrated at the “right” moment of life – at a time when neither he nor his wife had serious commitments to stop them from going on an adventure, hence, exercising their agency to a greater extent. He was able to make significant life-changing decisions, in terms of overseas study, while combining it with his decision to satisfy his and his wife’s appetite for a “different” cultural experience. His narrative shows a cosmopolitan take on his perspective of life when deciding to migrate, given his disposition towards a desire for an adventure, in addition to the understated values for the unfamiliar and for diverse cultural experiences. Esteban wanted to temporarily experience a faraway place, and Australia seemed to fit his and his wife’s criteria. Clearly his aspirations of doing graduate studies speak strongly of his middle-class position, in addition to the desire to acquire such studies in a country other than Mexico. It was of interest to find out whether Esteban had been supported by a scholarship or not, as this would provide a clear indication of his socio-economic position back home. He financed his Masters degree with money he and his wife had saved up from working in Mexico, revealing their well-paid jobs back home which covered his travel and tuition costs as an international student in Australia.

Esteban was not the only one who initially came to Australia in order to combine adventure with study. Itzel came to do a Masters and her intentions were to stay only temporarily. Similarly, Guadalupe came for one semester as an international student in 2004 and chose Australia as her destination because of the adventure factor and the uniqueness of the opportunity. Her study abroad semester was meant to be just a temporary experience. When I asked both Itzel and Guadalupe what motivated them to study in Australia, their responses were similar:

I had the curiosity [of going abroad] … In part I was motivated by my dad; well, by all my family. Seeing we have had the opportunity to travel together, this [experience] involved exploring a bit more. And to make the most out of living in another place, at the same time learning, studying in a different language, and in some way, to have the experience that comes along with living in a foreign place (Itzel).

That [Australia] was super far, that I liked travelling and that I wanted a different place for studying a bit. And – I don’t know – to

147 have a little bit of experience in the [destination] place ... It is so far away that it is better to go for six months than for just two weeks … So I went to experience the place … I have always liked being abroad, travelling and seeing other places (Guadalupe).

Similarly to José and Esteban, Guadalupe was attracted to Australia because it represented an exotic and different place to be explored, and she also consciously made decisions to exploit her Australian experience. It is when she says that she has “always liked being abroad, travelling and seeing other places” that her middle-class location comes to the fore. Guadalupe told me she had several international study, work and travelling experiences prior to Australia, yet her appetite for exploring the world remained. Guadalupe met an Australian while studying in Australia and decided to come back to Australia for the relationship. She ended up marrying and settling in Melbourne.

An important factor to keep in mind, which was highlighted in Chapter Four, is the fact that one third (n = 99) of survey respondents first arrived to Australia on student visas. Of those, as many as 63 and 41 per cent respectively said “obtaining international experience” and “broadening their cultural and travel experience” were strong factors influencing their decision to come to Australia. Conversely, when looking at people who first arrived on non-student visas, “obtaining international experience” and “broadening their cultural and travel experience” were found to be of lesser relevance (31 and 19 per cent respectively). These survey findings reinforce the findings from interviewees’ narratives.

In 2005 Gonzalo came to Australia to undertake a Masters degree and had no intention of staying permanently. In Mexico he had had a senior position in the public sector and they encouraged such employees to pursue graduate studies in prestigious universities in the world, so one of the reasons to go overseas was, he stated, “the pressure from my work”. However, Gonzalo’s dream for many years had been to go to Australia because, by chance, he had come across a promotional video about Australia in 1996. He recalls what the reasons to come to Australia were:

It was the pressure from my work, la aventura and the desire for Australia. But I never thought about migrating ... I remember perfectly well the video we played at my home because I even invited my friends [to watch it]; we were finishing la prepa [senior

148 high school]. Imagine this video, when you are 18 years old, and there you see the University of Sydney, güeritos, güeritas [young men and women with fair complexions], the beach, and surfing.

International students also often draw symbolic capital from the prestige attached to attending well-recognised foreign universities (Xiang & Shen, 2009). Voluntary migrants, including international students, often take into account the reputation in their home country of a certain destination country or university in their decision to migrate, so in the event that they return to their country of origin, they can draw upon the perceived capital (Xiang & Shen, 2009). In the case of Gonzalo, his last employer in Mexico would give promotions to employees based to some extent on the level of prestige of the international university where they had obtained their highest degree. A number of universities in the United States and in the United Kingdom are household names in Mexico. As pointed out by another interviewee, 36 year-old Santiago, many Mexicans have an aspirational and idealised view of what is outside Mexico, particularly in developed countries. Santiago stated that he had always wanted to study overseas. I asked him to elaborate:

I feel that us Mexicans are obsessed with the idea that el extranjero (the foreign land) is better although we always say como Mexico no hay dos (there is nothing else like Mexico). We have always grown up, I feel, at least my generation has grown up with that myth that being abroad is better. That education – universities most of all, are of better quality overseas and that, at all costs – if possible – and within your capacity, you should study overseas. In part, probably, because of that myth, and in part to get to know such a perspective. Also the adventure factor, of travelling, of going outside the country and seeing other things.

This perspective of “the grass is greener on the other side”, which both Santiago and Gonzalo mentioned, relates to the symbolic capital accrued from international experiences – particularly in Western countries of Anglo-Saxon heritage – along with the exposure to güeritos and güeritas. Blonde and fair-skinned people have an appeal to middle-class Mexicans (Nutini, 1997; Villarreal, 2010). Further discussion on skin pigmentation, identity and social class is found in Chapter Seven. These physical characteristics appeared to be associated with higher social class, perceived beauty, development, sometimes

149 wealth, and certainly with a degree of exoticism and fun. As Gonzalo’s recollections revealed, the video left an impression on him because it showed blonde and fair-skinned people – scarce in Mexico – together with the beach and surfing, two aspects that are associated with a certain lifestyle.

At the time of his first knowledge of Australia, Gonzalo did not have the financial resources to undertake the trip to Australia, so he did his bachelor’s degree and subsequently worked. He was only able to turn what he called “the Australian dream” into a reality when his employer started encouraging him to do postgraduate studies abroad. Although Gonzalo knew Australia did not have a reputation – neither positive nor negative – in his former workplace, he still persisted in pursuing his dream mainly because of the adventure that Australia represented. Once in Melbourne and after finishing his Masters, Gonzalo met his Australian wife and decided to stay.

Braulio had lived overseas before coming to Australia to do a postgraduate course. During the course of his undergraduate program, he did a semester exchange in Scandinavia, and “from that experience, I knew I wanted to do a postgraduate degree overseas”. Australia became an attractive option for Braulio because it represented a place that was “far and different”:

I love to travel; I like to go to new places […] So I said, “let’s go to the other side of the world; [somewhere] where I would not go if it wasn’t for this [the education]”. It was through a process of elimination that in the end I decided “Australia”.

In the above quote, Braulio illustrates his passion for getting to know new places. Braulio’s interests in travelling and exploring new places are very similar to most of the interviewees presented in this section. Most of them had some degree of “wanderlust” that engendered a motive to migrate to Australia. They have demonstrated the appeal of the unknown that “the other side of the world” holds for them, although this reason in itself appears not to be sufficient, given that in most cases it is coupled with studies, relationships, or job opportunities. Their cultural capital (linguistic and professional) gave them the opportunity to embark on these “adventures”. The goal for these individuals is adventure, and around adventure they construct a narrative that makes sense for themselves and for those close to them.

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Moving to join a partner One of the four most prominent reasons for Mexicans to migrate to Australia was the pull factor of following their Australian-resident partner: nearly 40 per cent of respondents came to Australia to join their partners. This throws into question the research of Esteve, Garcia and McCaa (2011) who concluded that historically, marriage has not been a major reason for people to migrate across borders. As already discussed earlier in Chapter Two, most voluntary migrants move for various economic reasons such as better opportunities, often aided by family networks. In the past, however, those migrants who did cross borders for marriage often married people of the same background, which in turn strengthened family ties and reinforced transnational bonds between countries of origin and destination. This was a common pattern in Australia among first and second generation Italians and Greeks in Australia after WWII and in more recent decades has been more common among national groupings such as the Lebanese (Daou & Chiro, 2011), Vietnamese, and Turkish (Yusuf & Siedlecky, 1996) among others. The Sydney-based study of Yusuf and Siedlecky found that participants from Lebanese, Vietnamese and Turkish backgrounds “showed a strong preference for their children to marry within their own ethnic and religious group” (1996: 89) and the vast majority of them were married to men and women from their own country of birth (Yusuf & Siedlecky, 1996).

Because “intermarriage is considered as one of the most definitive measures of the dissolution of social and cultural barriers” (Clyne & Jupp, 2011: 101) it is of relevance to have found a high prominence of marriage of Mexicans with Australians. It is suggested in the literature that when people from different ethnicities interact so closely as in marriage, higher levels of social and cultural integration are achieved. Clyne and Jupp (2011) argue that intermarriage is more prominent in multicultural societies in which opportunities for social interaction are present among people from various backgrounds; hence they consider that intermarriage is a good indicator of the progress of multiculturalism.

In principle, people commonly find a partner within the local region where they live (Esteve et al., 2011). Nowadays, however, with globalisation and increased accessibility to inexpensive long-distance communications and cheaper transportation, people are now finding an expanding marriage market. In Clyne and Jupp’s words, “today’s marriage market is no longer local but global” (2011: 102). This section explores the various ways in

151 which Mexican interviewees met their Australian resident partners. As stated, over one third of survey respondents said that joining a spouse or a partner had a strong influence on their decision to migrate. Of all coupled respondents, 42 per cent are married or in a de facto relationship with Australians, and of further interest is that of those Mexicans in a relationship with Australians, over 70 per cent are Mexican women. In recent years, there has been a significant growth in research on cross-cultural marriages, however, such research has mainly focused on the “mail order” bride market, in which females from less developed countries marry men from developed countries (Constable, 2003; Esteve et al., 2011; Piper, 2003). Mexican women in Australia are certainly not representative of this type of phenomenon. The ways Mexicans meet Australians are explored below together with the places where they meet, both hinting towards a large degree of agency and with no connection to the “mail order bride” phenomenon. Because significant differences were found between Mexican women and Mexican men joining their Australian partners, the paragraphs below first explore the case of Mexican women and then the case of Mexican men.

The enormous expansion of international travel by the middle classes has meant that there is now a far greater chance of a person marrying somebody from a different country (Clyne & Jupp, 2011). Of the 13 interviewees who were married or in a de facto relationship with Australians, nine said that they met while travelling for leisure or business or while studying as international students either in Australia, in Mexico or in a third country.

For instance, Sandra, a lawyer in her mid-twenties, describes how she met her Australian partner and the way she kept long-distance contact with him for the first couple of years before relocating to Melbourne:

We were travelling. We met in Granada and from then on we kept in touch. Then we saw each other again in Japan the following year. We travelled there for two weeks. Then I came here to travel to Australia, to Melbourne for two weeks.

In the extract above, Sandra talks about her extensive travelling as being natural and standard for her lifestyle. Collins (2014 in press) indeed asserts that international travel has become increasingly “normal” among young populations, especially the middle classes. This normalised way of looking at international travelling was commonly seen among

152 respondents. This tendency is indicative of the middle class identity and the economic capacity of the people interviewed.

Likewise, Paloma, a 35 year old, met her future New Zealander husband when they were both attending an academic conference in Sydney in 2000. She then researched universities around the world where she could do her postgraduate studies and chose Australia because it was compatible with his ability to find work.

Guadalupe’s story was not uncommon. After coming to Australia to study, Guadalupe met her Australian partner. Guadalupe initially went to Melbourne in 2004 to study a semester abroad of her university degree. During the semester she met her husband to be.

[I came to Australia] because I got married. I met my husband, I married him and I came back to be with him. […] We met three weeks before I returned [to Mexico], so I extended my stay [in Australia] for a bit longer, about two months more, and then I returned to Mexico and he came with me for three months. Then we returned to Australia together (Guadalupe).

The cases of various other women like Itzel, Zoraya and Rocío are similar to Guadalupe’s, in that they initially came to Australia with the intention of studying and returning to Mexico. However after meeting their partners, they decided to extend their stay or to stay permanently.

Susana’s migration story is different. Susana, 29, from Mexico City, had postgraduate qualifications and was very satisfied with her regional managerial position in Mexico. Although she had travelled extensively, she met her husband in Mexico while she was working there. As Susana says, the way she met her husband was rather “fortuitous”:

I have always worked in the corporate world and back then I was working in Mexico City for an American company. […] She [my American boss] was friends with Tom, my husband. He was on a business trip in the United States, and he gave a call to my boss: “Where are you?”, “I’m in Mexico City,” she said, “Why don’t you come here to Mexico City to spend a couple of days? Maybe a

153 week?” So he came to Mexico City and we met at a luncheon with my boss. I was there to help out my boss in showing him the city. We fell in love. It was very fortuitous.

These types of people are mobile; not in the way that diplomats, sailors, military or the like are mobile, rather their mobility is due to their economic and cultural capital (Benson & O'Reilly, 2009; Glick Schiller et al., 1992; Torkington, 2010). These migrants have the economic and social means to travel abroad and to study overseas; and this type of “migration of relatively affluent people has been largely ignored in the migration studies literature” (Torkington, 2010: 106). Furthermore, their middle-class identity affords them the flexibility to mingle with people of diverse backgrounds (see Chapter Nine on Mexicans in Australia socialising with people from various nationalities) while allowing them to form cross-cultural marriages.

This study found that 55 per cent of women said joining their partner was an important reason for migrating, compared to only 19 per cent of men. Research suggests that women are more likely to follow their partners (Bayes, 1989; Harvey, 1998; Klis & Mulder, 2008) even when the move involves sacrificing their professional careers (Cooke, 2007). The interviews tended to support this finding. Of 14 women interviewed, three (Sandra, Paloma, Susana) came to Australia to join their spouse; and four (Guadalupe, Rocío, Itzel, Zoraya) originally came for a short period of time, but after meeting their Australian (or Australian permanent resident) partner, they decided to remain in the country permanently. Of 16 men interviewed, only two men (Octavio and Santiago45) followed their partners to Australia, and one (Gonzalo) met his Australian partner as a temporary overseas student in Melbourne. José was married to an Australian woman but his marriage came about after he had settled in Australia. All of the other men interviewed were either single, married to Mexican women or in a relationship with a non-Australian resident. The reason for this gender imbalance is not clear. Chapter Nine explores this topic in more detail.

A positive characteristic was that Mexican women found Australian men less machistas than Mexican men; they enjoyed more freedom which then allowed for greater opportunities to develop themselves rather than be housewives. Researchers of Latin American and Mexican migration refer to machismo as one of the main cultural characteristics affecting gender relations (Levitt, 2001; Zevallos, 2005, 2007). Women and

45 After the interview, Santiago relocated to Mexico with his Australian wife and kids.

154 men occupy different social spaces in narratives of national identity. Interviewees reported that their Australian husbands helped more around the house. For instance, Rocío talked about how her Australian husband is different to Mexican men, saying:

Rocío – My husband is wonderful […] to this day he is the one who gets up in the middle of the night to give the baby his bottle, he changes his nappies, he takes him out for a walk, he feeds him, he reads stories to him […] My husband sings to him! He sings, he dances with him. My brothers don’t; my brothers play a video and watch a movie with the kids, but sitting down and reading a book? No. And that is what I love […] When he says to me in the middle of the night “Sleep! I’ll take care of it”. That type of thing. Or when he tells me “Why don’t you go out with your friends? Go and I’ll stay with him [the baby], really. If you want to have a drink, go! I’ll put him to bed, I’ll tuck him in to sleep”.

Laura – And a Mexican man?

Rocío – No, no! “Who are you going with? What time are you coming back?!” No, no, no. And the best part of all [about my Australia husband]: “I’ll drive you there, I’ll pick you up”. It is completely different. I am so happy here.

The statements by Rocío exemplify why many of the Mexican women interviewed found Australia attractive. The interviewees felt that Australian men were less sexist. Rocío pointed out with joy the way her Australian husband helps with housework and with the caring for their child. She also pointed out how this situation would be very different with a Mexican man who would engage to a lesser extent with both the children and house tasks.

Rocío also highlighted the limited freedom Mexican women feel with most Mexican men. In contrast, Rocío talked about the way her Australian husband allows her the freedom and encourages her to do social activities such as going out with friends and having a drink, while he looks after the child.

155 6.3 Australia as the option after ruling out the US and Canada When interviewed, people offered interesting insights into choosing their destination. When asked “Why Australia?”, as many as nine interviewees said that they did not consider the United States because of too much discrimination against Mexicans or because there are too many Mexicans in the US already. Canada was ruled out as it was seen as too cold.

I know that working in the United States, discrimination is enormous. Plus I’m not too keen on it. […] Canada, I tried to apply for the visa but because I don’t speak French, I did not have enough points. Plus my wife said to me: “Forget about it! I won’t tolerate living through the first winter [in Canada]!” So from all the possibilities, Australia was not the nearest but it was the best for us to leave (Adrián).

I do not like the United States too much. I think it is a country in which Mexicans are not well accepted so, ruled out […] Canada was an option but Australia called me (Mauricio).

Honestly, we never considered the United States mainly because of the aggression that exists towards Latinos, towards Mexicans. So, not really interested. The truth is because of that that we never considered it. […] The first thought was the same as for many others, right? Canada. Because of the nearness to Mexico but there are two things of Canada which stopped us: First, the weather. […] Also the language was a problem because we do not speak French (Catalina).

The quotes highlight three important points. Firstly, none of these migrants mention having any existing contacts to influence their decision to choose Australia. As will be explored in Chapter Nine, the vast majority of survey respondents made the decision to migrate despite having no family members living in Australia (only five per cent of respondents, that is, 15 people). Secondly, interviewees express a sense that in Australia they would not be labelled as Mexican. Clearly, in the US there is discrimination against Mexicans which respondents were aware of and through their middle-class position had the

156 agency and capital to choose a country other than the US. Thirdly, almost all interviewees spoke about wanting to travel internationally generally but few suggested having a particular interest in Australia. Rather, the opportunity of going to Australia presented itself at a key moment in the persons’ lives (“vital conjuncture” as Johnsons-Hanks (2002 in Collins, 2014 in press) calls it) when these young people were wondering what to do next after university or where facing difficulties socially (insecurity) or economically (exploitative work conditions) or when fortuitously finding a partner.

The survey contained a question that asked “Did you ever seriously consider migrating to another country besides Australia? If so, please indicate all the countries you considered”. 39 per cent of respondents had given serious consideration to migrating to Canada. 28 per cent had not considered migrating to any other place than Australia; 15 per cent considered the United States; 11 per cent considered Spain and 10 per cent considered the United Kingdom. 26 per cent of respondents chose the option “other” and although over 20 countries were mentioned, the countries that were most citied were: France (x10), Germany (x10), New Zealand (x5), and Italy and Switzerland (x4 each). A very small percentage of people gave serious consideration to migrating to non-Spanish and non- English speaking countries. It is of interest to note that only one tenth of the respondents considered Spain (x30) and other Spanish-speaking countries (Chile x3, Argentina x1, and Ecuador x1) as potential destinations, a fact that corroborates the command of English of Mexicans in Australia and their confidence to thrive in a different language context, both which demonstrate their middle-class characteristics. Their lack of interest in migrating to a Spanish-speaking country also points to their disposition of not wanting to go to a place that is considered worse. As the play-on-words saying goes, you don’t choose to go “de Guatemala a Guatepeor”, that is, you try to avoid going from a bad (Guatemala, “mala” = bad) to worse (Guatepeor, “peor” = worse) situation. In English the equivalent saying would be to go “from the frying pan into the fire".

Indicative of the potential countries Mexicans would have migrated to, is their desire to go to a country that is more economically developed than Mexico. Although the most recent growth in legal formal immigration has been to developed countries (Massey & Taylor, 2004), a lot of migration still occurs between countries of similar and low development levels (Castles, 2000) – “most of the world’s immigrants live in developing, not developed, countries” (Massey & Taylor, 2004: 1). However, what makes the Mexican migrants of this study different from the majority of migrants in the world is their capacity to choose

157 their destination and choose a place that they consider better. Australia ranked number 2 in the 2013 Human Development Report by the UNDP, making it the country with the highest human development after Norway according to this report (UNDP, 2013).

6.4 Conclusion This chapter makes a contribution to the field of migration by making theoretical advances on the migration of the middle classes through the identification of factors motivating the mobility, something which has been neglected in the literature. In summary, this chapter examined the four main reasons Mexicans gave for migrating and their reasons for choosing Australia as a destination. The most prominent factor influencing the decision to migrate was “mejor calidad de vida”, that is, the search for a better livelihood. What most interviewees meant by quality of life was largely related to the combination of work and leisure. Interviewees expressed significant levels of dissatisfaction with the length of the working day and how little time was left for family and leisure before leaving Mexico. Of the four factors identified in this study as motivators for middle-class migration, quality of life is the only “economic” factor relevant to this group, therefore signalling the lack of applicability of the traditional migration theories explored in Chapter Two which give economic factors (expected wage differentials, unemployment, financial risks, secondary unskilled sector of the economy, etc.) a great deal of significance for migration decisions.

“La inseguridad” was identified as the second most important factor influencing migration. Crime and violence grew during the 1980s, but in the late 2000s Mexico experienced a dramatic upsurge of violence associated with the “war against drugs”. As part of the insecurity in Mexico, participants expressed concern about their children’s future and safety more than their own personal security. The Mexican situation illustrates that the existing theories of international migration fail to address important variables such as crime and insecurity as precipitators of new migration flows. Very few studies have made contributions to the understanding of the new middle-class flight phenomenon (Cullen & Levitt, 1999; El Paso Times, 2011), with the exception of contemporary studies on South African migrants (Dodson, 2002; Louw & Mersham, 2001; Lucas et al., 2006).

Other more epicurean motives for migration were adventure and wanderlust. The actual achievements of these desires to explore the world are a concrete reflection of the agency, affluence and cultural capital of the Mexican middle class. This finding demonstrates that

158 although the pursuit of a better quality of life and personal insecurity are prominent motives behind middle-class Mexican migration to Australia, other factors such as adventure and wanderlust are part of the mix of motives. The desire for and an ability to obtain international experience and to set out on an overseas adventure present in many participants, is a strong reflection of their agency (Giddens, 1984) and their greater capacity for individual identity construction (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002) particularly at a young age when they are faced with various options of life course trajectories (Collins, 2014 in press). An important contribution of this chapter to the research on international mobility is the highlighting of middle-class participation in less developed countries of this wanderlust. This study revealed that their economic, social and cultural capital, allowed the Mexican middle classes to share in the aspirations and capacities for exploring the world of their middle-class counterparts in the developed world.

Finally, the fourth most important reason for migration was related to relationships. It was found that Mexicans who established relationships with Australians tended to settle in Australia. The chapter reveals that the middle-class identity of Mexicans provides a natural medium for becoming cross-cultural and cosmopolitan and gives them the means to intimately associate with a range of different groupings regardless of nationality and background. This section also found that the enormous expansion of international travel by the middle classes has meant that there is now a far greater chance of a person marrying somebody from a different country (Clyne & Jupp, 2011), Mexican-Australian couples being an important example of this. These intercultural relationships and marriages have strong implications in terms of social and cultural integration, phenomena which are addressed in the following chapters. In the next chapter, Chapter Seven, Mexican identity will be discussed, particularly focusing on the way Mexicans in Australia view themselves in terms of their nationality, their culture, and their social class.

159 Chapter 7 – Mexican Identity in Australia

7.1 Introduction Issues of identity and belonging are the central concern of this chapter. Like the two prior chapters, it draws on both the survey data and the in-depth interviews. The chapter is divided into two main sections: The first section explores perceptions of national identity among participants and the concepts of “Mexicanness” and “malinchismo” are discussed. The second section examines the ways Mexicans in Australia retain (if they do) their culture of origin. In this section, I first explore Mexican visibility in Australia, followed by a discussion of various forms and issues associated with cultural representations such as events and traditions, food and language. I also discuss the experiences of discrimination against Mexicans. This chapter will demonstrate that for many Mexicans in Australia their professional and middle-class identity means that they are able to “fit in” and they have “something to offer”. It will also show that although Mexicans in Australia are certainly not homogeneous, the vast majority retain, in various ways, their cultural identity while using their cultural and economic capital to successfully navigate Australian society.

7.2 Mexican Identity

How do Mexicans in Australia regard themselves? Perceptions of identity Although the concept of national identity is questioned by scholars in a predominantly globalised world (Collin, 2006), this study found that for most Mexicans in Australia, even after many years of residence, their “Mexicanness” still matters.

Before delving into a discussion of identity, it is noteworthy to point out that throughout this study it became obvious that when Mexicans make reference to “Australians” they have in mind a particular set of Australians which does not reflect the make-up of the Australian population. Hall (1996) argues that people often use “national narratives” to justify and understand who they are and to contrast themselves with others. Hall uses the term “strategic essentialism” to refer to the way in which people see others in a contrasting way and often draw upon stereotypes of themselves and of others. The fact that many of the interviewees used stereotypical notions of “Australians” suggests that Mexicans use

160 “strategic essentialism” to reify the differences in the “other”, in this case, “Australians”. From the interviews it was evident that for Mexicans, the term “Australian” is used to refer to mainly “Anglo-Australians”, those people who look “white” (Caucasian) and who speak English with an Australian accent. When Mexicans refer to groups of Australians that do not share these characteristics, Mexicans assigned a different national ascription, regardless of their Australian citizenship and sentiments. For instance, Australians from an Asian background were not really considered Australian and their “ethnic” background was always foregrounded – “He or she was born in Australia but of Vietnamese background, therefore, he or she is Vietnamese”. This was extended to all other groups, including Latin Americans. In the minds of the Mexicans interviewed, the only “true” Australians are those who are “white” and “speak Australian”.

In considering how Mexicans in Australia regard themselves in terms of their national identity46, the study found that nearly all survey respondents still hold to a Mexican or Mexican-Australian identity, and being married to an Australian or becoming naturalised Australians seems not to weaken this. A significant majority, over two thirds (67 per cent) of respondents, said they regard themselves as Mexican, only 28 per cent regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian, and hardly any respondents viewed themselves as Australian. Figure 7.1 below illustrates this.

Figure 7.1: How Mexicans in Australia see themselves47

3% Mexican 28% Australian

68% Mexican- Australian 1% Other

46 The exact wording of the multiple choice question was: “What do you regard yourself as?” with options being “Mexican”, “Australian”, “Mexican-Australian” and “other”. If respondents answered “other” a comment box appeared to leave details of “other”. 47 Those who chose the option “other” the majority had a hyphenated identity such as: Mexican-French; Mexican-Australian-French; French-Mexican living in Australia; Mexican-Nicaraguan; Mexican-Finnish- Australian; Mexican-Spanish, or Mexican-American. Other respondents who also chose the option “other” explained the ways they viewed their identity: “Mostly Mexican, but I have lived in many countries: the issue of national identity does not concern me much in daily social life”; “depends on the situation because I will always be a Mexican and I am Australian by choice” and “Mexican living in Australia”.

161

Forms and intensities of national identity varied among respondents. For instance, when I interviewed Gabriel, I asked him if he identified himself as Mexican, to which he briskly and emphatically answered, “Of course!” I asked, “Why of course?”, and he replied, “Can’t you tell? If you cut my veins tequila and chilli spurt out. I am Mexican. I am un blanquito [a whitie]. But I am Mexican in the inside – one hundred percent; [I’m] only a white boy on the outside.”

Of the minority who regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian, 57 per cent had lived in Australia for more than five years. Not surprisingly, all respondents that have been in Australia for less than one year consider themselves Mexican. As the length of their stay in Australia increases more people regard themselves as Mexican-Australian. Figure 7.2 illustrates this. This trend concurs with the findings reported by Casey and Dustmann (2010) and Manning and Roy (2010) who found that the home country identity of immigrants declines with years resident in the adopted country while at the same time the host country identity increases. Similarly to my survey results, they found that although identity changes over time, it is a slow and gradual process.

Figure 7.2: Changes in self-identity in relation to passage of time in Australia48, n=263

100% Mexican 90% Mexican-Australian 80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% years 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 - 10 11 - 15 16+

48 Figure 7.2 has a change of scale on the X axis half way. Survey respondents ranged from those who had been in Australia less than 1 year at the time of the survey (3% of the sample) to those who had been here for 35 years; there were, however, no respondents for years 17, 19, 23, 25, 27-28, 31-32. I therefore collapsed those respondents who had been in Australia for 6 or more years, into three groups: 6 to 10 years, 11 to 15 years and 16 or more years. Of all respondents, 22 per cent fell into the 6-10yr group, and the other two groups each comprised 7 per cent of all survey respondents. 91 per cent of all respondents had been in Australia for 15 years or less.

162 Given that over one third of Mexicans in Australia have an Australian-born spouse or partner, the study explored whether their feelings of identity were influenced by their spouse’s origin. It was found that of those who had an Australian spouse, only around one quarter (28 per cent) felt Mexican-Australian and just over two thirds (68 per cent) regarded themselves as Mexican. The data suggest that being in a relationship with an Australian has little impact on weakening respondents’ sense of Mexican identity.

Surprisingly, only four respondents (one per cent) identified themselves as Australian49, especially given the significant proportion of respondents who have lived in Australia for more than five years (35 per cent of respondents). These results indicate that despite migration Mexicans in Australia retain their Mexican identity. Despite this strong adherence to their Mexican identity, it will also be shown in this and subsequent chapters that the majority of respondents actively and successfully interact with the larger Australian society.

In order to better understand the ways in which the identity of Mexicans changes (or not) as a consequence of their migration to Australia, the concept of acculturation is useful. The changes in cultural features of groups or individuals as a result of coming into contact with different cultures are referred to as acculturation (Berry, 2003). Acculturation processes can be manifested in a number of ways: assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalisation (Berry, 2003). According to Berry (2003: 22) “it is essential to make the distinction between orientations toward one’s own group and toward other groups” (Berry, 1970, 1974, 1980). Berry explains that such “distinction is rendered as a relative preference for maintaining one’s heritage culture and identity and a relative preference for having contact with and participating in the larger society along with other ethnocultural groups” (Berry, 2003: 22). “Assimilation” is present when individuals gradually incorporate into the host society by adapting the customs and values of that society and relinquish the culture and values of their original society (Berry, 2003; Murphy, 2006). “Separation” occurs when people aim to maintain their national culture and minimise contact with other cultures. “Integration” here refers to the strategy in which individuals maintain their culture of origin at the same time that they seek contact and opportunities to participate in the wider society; integrationist policies are predominantly sought in Europe and implicitly carry the idea of cultural homogeneity especially in reference to language (Schneider &

49 One female, three males; two married to fellow Mexicans, one separated and one in de facto relationship with an Australian; two had lived in Australia for nine years, one for 7 and another one for one year.

163 Crul, 2010). “Marginalisation” appears when people relegate both their original culture and the dominant culture in the host country, and fail to become part of the larger society. This study will show that for the majority of Mexicans in Australia it is important to retain their Mexican identity and to interact with Australian culture. Therefore their acculturation strategy could, following Berry, be labelled integrationist.

Similar to the survey results, when the topic of Mexican national and cultural identity was explored in the interviews, although the responses were wide-ranging, almost all of the interviewees were proud of their nationality and actively looked for ways to maintain their “Mexicanness”. Only three out of 30 interviewees attached little significance to their Mexican identity. A crisp illustration of the way respondents maintained their identification as Mexicans is the following excerpt from a survey respondent who said in the last open-ended question of that survey50 that despite deciding to make Australia her new home and having lived here for over 38 years, she will “always feel 100 per cent attached to and proud of my country or origin” (female survey respondent, settled in Australia in 1972, lives in Sydney). Many of the interviewees said that they felt proud of their Mexican heritage and wanted to retain it. They commented that they missed the richness of Mexican history, culture and traditions and felt that Australia could not match the cultural richness of Mexico. Catalina, who at the time of the interview had been living in Australia for four years, commented,

Our culture is very rich. For me, everything about the indigenous people, the Mayan culture, the Aztec culture and all that, really captivates me. Our country is very rich in traditions. All that stuff I like very much. I kind of feel drawn to it and I feel very proud of being part of it.

For some interviewees it was difficult to articulate what it meant for them to be Mexican. For example, when I asked Adrián, who identified himself as a “100 per cent Mexican”, what it meant to him to be Mexican, he replied, “Wow! That is a good question. Probably it is to know what it is to live in much more difficult conditions and to know to appreciate what it is to be living here.”

50 The exact phrasing of this open-ended question was: “Other aspects of Mexican migration. Please elaborate on aspects of your migration experience not covered in this questionnaire”.

164 Obviously Adrián strongly feels Mexican but had a good deal of difficulty articulating exactly what it meant for him. His comment of “to know what it is to live in much more difficult conditions” hints towards a common sentiment among Mexicans that “life is hard” in Mexico and therefore there is an appreciation for what Australia has to offer.

A few interviewees, especially those who had been living in Australia for a long time, had little affiliation with Mexico; at the same time they did not feel Australian. Isabel (35) had been in Australia for nine years. She initially came to do postgraduate studies and eventually settled here. When talking about her national identity, Isabel said:

I have never been very nationalistic or patriotic. I don’t celebrate anything Mexican, nor cook any Mexican food at home. I don’t watch the news about Mexico. If they show something on SBS I do watch it, but I do not make an effort to know what is happening in Mexico. In fact, I don’t know how to identify myself. If people ask me where I am from, I kind of still say that I’m from Mexico because it is typical that people say, “You’ve got an accent”, and you have to answer where you are from. You can’t say you are from here. I can’t say I am Australian because if the person says to you “You’ve got an accent”, it is because they can see you are from another place and they want to know where you are from. That’s also what I ask all the time. But I don’t know [about myself]. I recently became Australian, in December, but I feel like I can’t yet say “I am Australian” but I don’t feel like I can say I am Mexican either. It’s like I am in limbo. Also because it is neither the Mexican-Australian label, it is not something that I would say I am [Mexican-Australian]. If they gave me a census to answer, I would not respond that [Mexican-Australian]. I don’t know what I would write.

Isabel’s quote captures what can happen when an individual migrates and lives in a new country for a long time. Research on the impact of migration makes clear that the process of migrating is a major life event (Bennet, Rigby, & Boshoff, 1997) that may cause distress to some, while others may be able to adapt more easily. In their study of the impact of migration on the identity of British and Irish women in Australia, Ward and Styles (2003)

165 identified five categories (positive, transitional positive, limbo, transitional negative and negative) both in the way they respond to settlement in the new country and in their attachment to the homeland. One of those categories is the “limbo category of belonging” in which they allocated those respondents that “feel they are between places and belong to no place” (Ward & Styles, 2003: 357). This category resonates with Isabel’s experience in which she does not seem to have a sense of belonging to Australia or Mexico and which she expressed in her own words as “like I am in limbo”. Casey and Dustmann found that host-country identity “increases with age and years since migration, while at the same time home identity declines” (2010: 39). As illustrated in Figure 7.2, some Mexicans go through a similar process; with the passage of time, they identify more with the host-country and their affiliation with their home-country declines.

I asked Isabel to try to think about the things that make her feel “Mexican” and those that do not. She seemed to have a clear idea that she does not feel Mexican because she no longer feels she can identify herself with certain Mexican qualities.

I feel like I don’t understand the Mexican mentality anymore. Not in the sense that I reject it, but I honestly don’t know. If you ask me: “Hey, how do people in Mexico think...?” I am clueless. That is, I can’t give my opinion anymore, you know? But when you are a member of a community you can give your opinion because you know, you have a general idea of the people’s opinion about what people think about a particular topic... I do not know what is accepted and what is not; what is acceptable and what is not acceptable. Obviously things have not remained the way they were when I left Mexico. Obviously they have changed but I don’t know how they have changed... I have been away from Mexico for a long time now.

What is “Mexicanness”? There were wide-ranging views as to what constituted Mexicanness. However, culture, history, food, family and language invariably appeared in their narratives about identity. Mexican “melting pot” culture is a particularly important facet of what constitutes “Mexicanness” because it reflects the complexity of the country’s history through the

166 blending of advanced indigenous civilizations and European influence – a process of cultural synthesis commonly known as mestizaje (Coronado, 2003). This “blend” has never been free from contention – the reputation of Spanish heritage in the construction of the Mexican identity has ebbed and flowed over time, whereas the indigenous aspect has intermittently been considered “as something negative or a problem for Mexico” (López, 2002: 990). What constitutes “Mexicanness” was articulated by interviewees in a variety of ways and it often involved implicit and explicit references to both the indigenous and the Spanish heritage. For example, Alejandra (41), who had been in Australia since 1996, when I asked her to talk about what it meant for her to be Mexican, she said:

For me [being Mexican means], I think of my roots, my culture. Also the warmth of Mexicans – which is not very much present outside Mexico; and the focus on the family. Other aspects of Mexican culture are things like, the food.

In Alejandra’s response to what it is to be Mexican, she first refers to her “roots” and her “culture”, which although it remained implicit, she would most likely be referring to the common knowledge among Mexicans about the mestizo culture, the blending of the pre- Hispanic and Spanish influences. Alejandra also mentions food and family as factors that give meaning to her identity. Given the prominence of food to Mexican identity, in this chapter, I dedicate a section on food and identity, while the topic of family is fully explored in Chapter Nine.

Sandra, 24, who had recently arrived in Australia, put a lot of emphasis on her “roots” and said that for her, Mexico’s pre-Colombian heritage was a point of pride:

I am Mexican and [this gives] a lot of pride to me. Me encanta Mexico [I adore Mexico]. I am very proud of my country. I love the culture, the history, the food, the flavours and colours of Mexico. We have traditions... History […] I love it because we have a lot of history. We have, for example, our ancestors, the Mayans, the Aztecs, which are impressive cultures. That is for me something that makes me feel very fortunate.

167 It is evident that Sandra had a very strong sense of her Mexicanness. Similarly to both Alejandra and Sandra, and despite having lived in Australia for 20 years, José, aged in his mid-forties, also talked about his strong Mexican identity:

[Being Mexican for me means] identifying with the culture and the traditions of Mexico. To feel that [Mexico] is still my home. […] One refers to “mi casa” despite not having lived there for 20 years. That is how it feels to me. For me, I feel a strong sense of identity with the culture. I have my family there... I listen to a lot of music, but most of the time it is music in Spanish. […] I cook a lot of Mexican or adaptations of Mexican food. I feel that that is what makes me Mexican.

Esteban, 33, who arrived with his Mexican wife in Australia in 2004, said he has strong feelings of attachment to his country of origin, and his “Mexicanness” is retained in his traditions, values and language:

I think lo mexicano [Mexicanness] is something that you carry with you in your heart. As long as I can maintain my customs - those customs that I have been raised with and which I consider very important and for as long as my children can be raised with those same values... Just maintaining the same language as my children is very important.

It was clear that Esteban was determined to maintain his Mexican identity.

Isidro, 57, who migrated to Australia in 1992, went further and explained that for him being Mexican is something that is deeply rooted in people’s essence:

I think that a person who is born Mexican will always be Mexican. No one can take that from you [...] It is part of your neuronal map which has already been moulded into a culture, into a language. So the reality of national identity happens because that is how I am. Just like saying that tortillas are Mexican. I do not question that. Even when I have a background with more ancestors from Spain, I

168 am Mexican because the very fibres of my mind have moulded me that way.

Gabriela Coronado (2003) observes that a common tendency among migrants, especially those who have been outside their countries for many years, is to strengthen and show off their cultural identity, what they call lo mexicano (Mexicanness). Coronado calls such tendency the “aestheticisation of identities which appears as the ‘kitsch effect’ and a proliferation of stereotypes” (Coronado, 2003: 121). The way in which migrants aestheticise their identity and culture of origin is not unique to Mexicans and has been exhibited also by other migrant groups throughout history.

Many Mexican migrants narrated their perceptions of “Mexicanness” in broad cultural terms often in contrast to the Australian culture. Alejandra, 41, told of how she has come to relish her Mexican identity more since migrating and compares it to what in her view is the lack of cultural richness in Australia:

I am very proud of being Mexican because since leaving Mexico I have more strongly come to the realisation of how good it is to be Mexican. In the sense that we have a culture with enormous richness, really, culture that here, honestly, they do not have. And now that I am here, I realise that very few of us [Mexicans] value such cultural richness.

Catalina (33) also had a particularly elevated view of Mexican culture:

If I make a cultural comparison between what Mexico has and what Australia has, Australia has got nothing and Mexico is very rich in that sense.

In a similar way to Alejandra and Catalina, several other interviewees talked in a comparative way about Mexican and Australia culture. When comparing their previous life and their current one, Alejandra and Catalina noted a sense of cultural alienation (Düttmann, 2000). It is possible that the nature of both interviewees’ feelings suggests nostalgia for a culture left behind, a feeling common among migrants (O'Connor, 2005). Moreover, an additional point worth stressing is that there are some cultures that are more

169 robust, clear and tangible than others. In that sense, Mexico is a tangible culture – Mexicans and non-Mexicans alike can see, feel, eat, smell and hear things in Mexico. The vastness and variety of food, rituals, holidays, language and a very long history all contribute to the robustness of the Mexican culture. In contrast, other cultures are more amorphous insofar as they do not really have a national cuisine or a long history to make them particularly distinctive. This is likely the case of mainstream white Australia to which so many of these interviewees were referring to when juxtaposing the richness of Mexican culture.

I also found that for some participants, the longer they had been in Australia, the more they wanted to learn about their Mexican culture and retain it. Mahalingam (2006a) argues that immigrants have a particular cultural psychology different from non-migrants given their “comparative socio-cultural context”, that is their constant comparative exercise which influences them in making sense of their “home culture” and “host culture”:

The relational context of their displacement makes them aware of the comparative nature of their cultural identity, and they are challenged to develop a deeper understanding of their own culture. They develop a newer appreciation of culture not merely as a set of practices and shared values, but as something that needs to be reflected on and explained (Mahalingam, 2006b: 2).

Sandra also commented that when she explained the history of the Mexico’s coat of arms which appears on the Mexican flag (an eagle perched on a prickly cactus devouring a snake) to her Australian boyfriend, he was fascinated and she felt immensely proud, something that he confessed he could never feel about his own country. She concluded “It is those little details that make me feel proud of my country”. Mahalingam (2006b) considers the use of cultural essentialism in the narratives of migrants as a way of redefining their identities in relation to the host dominant society. A good example of this “cultural essentialism” that Mahalingam refers to is reflected in the sentiments of Anita, who is married to an Australian and migrated to Australia in 1996:

I identify myself as Mexican. I want to let you know, that since I arrived here, I have acquired more interest for the things about my country. [...] I do not want to be ignorant of those things that

170 belong to me. I have become more interested in learning more things about our art, and about our own history. I used not to care about those things, but now, I’ve mastered the history of the Mexican revolution. When people come and ask me things about the pre-Hispanic cultures, I feel more interested than in the past. It’s incredible. [...] On the topic of identity, I think I have tried harder [to retain my identity] now because I do not want to feel I have stopped being Mexican. I am very proud of being Mexican. I do not feel proud about the ugly things. But the beautiful things our country has, I want to live them, I want to feel them. That is what I want my daughter to learn.

Similar to Anita, Coronado (2003: 117) explains how she experienced her Mexican origins once settled in Australia: “Suddenly I needed more knowledge about Mexico, its history, economy, folklore, politics and all its tourist destinations, from beaches to colonial cities, and of course, pre-Hispanic sites. I was required to be a Mexican expert on all issues...” Migration, thus, proved to have a jolting effect for Coronado. It provoked an accentuation of her Mexican identity.

Mexican-Australian identities As shown in Figure 7.1, 28 per cent of respondents regarded themselves Mexican- Australians. Of these, 47 per cent were males and 53 per cent were females. In terms of ages, although most are in their thirties, men are more concentrated in the age groups 30- 39 and 40-49 while women are more spread out through the four age groups. One third had Mexican partners and another third had Australian partners. Females in this group were more likely than men to have an Australian partner (39 vs. 30 per cent) while males had a higher tendency to be un-partnered. Interestingly, Spanish was more commonly spoken at home than English for those who regard themselves as Mexican-Australian. These figures are captured in Table 7.1.

171 Table 7.1: Mexican-Australians

Mexican-Australians All Male Female All Male Female (n=78) (n=37) (n=41) (n=78) (n=37) (n=41) Age % % % Language at home % % % 19-29 9 3 15 Spanish 42 27 56 30-39 59 68 51 English 33 43 24 40-49 18 22 15 Combination 22 24 20 50-59 14 8 20 Other 3 5 0 Total 100 100 100.0 Total 100 100 100 (p = 0.127) (p = 0.050)

Partner Average years in 8.47 8.16 8.76 Mexican 36 35 37 Australia Australian 35 30 39 Years Range 1 - 33 1 - 24 1 - 33 Unpartnered 21 27 15 Other 9 8 10 Total 100 100 100 (p = 0.520)

As highlighted in the transnationalism research (Vertovec, 2009; Vertovec & Cohen, 2002), through processes of globalisation, individuals tend to articulate complex affiliations and exhibit multiple allegiances beyond a single nation-state. This was certainly reflected in the interviews. It is particularly the case for migrants and people who are actively involved in transnational activities. Those people who are active in global social activities tend to have allegiances to different projects and identities not only within their nation-state of residence, but also towards other states. Vertovec and Cohen argue that “people are no longer inspired by a single culture that is coherent, integrated and organic. Instead, the arrival of transnational migrants has enriched and altered the cultural repertoires of many people” (2002: 4). Following their argument, cosmopolitan people tend to enjoy the fruits of places where transnational migrants have brought and shared their cultures and traditions. The cities of Sydney and Melbourne are “cosmopolitan cities” par excellence because they offer exciting encounters with what is considered different (Young, Diep, & Drabble, 2006), particularly enriching cultural aspects (food, festivals, music) that migrants have brought with them.

Among the seven interviewees who self-identified as being Mexican-Australian, the gratitude for the opportunities that Australia had opened up for them and protection under the rule of law, were among the main reasons why they viewed themselves as partly Australian. For example, Catalina, 33, who migrated in 2006 with her Mexican partner

172 through applying for Australian permanent residence in Mexico, mentioned job opportunities and quality of life:

I am Mexican by birth, but unfortunately my country was not able to give me the opportunities that this country offers me, so I also consider myself Australian. And I am very grateful to this country because, firstly, it gave me a work opportunity and secondly, it gave me an opportunity to improve my quality of life, and that for me is very important. So, I am very grateful to this country.

José, 46, who migrated single and “for the adventure” in 1995, also self-identifies as Mexican-Australian. However, he admits feeling more Mexican than Australian:

It is a curious thing. If I were travelling, I think that my immediate response [to how I identify myself] would be “Mexican”, no matter where I would be. If someone asked me, “Where do you live?” Well, it is obvious that [I live] in Australia.

José has a very strong identity as a Mexican since “no matter where he’d be”, upon questioned, he would always answer he is Mexican. It is hard for José to articulate what is Australian about himself, yet there is a part of him that makes him feel identified with lo australiano.

If for any reason, lo mexicano was not appropriate for the context... how do I explain myself? Not so much “not appropriate” but for example, [in a situation] where everybody else were Australian and we were in another country, for example in Japan, and we are in a get-together of Australians, there I would say “I am Australian as well”. Not for convenience, simply because I would identify myself with that group of Australians. But with my heart [de corazón] I feel more Mexican than Australian. Chronologically too, because I lived 24 years in Mexico and so far I have lived 20 years outside, therefore I am still more in Mexico. Also because here I am very involved in the Mexican community and my friends are Mexicans.

173 That’s why I suppose que no se me ha quitado [that I have not lost it yet].

In the previous excerpt, José speaks of one of the particularities of identity, which is often relational (S. Hall & Du Gay, 1996; Mahalingam, 2006b). When José says that in the situation in which he’d be in a different country (as opposed to being in Australia) and surrounded by Australians (as opposed to being surrounded by Mexicans or Japanese), he would say that he is Australian. However, in “his heart” he is Mexican.

Later in the interview, in a similar way to Catalina, José articulated how the “Australian part” in him is partially related to his gratitude and pride for having been accepted as an Australian citizen:

At the same time, it is not because I reject lo australiano. I feel very proud that they [the Australian nation] had accepted me as a citizen and when I accepted the citizenship I did it in a very serious way. I have my obligations as an Australian and I try to fulfil them as best as I can. But I do think I would be lying if I told you that I feel more Australian than Mexican.

It is noteworthy that although José had lived in Australia for 20 years he still saw himself as Mexican. A common feeling among Mexicans in Australia was that although they are proud of their Mexicanness they also feel very appreciative of Australia. A common sentiment was that life in Australia is much easier.

Isidro shared similar sentiments to Catalina and José; however, Isidro, 57, who migrated 19 years ago, told me how he has acquired a sense of solidarity and pride for Australia through work. Isidro explained that these feelings derived from his many years being employed by the Australian government and his perceived contribution to Australia.

What makes me Australian? Well, we are what we eat. That is, we breathe, we drink, we eat everything this country gives us. We work for this country. I have worked a lot and a lot of my work has been directed to take into account Australian society […] I have worked to serve the Australian society.

174

How do their children see themselves? With regards to the identity of respondents’ children, parents reported a higher incidence of Mexican-Australianness among their offspring. Of the 111 respondents that have children, 38 per cent reported that their children regard themselves as Mexican-Australian; 23 per cent as Mexican; 19 per cent as Australian; and a fifth chose “other”.51 This is captured in Table 7.2.

Table 7.2: Children of Mexican parents in Australia and their identity

Identity of children n % Mexican-Australian 42 38 Mexican 25 23 Other 23 21 Australian 21 19

Total 111 100

Research on the acculturation of second generation migrants (Farley & Alba, 2002; Marks, Szalacha, Lamarre, Boyd, & García Coll, 2007; Phinney, 1990) indicates that the relationship between country-of-origin identity and host-country identity may be independent. Hence, it is not unusual for children of immigrants to identify themselves strongly with the country of origin and the host country (Phinney, 1990).

In the transmission of identity across generations, parents play a strong formative role in their children’s identity development (Casey & Dustmann, 2010; Marks et al., 2007; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). Marks et al. (2007) found that the type and degree of parental acculturation has a strong influence on the national identity of their children. For instance, if the parents feel a strong attachment to their country of origin and they are heavily involved in activities deeply rooted in culture and behaviours of their home country, children are likely to develop a strong identity with the country from which

51 Of those 23 survey respondents who answered “other”, ten respondents said their children were too young to tell how they regard themselves; four respondents said their children regarded themselves as a combination of three nationalities (Australian-Mexican-Nicaraguan, Mexican-Australian-Finnish, Mexican-Australian- Irish, Mexican-Australian-Italian); another four respondents identified a combination of two nationalities other than Mexican-Australian (English-Australian, Italian-Mexican, Mexican-French, Mexican-Indonesian); three respondents, each with more than one child, said that some of their children consider themselves Mexican and some Australian; one respondent said that initially the kids considered themselves Australian but then Mexican; and one respondent said their child regards herself as a New Zealander.

175 their parents migrated. Casey and Dustmann (2010: 37) found that in the case of their study conducted in Germany, “children of immigrants identify more strongly with their home country than with the host country” when both parents reported a weak host-country identity and instead identified strongly with their home-country.

In the case of Mexicans in Australia, the parents’ identity seemed to have played a role in the formation of their children’s national identity. As illustrated in Table 7.3, children of parents who regarded themselves as Mexicans were more likely to regard themselves as Mexican (n=22, 34 per cent). Likewise, children of parents who regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian were more likely to identify with that same affiliation (n=22, 56 per cent). Of course these figures need to be considered with caution given that it was not the children reporting their self-identity, rather than the parents’ impression or knowledge of their children’s identity, which could be biased by their own desires.

Table 7.3: Respondent’s and their children’s identity

Parents' Identity Australian Mexican Mex-Aus (n = 2) (n = 65) (n = 39) % % %

Australian 100 17 21 Mexican 0 34 8 Mex-Aus 0 29 56 Other 0 20 15

Children's identity Children's 100 100 100 Total

Through the interviews, I found an interesting phenomenon. Most parents (or parents-to- be) openly expressed their wish for their children to retain their Mexican cultural heritage, yet they all seemed to accept that their children will have a strong Australian identity due to them being raised in Australia.

[My child] will be from here and I don’t want to force him to say that “he is Mexican”. I want him to feel proud that Mexico is part of his makeup [que también tiene a México]. I will teach him Spanish … and I will speak to him in Spanish because he has to learn Spanish. For English, he has got the cartoons [television] anytime; but here I will speak to him in Spanish. I want him to like

176 Mexico, but if he wants to feel Australian, well, he will grow up here, so... At least if he has something of Mexico and feel proud of having something of Mexico – that is enough. I cannot oblige him “Hey kid [chamaco], you must say you are Mexican!” Of course not. He will be from here. He will grow up with all the culture from here. I do want him to have everything I can teach him. But obviously, all his little friends will be Australian. For as much I can try, his entire environment will be like that. (Guadalupe)

Esteban had a similar feeling to Guadalupe in the sense that he was aware that his children will have a strong Australian identity because of being immersed in Australian society, but he also wanted his children to hold on to their Mexican side:

As long as my children can be raised with those same [Mexican] values and at the same time they can combine them with Australian values. Because in the end, they [my children] will have a very strong fusion of two cultures that I do not have. In some way, I already have an identity; I already have a way of being. For me [compared to my children] it would be more difficult to adjust. Well, not to adjust but to penetrate 100 per cent into the culture, to the Australian culture.

Adrián commented that he did not feel that it was crucial that his kids identify themselves as Mexican or Australian as long as they keep the language and have knowledge of culture:

The only important thing is to continue with the language. And that they [my kids] know a little bit of the history of Mexico. That is, I don’t expect them to know it de cabo a rabo [from beginning to end], but that they do understand where we come from and where Mexico is located in geographical and historical terms and that they continue [using] Spanish.

It is interesting to see the elements that for Adrián matter in terms of his children’s identity. Earlier in this chapter, we saw that when Adrián talked about his own identity, he had a hard time explaining what that meant. However, when speaking about his children,

177 he was very clear that language, history and geography matter to him. Most of the interviewees had a clear idea of their wishes for their children’s identity. They realised that their children will be Australian because this is the environment where they will be or are growing up, but they were keen for their children to keep some aspects of their Mexicanness.

One point raised by the three interviewees above and which also came out strongly in the survey is the strong attachment to the Spanish language: 70 per cent of respondents with children spoke Spanish to their children. I expand on this point in section 7.3, “Ways of retaining culture of origin”.

“Malinchismo” An interesting phenomenon related to Mexican identity which was brought up by three interviewees is what is known in Mexico as malinchismo. Malinchista is a term used to refer to someone with a strong preference for foreign things or people, and the term implies disloyalty or even treachery. The origin of the term lies in the Spanish conquest of Mexico when the conquistador Hernán Cortés was given a Nahua slave woman, known as La Malinche, to act as interpreter and advisor and who later became his mistress, giving birth to the archetypal mestizo (people of mixed European and indigenous American ancestry). In fact, the story goes that she willingly gave herself to the conquistador and gave rise to betrayal: “[t]he betrayal of which Malinche is accused [which] can be seen as coming from having willingly and publicly assumed a position constructed as shameful in the social system that still judges her, even centuries after her death” (Calderón de la Barca Sánchez, 2007: 91).

Someone is typically “judged” as malinchista in Mexico when he or she dislikes “one’s own” and prefers “the other”; that is, in Gerson’s words, the malinchismo effect manifests itself when “giving oneself to the foreigner and abandoning and betraying one’s own” (2004: 36). The malinchista phenomenon is broadly applicable and it covers areas as wide as culture, people, products and services, and it is not exclusive to migrants’ identities but also includes Mexicans living in Mexico. It is a concept that implies that the person who prefers that which is foreign is unpatriotic and their actions and preferences are detrimental to the country.

178 I found among my interviewees only anti-malinchista attitudes. However, several interviewees talked about the malinchista attitudes that they had encountered in Australia. Perhaps a reason for the lack of representation of malinchista attitudes in this study is a function of the methodology; interviewees that would have preferred to disassociate themselves from “Mexican things” opted not to participate in this study. Perhaps another reason would be that Mexicans can be fast and harsh at judging others’ comments. I did come across interviewees who expressed their dissatisfaction with various aspects of life in Mexico, yet that did not automatically came across to me as malinchista, disloyal and unpatriotic.

An example of the anti-malinchista attitude is the comment of a survey respondent who sent me an email after completing the online questionnaire saying:

I would like to comment that it is VERY sad to encounter Mexicans who, due to the fact that they are “a little bit better off”, I mean in another country, they feel indifference towards their roots and their people […] malinchismo has no borders (email received on the 8th March 2010).

On a similar note, Anita told me how she has noticed that some Mexican migrants do not want to be identified as Mexicans. She said, “It is almost as if the ones that left Mexico wanted to change race, colour, language; no quieren que se les note lo mexicano pero para nada [they do not want to show their Mexicanness at all]”. It is worth noting Anita’s choice of words of “to change race, colour, language” when explaining her experiences of malinchismo in Australia. As pointed out in Chapter Four, a substantial number of Mexicans in Australia identify themselves as entirely descendents from European stock. As Anita notes, race/ethnicity, skin pigmentation (explored in Chapter Four) and language (explored below in this chapter) are factors that play out strongly in the construction of Mexican identities.

As pointed out earlier, the degree to which people expressed their identities varied. The survey and the interviews suggest that the large majority of Mexicans in Australia wish to retain their Mexicanness and an attachment towards their home country. However, they also want to participate in Australian society and enter the Australian mainstream. They have the cultural and social capital to fit in with relative ease.

179

The strategy of suppressing one’s national identity to varying degrees so as to fit in to the host country is not uncommon among immigrants, as many of them wish to have a sense of belonging in their new country. Hagerty et al. define sense of belonging as “the experience of personal involvement in a system or environment so that persons feel themselves to be an integral part of that system or environment” (1992: 173). The interviewees certainly expressed a desire to integrate into the community and develop a sense of belonging to Australia.

Mexican identity and integration into Australian society Berry et. al (2002: 357) define cultural identity as “a complex set of beliefs and attitudes that people have about themselves in relation to their culture group membership” and highlight the fact that for many people this set of beliefs and attitudes becomes explicit when people have contact with other cultures. As migrants living in a society with a different culture than their own, individuals are exposed to processing the way they perceive themselves with regards to the construction of their cultural identity (Phinney et al., 2001). Diverse scholars emphasise the two-dimensional nature of acculturation with regards to the ways in which people identify with their original culture and the ways in which individuals identify themselves with the dominant recipient culture post migration. The former is informed by the individual’s ethnic identity, which refers to “the subjective sense of belonging to a group or culture” (Phinney et al., 2001: 495) and which in turn is associated with specific values, attitudes and behaviours (Umaña-Taylor, 2011). Meanwhile, the ways in which individuals identify themselves with the host society are informed by the individual’s national (or civic) identity, which is informed by common knowledge of membership and civic participation in the new culture (Hart, Richardson, & Wilkenfeld, 2011). It is also informed by the way they are treated in the host society.

Phinney et al. (2001) argue that immigrants arrive in the new country with differing views about retaining their culture and becoming part of the new society, and that these attitudes interact with the perceived and actual attitudes of the recipient society towards immigrants, “moderated by the particular circumstances of the immigrant group within the new society” (2001: 494). They suggest that national/ethnic identity is likely to be strong in the following situations: “when immigrants have a strong desire to retain their identities and when pluralism is encouraged or accepted” and when there is “real or perceived hostility

180 towards immigrants [... some] assert their pride in their cultural group and emphasize solidarity as a way of dealing with negative attitudes” (Phinney et al., 2001: 494). The case of Mexicans in Australia falls primarily within the first scenario given they voice their desires to retain their identity of origin and they experience general acceptance in Australian society. The degrees of ethnic and national identity may vary independently and a migrant who retains a strong ethnic identity while also identifying with the new society follows an integration acculturating strategy (discussed previously) and is considered to have an integrated identity.

Overwhelmingly, the interviews revealed that the vast majority of Mexicans arrived in Australia with a “dormant” national identity. That is, it was only until they were removed from their own cultural context that they began to self-consciously value and actively maintain their cultural heritage. In a sense, migration was a catalyst for the construction of their Mexican identity. As explored earlier, many participants spoke with pride about their culture and manifested a desire to retain it. At the same time, there was a clear and broad recognition that Mexican migrants want to be a part of and participate in Australian society and its development.

Formal citizenship and indicators of belonging In Australia the take up of citizenship by immigrant groupings varies considerably. According to the 2011 Australian Census, Figure 7.3 illustrates that around 40 per cent of Mexicans have taken up Australian citizenship52. That is, 1,312 Mexicans in Australia had Australian citizenship, while 1,906 did not (a further 37 did not state this on the census). The fact that there are many who have not taken up Australian citizenship does not necessarily mean that they do not wish to do so. Rather, it is possible that those Mexicans are ineligible to apply for formal citizenship because they do not satisfy the minimum residency requirement as permanent residents.

52 A very similar percentage of Australian citizenship uptake was found in the survey, as 37 per cent of respondents said they were Australian citizens. The correspondence in this area between the survey and the 2011 Census reinforces the results and validity of the survey.

181 Figure 7.3: Mexicans with Australian citizenship

50% 40% 40% 37%

30%

20%

10%

0% Survey 2011 Census

Of interest was to explore the interplay between formal citizenship and national identity. As expressed by the Department of Immigration and Citizenship and the Australian government through its initiatives, one way for immigrants to demonstrate their commitment to their host country is by taking up Australian citizenship (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2013b). I therefore did a cross-tabulation of national identity and Australian citizenship in which I found a very significant difference, shown in Table 7.4. Of those who identified themselves as Mexican-Australian, 74 per cent had taken up Australian citizenship. Conversely, of those who considered themselves Mexican, and not Mexican-Australian, three quarters of them did not have Australian citizenship. This is a strong finding which suggests that among this group, having Australian citizenship has an influence on the way Mexicans view their national identity and that the issue of formal citizenship could be considered an indicator of Australianness.

Table 7.4: National identity and Australian citizenship

National Identity Mexican- Mexican Australian (n = 188) (n = 78) % % Australian citizen 23 74 not Australian citizen 77 26 100 100

182 In addition to exploring respondents’ formal citizenship uptake rate, I also looked into the motivations behind people’s decisions to become naturalised as Australians. To address this question, the survey asked those 110 respondents who had Australian citizenship “What was your main reason for becoming an Australian citizen?”, to which 31 per cent answered “to be part of the Australian nation”; 29 per cent said “to be able to stay in the country, leave and come back whenever I want”; 19 per cent said “to travel internationally with fewer difficulties”; ten per cent said “to secure a stable lifestyle”; three per cent said “to be able to vote” and eight per cent said “other”. This is captured in Figure 7.4.

Figure 7.4: Respondents’ main reason for acquiring Australian citizenship

% 35 31 29 30 25 19 20 15 10 10 8 5 3 0 To be a part of To be able to To travel To secure a To be able to Other the Australian stay in the internationally stable lifestyle vote nation country, leave with fewer and come back difficulties whenever I want

These responses may be further grouped into two main categories: pragmatic/strategic and symbolic. Other than 31 per cent who want “to be part of the Australian nation”, clearly for the majority of respondents their decision for choosing to become Australian citizens was driven by pragmatic considerations such as ease of travel, for securing residency in the event of return or further migration, for access to entitlements, etc. This pragmatism with regards to the naturalisation is not unusual among immigrants in Australia (O'Connor, 2005). O’Connor found similar trends when studying Irish migrants in Australia: “Formal citizenship uptake for the study group was strategic more than symbolic, driven more by pragmatic consideration than a desire to demonstrate commitment or facilitate participation in Australian society” (2005: 257).

183 Nevertheless, it is interesting that nearly one third of respondents attached a symbolic meaning to their reasons underpinning their decision to become Australian citizens, which was related to their commitment, their sense of belonging and their gratitude to Australia. A good illustration of this sentiment is the quote from José presented above, when he talked about his Mexican-Australian identity. José not only felt very proud that Australia had accepted him as a citizen, but also said: “when I accepted the citizenship I did it in a very serious way. I have my obligations as an Australian and I try to fulfil them as best as I can”.

The issue of dual citizenship and the hypothetical question of surrendering the Mexican passport were also explored. Survey respondents were asked “If you had to, would you surrender your Mexican passport to secure Australian citizenship?” 39 per cent were not prepared to surrender their Mexican passport to attain an Australian one, 29 per cent were unsure and 28 per cent indicated their willingness to forfeit their Mexican passport (no gender differences were found). This is illustrated in Table 7.5. A reluctance to give up one’s passport may be an indication of a strong attachment and the continued identification Mexicans have with their homeland.

Table 7.5: Respondents willing to surrender their Mexican passport

pp (n = 282) % No 39 Unsure 29 Yes 28 Prefer not to say 4

Total 100

Although not a dramatic difference, an interesting finding became evident when analysing respondents’ willingness to surrender their Mexican passport by partner’s country of birth. As Table 7.6 shows, for all groups of people who are coupled, respondents were unwilling to surrender their Mexican passport (columns “Australian” and “other”) except for those who were coupled with another Mexican. For those Mexican couples, the number of respondents who would and would not forfeit their country of origin passport were the

184 same (36 per cent each). This pattern could be indicative of when Mexicans are coupled with a partner from a country other than Mexico; they tend to reinforce their Mexicanness, perhaps as a mechanism to preserve their identity.

Table 7.6: Disposition to surrender Mexican passport and partner’s country of birth

Partner's country of birth Mexican Australian Other No partner (n = 83) (n = 97) (n = 49) (n = 53) % % % % No 36 44 45 28 Unsure 24 25 24 47 Yes 36 28 22 21 Prefer not to say 4 3 8 4 Total 100 100 100 100

7.3 The ways in which Mexican immigrants retain their national identity As mentioned earlier, the survey and interviews indicated that most Mexicans in Australia actively seek to retain their Mexicanness. This was done in various ways – speaking Spanish, food preparation, attendance at Mexican festivals, etc. In this section I explore the linkages of Australia’s broader Mexican communities and activities, treating these linkages as indicators of ways in which Mexicans retain their national identity.

Table 7.7 shows the four most prominent activities in which respondents engage in Australia as a way of retaining their Mexican identity. Of 282 respondents, 59 per cent said they cook, prepare or eat Mexican food as much as they can; 53 per cent said they speak as much Spanish as they can; 49 per cent said they follow Mexican traditions and celebrations, and 41 per cent said they get involved in Mexican activities.

185 Table 7.7: Most common ethno-cultural activities

I try to cook, I follow Mexican prepare or eat as traditions, I get involved in much Mexican I speak Spanish celebrations, Mexican food as I can as much as I can feasts activities (n=167) (n=149) (n=139) (n=116) % % % % 59 53 49 41

Participation in Mexican associations to retain Mexican identity Throughout Australia, there are ethno-cultural groups which have been specifically formed by and for Mexican immigrants. These include Mexican community organisations, Mexican dance and music groups, and providers of Mexican products. All of these city- based associations cater for the cultural needs of Mexicans. For instance, the Victoria- based Mexican Social and Cultural Association of Victoria Inc. (widely known among the

Mexican community as MEXVIC, and previously called Mexbourne) was established in 53 1998 and as of mid-2013, had around 600 members . According to MEXVIC’s website, the aims of the association are summarised as: to help Mexicans to “establish an identity as a group”; to help Mexican immigrants integrate into Australian society; to help people in need (in Mexico and elsewhere), and to showcase the Mexican culture in Australia (MexVic, 2013).

A similar role is played by Sydney-based Mexican Australian Welfare Association Inc.

(MAWAI), which was founded in 1988 and was the first Mexican association in Australia.

Some of MAWAI’s aims were the promotion of Mexican culture; the provision of help to newly arrived Mexicans, to established Mexicans and to disadvantaged groups in Mexico and in Australia; and the promotion of multiculturalism in Australia. Despite MAWAI’s existence of over 20 years, this association ceased to exist in November 2011 as interest and active participation in their particular activities and events waned, and other forms of social networking became more popular.

The Facebook group “Mexicanos en Australia” (formed in May 2008) is a very active group with questions and comment by Mexicans (mainly in Australia) about life in

53 This number was provided by the president of the organisation. He noted that those 600 are only a rough estimation as many Mexican households, which have more than one Mexican, only have one registered MEXVIC member.

186 Australia. According to their self-representation this group is “For all the Mexicans that are living Down Under. The group was created to share, help and collaborate among Mexicans living in Australia or interested in Australia” (Facebook, 2013). As of May 2013 this group had over 1,000 members. Three lines of activity/conversation seem to dominate this group. Firstly, “Mexicanos en Australia” has proved an excellent medium for promoting Mexican events, most especially Sydney and Melbourne-based Independence Day celebrations. Secondly, it functions as an information exchange forum for people who need advice either about immigration to Australia (mainly for Mexicans still in Mexico wanting to migrate) or about life in Australia for Mexicans already settled in Australia. Thirdly, Mexican entrepreneurs (mainly in Australia) frequently use this group to advertise their businesses (cuisine, food products, jewellery, etc).

All of these groups organise Mexican activities and celebrate traditions, holidays and other occasions commonly celebrated by Mexicans in Mexico. For instance, MEXVIC and

MAWAI (before its dissolution) formally organise events for the celebration of Independence Day (16th of September) and Mother’s Day (10th of May). Through the Facebook group “Mexicans in Australia” less formally constituted groups have also dedicated events for celebrating Independence Day every year. These events are well attended every year with tickets selling out often days in advance of the events. The most popular event is El Grito (Independence Day).

Although membership of these groups and participation in Mexican activities may be a way of consciously retaining national identity, it is also possible that such participation is viewed as a tool for ameliorating difficulties related to migration. As suggested by the networks theory discussed in Chapter Two, ethno-cultural associations like MEXVIC,

MAWAI and the Facebook group are networks that provide information to newcomers and bring people together (Bauer & Zimmermann, 1995). Migration is a very challenging and uprooting experience as people leave family and social networks behind. Membership of these associations is an opportunity to meet fellow Mexicans, and it does not necessarily reflect a strong desire to retain national identity nor to be affiliated to the culture.

187

Figure 7.5: El Grito celebrations in Federation Square, Melbourne. 16th September 2012

The use of Mexican cultural events to retain Mexican identity In narrating how Mexicans celebrated Mexican culture in Australia, many respondents referenced Mexican cultural events and traditions such as Independence Day, 10 de mayo (Mother’s Day), birthdays with piñatas, Rosca de Reyes (Epiphany), and Día de Muertos (Day of the Dead), among others.

Table 7.8: Most common Mexican cultural events and traditions

% of 282 Independence Day 65 Mother's Day (10th of May) 51 Birthdays with piñatas 44 Rosca de Reyes 43 Día de muertos 39

None 15

Regardless of their motivation for celebrating Mexican events, the tradition most significantly celebrated was El grito on Independence Day among two thirds of survey

188 respondents. Every 15th of September Mexicans commemorate and relive the historical events that happened in 1810 when the 21 year-long war of Independence from Spain was set in motion. This civic holiday is the most celebrated national day in Mexico. The official public holiday is on the 16th, though the party is celebrated on the late evening of the 15th. Likewise in Australia, Mexicans party on this night, dress in green, white and red national colours, eat traditional foods, sing Mexican songs and at midnight commemorate the “cry of independence” as it happens in every public square in every town in Mexico. In Sydney I have observed the close resemblance of these reenactments to the way we celebrate this event in Mexico. Such faithful similarity seems attributable to the fairly young age of migrants and their recent migration experience. Given that the bulk of Mexicans have been in Australia for a relatively short period of time (mean of 5.8 years), their fresh enthusiasm replenishes such events with a palpable authenticity.

Figure 7.6: El Grito celebrations in Federation Square, Melbourne. 16th September 2012

There are now enough Mexicans in Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane for these Mexican events to be celebrated with gusto. This is in line with Claude Fischer’s theory of subculture. Fischer (1995) argues that a crucial ingredient for the strengthening of national identity is having an adequate population so that the group in question has the capacity to set up organisations and celebrate cultural events pertaining to their country of origin. Also, Mexicans reported feeling sufficiently welcomed and encouraged in Australia to publicly celebrate and share their traditions with pride. For example, in the open-ended

189 survey question of other ways in which Mexicans try to retain their Mexican identity in Australia, survey respondents said:

Being Mexican is my primary attraction in order for the Australians to get close to me; therefore I always proudly introduce myself as a Mexican.

Being one of very few Mexicans in Perth has given me the opportunity to get involved in activities to promote Mexico and its culture. When we are so few, our actions have more impact.

For the few respondents who resided in small towns where they were perhaps the only Mexican family, celebrating Mexican holidays was not possible:

In the area of Queensland that I live in, my sister and I are the only Mexicans. This makes it hard to follow traditions, as there aren't any big groups to join. Same goes for ingredients to prepare nice Mexican food... unless we go to Brisbane, there's absolutely nothing around here.

Mexicans in Australia also preserve the distinctive solemnity of Mother’s Day (a fixed date on the 10th of May) as 51 per cent of respondents reported doing so - a surprisingly high figure given the large number of migrants who would be physically separated from their parents. Despite there not being a public holiday in Mexico, most Mexicans celebrate this day with their families in ways similar to other nationalities, such as going out for dinner, gift giving and pampering their mothers; but Mexico City, for example, is almost paralysed on this day as employers are obliged to let their employees leave work early, and traffic after lunch is invariably chaotic. In a strong way, the magnitude of such an event reveals the importance that the family and, in particular mothers, play in Mexican life. Chapter Nine further discusses the role of women and includes a discussion of Mexican households and gender roles in Australia.

190 Cuisine and Identity Cuisine has long been recognised as an important part of people’s cultures and as a binding element for national communities (Pilcher, 1998). The distinctive Mexican cuisine has played a significant role in the construction of the Mexican nation and Mexican identity (Pilcher, 1998). Many of the respondents and the interviewees mentioned the centrality of Mexican cuisine for the retention of a Mexican identity. In the survey questionnaire, 59 per cent of respondents said they continue to cook Mexican food now that they are in Australia. Pilcher elaborates on the day-to-day importance of Mexican cuisine to the identity of Mexicans. He argues that “cuisine and other seemingly mundane aspects of daily life compose an important part of the cultures that bind people into national communities” (Pilcher, 1998: 2). Alejandra, 41, who has been in Australia for 20 years and is married to an Australian explained,

Food is something that UNITES us as Mexicans. Wherever you go, there is comilón [a great deal of food] and it is part of the culture. It is also a way of expressing affection to the other person whom you are inviting to eat. I think Mexicans have a lot of respect for their own people, particularly towards the family and friends – a form of respect that is different from what I can feel here.

At least half of the interviewees stated, along the same lines as Alejandra, that food is an important part of their Mexican identity and it has a particular importance for expressing affection to other people. Mexicans would go to great lengths to cook special dishes for family and friends (Pilcher, 1998).

Figure 7.7: Chiles en nogada54 in Australia

54 Chiles en nogada are a very labour-intensive traditional dish from Mexican cuisine. The dish consists of chiles poblano (dark green chilli pepper when ripe) stuffed with picadillo (a mixture of minced beef and/or

191

As shown earlier in Table 7.7, not only did the majority of respondents state that they try to cook or eat as much Mexican food as possible, but in fact, from the various questions on the ways in which Mexicans try to retain their Mexican identity, cooking and eating Mexican food had the highest response rate. Likewise, when interviewees talked about the ways in which they live their Mexicanness in Australia, several of them emphasised the ways they have strengthened their Mexican identity through food after migration. Anita, 45, said that since she migrated in 1996, she has acquired more interest in learning more about her cultural heritage, including traditional Mexican food:

Even within the home [I have become more interested in things about my country]. I did not know how to make birria [spicy Mexican meat stew served during festive occasions]. I did not know how to make pozole [traditional pre-Colombian soup made with hominy]. I had to learn how to make it here! I was embarrassed and said to myself: “How is it possible that I don’t know how to cook that?” Now I feel very proud because I sometimes invite my [Aussie] sisters-in-law and they love it. That is real Mexican food!

It is important to note the gendered nature of preparing Mexican food, something that Pilcher (1998) discusses in his book at length. Of those respondents who said they cook and eat Mexican food in Australia, nearly two thirds are women. During interviews, many women mentioned how it was important for them to cook Mexican food here in Australia and how that was part of their identity. A Mexican proverb captures the importance of cooking skills for women in Mexican society by defining “a good housewife as one who fed her family well” (Pilcher, 1998: 14-15). In my own case, as a young girl, I recall vividly a family friend complimenting my first attempts at cooking by saying “you are now ready to be married”.

Paloma, 35, said that cooking Mexican food has not been her strongest asset, but she still makes daily frijoles and occasionally very elaborate Mexican food. pork, fruits and spices) topped with nogada (a walnut-based creamy sauce) and pomegranate seeds. The ingredients of the dish are representative of the Mexican flag: green for the chilli, white for the nogada and red for the pomegranate. The traditional season for eating chiles en nogada is September, the time of the year when pomegranates are in season in central Mexico and which coincides with the Independence Day festivities.

192

We always have black beans [frijoles] at home. Frijoles are basic in our home and it is not something that we [my New Zealander husband] make a particular effort to cook. There are other dishes that we do make a special effort to cook, for example cochinita pibil or tamales... Food might not be the strongest element for me to withhold my cultural identity, but it does have an influence. For example, since I knew before migrating that I was not going to find Oaxaca cheese here in Australia, I took a course on how to make it before I came.

Figure 7.8: Tamales55

For Ignacio, 30, cooking Mexican food in itself is not the only significant thing, but also following the Mexican way of daily meals:

I like Mexican food very much; and I like international food. But I much prefer Mexican food. My [American] girlfriend also likes Mexican food and she tries cooking Mexican food at home, so we are happy in that regard. The only thing is that I do not like to have a big meal in the evening… I am used to having light meals at night, maybe some cereal or some quesadillas [corn or wheat flour tortilla filled with cheese and/or other savoury ingredients, typically folded in half], or sincronizadas [wheat flour tortilla- based sandwich filled with ham and cheese].

55 Tamales are an old traditional dish from the Mesoamerican region. Tamales are made of a corn and lard- based dough, wrapped in a leaf wrapper (either corn husks or banana leaf) and steamed. Tamales are stuffed with a variety of ingredients according to taste: meats, fruits, salsas, vegetables, or chilli.

193

In Mexico, both breakfast and lunch tend to be heavy meals, while dinner is generally very light (unless it is a special occasion). However, in Australia and many other countries, dinner tends to be the most important and heaviest meal of the day.

The increase in the number of Mexicans in Australia in the past 10 years – and especially in the past five years – has led to an increase, albeit still small, of a Mexican (or “Mexican”) visual presence in major Australian cities. For instance, in Coronado’s (2003) article on her self-reflections of representations of Mexican culture in Australia, she outlines some of the representations of the diasporic identity of Mexicans she has encountered in Australia, such as groups of Mexicans, events, food, and artefacts. Coronado argues that “the dynamics of social and cultural interaction create multiple paradoxes” and that such dynamics transform the development, creation and even invention of identities during the migration process (2003: 112). Some of the narratives of my respondents (responses to open-ended questions) and interviewees resonate with Coronado’s assessment in that the representation of Mexican culture, particularly of food, is “invented”. When talking about the way Mexicans are perceived in Australia, one interviewee, Susana, said that very little is known of Mexicans in Australia, and what is known, is more a stereotype of Mexicanness and less so of traditional Mexican culture. In terms of food, she said,

We are like a question mark for them, and we are mainly known by stereotypes. Of what is known, mariachi or tacos, I tell them here: “What you know here as Mexican food is Tex-Mex, guys”. It is not really traditional.

It would appear that such representations of Mexican identities are “internalised and used consciously or unconsciously in everyday life” by both Mexicans and non-Mexicans alike (Coronado, 2003: 112). Because “diasporic communities recreate a culture and identity which is related to the culture of origin but [which] evolves in new ways to relate to the new external environment” (Coronado, 2003: 113), the presence of Mexican things in Australia has expanded significantly.

194 Figure 7.9: Mexican presence on Australian streets

195

Figure 7.10: Mexican food and Mexican restaurants in Australia

196

Figure 7.11: Sale of Mexican products in retail stores in Australia

197

The number of Mexican restaurants has grown exponentially in recent years. According to the Urbanspoon website, which describes itself as “the world's leading provider of time- critical dining data”, there were 50 Mexican restaurants in Melbourne and another 50 in Sydney (Urbanspoon, 2013a, 2013b). Goodfood, an important food magazine in Australia, published on their website an extensive review on the recent “Mexican wave” that is “sweeping the city [Sydney] as Australians fully embrace one of the planet's most celebrated cuisines” (Webb, 2013). Of course not all of these restaurants are Mexican- owned but indeed many Australians and other non-Mexican migrants to Australia are benefiting from this “Mexican craze”.

The findings show that for most Mexicans in Australia, Mexican food is a strong element of their identity and nearly all respondents, when asked to mention which aspects of Mexican life they valued that could not be found in Australia, Mexican food was the number one response after family.

Language spoken at home and retention of identity Although language is one of many features that mark identity, language is regarded as the “benchmark for cultural diversity because virtually every major aspect of human culture... is dependent on language for its transmission” (Romaine, 2011: 9). Language is not merely a means of human communication, but also “a symbol of cultural and social unity and division, a fundamental mechanism of self-presentation and social identity” (Pellegrino Aveni, 2005: 1). Romaine (2011: 8) argues that “[L]anguage has probably always played and will continue to play a critical role not simply in articulating identities, but also in actively constructing them.” Many of the interviewees commented that the Spanish language was integral to their identity. For example, Paloma – a 35 year old with a doctoral degree from an Australian university and educated in an English-Spanish bilingual private school – said Spanish is very important for her Mexican identity:

A mother tongue is what allows you to communicate instantly with people who share your same background. Language is extremely complex because it is not only that we speak Spanish, but we speak Mexican. More specifically, the Spanish that we speak is the one that our generation speaks. The language that we establish between

198 us, with you, with my friends, with my siblings, is a different language to the one that I use with my mum. It is a different language that I use with other Latin-Americans. That gives us a level of interaction much more intimate, much more filial, with a profound understanding. It is difficult to establish that profound understanding, which is much related to our history, and also with our own personal history, with other people of a different language. In the end, that common understanding and being on the same wavelength is what makes part of your identity and is part of your culture. That is why it is difficult to achieve that level of understanding and identification with a different culture, because that understanding at such intimate level is not possible. For me, it is impossible.

When Paloma says that she uses a “different [Spanish] language” depending on who she is talking to, either people her age or her mother, she clearly illustrates how language is relational and plays a role in constructing the identities of individuals (Joseph, 2004). “People negotiate their identities when they come into contact so as to align or distance themselves from one another” (Romaine, 2011: 13). Also, language carries extensive cultural content, that is, much of “our history, and also of our own personal history” because language is in large part culture-specific (Romaine, 2011). Therefore, Mexican Spanish is not the same as the Spanish from other Spanish-speaking countries. Even within Mexico there are regional variants of Mexican Spanish and various accents which differentiate people from others (Greet Cotton & Sharp, 1988; Lope Blanch, 2004). In that sense, language functions as an identity marker (Romaine, 2011).

The survey found that more than half of Mexicans in Australia try to speak Spanish whenever the opportunity arises and 51 per cent reported socialising with fellow Mexicans as a way of retaining their Mexican identity. The language spoken at home by Mexicans in Australia varied. Just under four in ten respondents said that they speak “mainly Spanish at home” (39 per cent); one third said that they spoke “mainly English” (33 per cent), and 24 per cent spoke a combination of English and Spanish. The remaining four per cent chose the “other” option and mentioned French, Catalan, Italian, German and Hebrew as other languages spoken at home, mainly because these were their spouses’ first languages.

199 Of those who mainly speak English at home, nearly half have an Australian partner, one quarter have a partner that is not Mexican or Australian and another quarter do not have a partner. Only three respondents with Mexican spouses said that they speak English at home. That is, if we exclude people not married/in a relationship to a Mexican, the proportion that speaks Spanish at home is 91 per cent56. The findings show that speaking English at home does not weaken their Mexican identity given that 66 per cent of them consider themselves Mexican and 29 per cent consider themselves Mexican-Australian. The remaining respondents considered themselves either Australian or “other”.

Only 19 per cent of respondents said they mainly speak English to their children (Table 7.9 “Language spoken between respondents and their children”). More than half of these respondents have an Australian spouse and one quarter have a partner from a country of origin other than Mexican or Australian. Research has shown the relevance of the role of a non-Spanish speaking partner in maintaining Spanish in the children, that is, Martín found (2011: 303) that “[T]he crucial factor in determining if children would maintain Spanish was the actual support of the non-Hispanic partner with acts and not intentions.” Of particular interest is that of the survey respondents married to Australians, over 70 per cent are women and only 30 per cent are men. Given the ample literature which suggests that “children with minority-language-speaking mothers end[ed] up becoming more proficient bilinguals than those with minority-language-speaking fathers” (Martín, 2011: 285), the findings of this study raise possible implications among Mexicans for Spanish language transmission to children.

Table 7.9: Language spoken between respondents and their children

Language spoken between respondents and their children n % Mainly Spanish 78 70 Mainly English 21 19 Other 12 11

Total 111 100

56 If one only looks at those respondents currently in a relationship with a Mexican partner/spouse (n = 76), excluding divorced and separated, 91 per cent mainly speak Spanish at home (n = 69), one per cent mainly speak English (n = 1), seven per cent combination of English and Spanish (n = 5), and one per cent speak other languages at home (n = 1).

200 Of those respondents who have children, seven in ten said that they speak to their children principally in Spanish (see Table 7.9). Also during interviews most interviewees said that they would like their children to learn Spanish. For example, Alejandra (a 41 year old upper-middle class married woman from Mexico City) said, “I speak to my baby boy only in Spanish”. This speaking of Spanish within the household indicates a strong determination to hold on to a Mexican identity – an intergenerational transmission that has been found to be key for the survival of a language spoken by minority groups (Fishman, 1990). An important explanation for speaking to children in Spanish is that immigrants want to share something “intimate” with their offspring and speaking in their mother tongue is one way of achieving this (Reyes, 2011). Although the findings of Bourhis et al. (1979) and Vaes and Wicklund (2002) suggest that some immigrants tend to adhere to their language of origin in order not to compromise their cultural identity, this study found that Mexicans do not feel threatened speaking Spanish in Australia (as opposed to many Mexicans in the United States) and therefore speak Spanish in public and do not feel constrained.

A second explanation for using the mother tongue in the new country is for giving children an extra asset, for differentiating them from other people, particularly those who are monolingual, giving them greater opportunities in today’s global interconnected world (Bhattacharjee, 2012; Bono & Stratilaki, 2009). Adrián expressed this clearly when saying that it is important for him that his children know Spanish:

It is important for me that my kids continue speaking Spanish because in the future, I think maybe in 20 years, although Chinese will be maybe more useful, I do think that being able to speak two languages will give them advantages over people that can only speak English.

Martín (2011: 283) contends that today in Australia, “educational settings still favour monolingualism in English as the identity associated with success.” This study found that many Mexicans in Australia consider English proficiency to be the key to accessing mainstream Anglo Australian culture. Paloma, who is an academic, commented,

I try to adapt to the mainstream Anglo-Saxon culture and I recognise that my language is not the language spoken here in

201 Australia. We are in a culture where English is the main language and you have to adapt and to a certain extent, to be part of this culture. It is very important to learn the language that they speak in order to communicate at least to a certain extent. That does not mean that you are going to forget your mother tongue. No. On the contrary. I read books in Spanish so I do not forget Spanish. And I foster it and follow it with the other part of my brain. On the other hand, you have to absorb the language of the country in which you are.

Experiencing discrimination An unexpected finding of this study was that over a quarter of respondents had experienced what they perceived to be discrimination. As explored earlier in this chapter, real or perceived hostility encourages people to retain their identity and create stronger ties among those who are similar (Phinney et al., 2001). Despite being middle class and proficient in English, 28 per cent of survey respondents (captured in Table 7.10) and more than one third of interviewees said that they had experienced discrimination in Australia mainly based on their accent and English proficiency, and, to a lesser extent, based on other attributes such as race or ethnicity.

Table 7.10: Experience of discrimination in Australia

Have you ever felt discriminated against in Australia for being Mexican? n % Yes 78 28 No 198 70 Prefer not to say 6 2 Total 282 100

The two quotes below on the topic of discrimination in Australia were taken from the last question in the survey questionnaire. As mentioned, it was an open-ended question which allowed respondents to elaborate on specific topics if they wished to do so. At least six survey respondents left commentaries related to discrimination in Australia in this open- ended question.

202 After the first 6 months in Australia I realised some Australian citizens are fed up with migration, thus acquiring racist and discriminatory behaviours towards foreigners (especially Indians and Asians). (Male survey respondent, settled in 2009, lives in Melbourne)

I have had a really good experience living in Australia, but sometimes it is difficult because no matter what, I will always be an immigrant and some Australians don't like immigrants taking opportunities from them. (Female survey respondent, settled in 2003, lives in Sydney)

Some interviewees mentioned that having a Mexican accent hampered the development of an “Australian identity” and therefore prevented them from genuinely feeling as if they belonged to the Australian community. Interestingly, O’Connor (2005) studying Irish migrants in Australia, for whom English is their native language, also found that their accents precluded them from being considered Australian. For the Irish, their accent was seen by some as advantageous and by others not; while for the Mexicans, in most cases their Mexican accent was not seen positively. Survey findings shown in Table 7.11 indicate that as many as 50 per cent of respondents have felt disadvantaged in Australia because of their accent.

Table 7.11: Feeling disadvantaged because of accent57

Feeling disadvantaged because of accent n % Always 11 4 Often 40 14 50% Sometimes 91 32 Rarely 90 32 Never 50 18

Total 282 100

57 The exact wording of the multiple-choice question was: “How often do you feel disadvantaged because of your accent (e.g. on phone calls)?”

203 The topic of discrimination and language was explored by several interviewees. Numerous people recounted considerable obstacles to expressing themselves among Australians, despite most having a solid command of the English language. Those interviewees who experienced disadvantages mainly talked about the workplace. This is examined in Chapter Eight. Participants also talked about the relationship between accent and identity.

Guadalupe remarked that part of her identity is to speak Spanish, but she has had several incidents of discrimination:

It is only until recently that I have tried to adopt the Australian accent. And I try to adopt it because people here are very racist and if you don’t speak like them they tell you “WHAT?” Siento que te hacen el feo [I feel that they look down on you]. But for a long time I did not change my Mexican accent because I said “I am Mexican and I don’t want to be fake and adopt your pinche58 acento [damn accent] because that is not how I speak”. I did not like it, I felt a bit fake. It is only till recently that I’ve adopted it a bit more.

Research has identified that non-native accents can be a barrier to communication and interaction with others, and can lead to social stigma, and sometimes discrimination (Creese, 2010; Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010). Despite excellent English language competence, Guadalupe’s accent made her feel vulnerable compared to local speakers. Furthermore, when Guadalupe tried controlling her natural pronunciation to aim for a local Australian accent, she felt as if she was fabricating part of her identity, something that made her feel uncomfortable.

On the last open-ended question of the survey, a male respondent wrote how he perceived that in the eyes of Australians, his accent (and country of birth) precluded him from being Australia:

I have experienced certain levels of discrimination in Australia […] Most Australians born here [claim] they alone are the real

58 "Pinche" is Spanish slang only used in Mexico. That means that not every other non-Mexican Spanish speaker would recognise the word. Pinche is a very versatile word and it is commonly used as an insult. Being an adjective, pinche is used either before a vilifying noun or to refer to an object or uncomfortable situation. The English equivalent would be “damn or bloody something”.

204 Australians. In my case, even having an Australian passport, I am still considered Mexican because I was not born here and because of my accent. (Male survey respondent, settled in 2006, lives in Melbourne)

7.4 Conclusion This chapter discussed the ways Mexicans in Australia perceive their identity. In the first section I explored the concept of “Mexicanness”. While there was no unique version among participants of what it is to be Mexican, what this study revealed is that most Mexicans in Australia retain their cultural identity. When interviewees spoke about what being Mexican meant to them, most talked about history, culture, food and language. These narratives were almost always peppered with feelings of pride. Interestingly, for some participants, the longer they had been in Australia, the more they wanted to learn about their Mexican culture and retain it – something that Mahalingam (2006b) calls “cultural essentialism”, common among migrants.

Considering that about a third of Mexicans in Australia have an Australian spouse, it was of note to find that being in such intercultural relationships had little impact on weakening the participants’ sense of Mexican identity. Using Berry’s (2003) concept of acculturation, I found that most Mexicans in Australia follow an integrationist strategy, as they retain their culture of origin and successfully interact with the Australian culture.

A minority of respondents regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian. These people’s sense of belonging to Australia derived mainly from feeling thankful for the opportunities that Australia had afforded them, most especially, in terms of quality of life. For these Mexican-Australian respondents, their Australian side was also linked to having taken up Australian citizenship, although for several of them, their skin pigmentation and their non- Australian accent precluded them from feeling fully Australian.

Most parents (or parents to be) openly expressed their wish for their children to retain their Mexican cultural heritage, yet they all accepted that their children would have a strong Australian identity due to them being raised in Australia. According to interviewees, the national identity of their children was not as strongly Mexican as the one of their parents, as less than one quarter of these children regarded themselves as Mexican. Noteworthy is

205 that the parents’ identity seemed to have played a role in the formation of their children’s national identity. That is, children of parents who regarded themselves as Mexicans were more likely to regard themselves as Mexican, and the same trend was true for those who regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian.

Among those who had taken up Australian citizenship, the majority had been motivated by pragmatic reasons such as ease of travel, securing the possibility of coming back in the case of further migration, etc. Yet, the minority who said to have been motivated by symbolic reasons – nearly one third of respondents – took up Australian citizenship in order to be part of the nation.

In this chapter I also looked at the ways in which Mexicans try to retain their culture of origin. An important finding of this chapter was that the majority of participants seek ways of retaining their Mexican culture. Most commonly cited were participation in Mexican events (mainly El Grito – Independence Day), cooking Mexican food and continuation with the use of the Spanish language. Mexican cuisine and the Spanish language were both factors that interviewees revealed as integral to their identity.

The last section of this chapter addressed the finding that some respondents had experienced discrimination in Australia. Discrimination against Mexicans was mainly attributed to their non-Australian accent, despite the vast majority being proficient in English. This perceived discrimination had implications for the respondents’ identities. Several interviewees commented that having a Mexican accent hampered the development of an “Australian identity” and therefore prevented them from genuinely feeling as if they belonged to the Australian community. However, when interviewees recounted obstacles they had faced and their experiences of disadvantage because of the language, they mainly talked about the workplace. This topic is explored in the following chapter, Chapter Eight – along with other topics related to employment, income and social class.

206 Chapter 8 – Employment, income and class location of Mexicans in Australia

8.1 Introduction In this chapter I focus on employment, income and class location. First, the chapter presents a profile of respondents’ occupational structure and income. It will be shown that overall and particularly in terms of employment, Mexicans in Australia are a successful group when compared to similar Latin American migrants in Australia. Of course, not all respondents were doing well and many had struggled initially. The interview material was particularly revealing in that the employment transition from Mexico to Australia was difficult for many migrants. This chapter is divided into five sections. I first examine labour market participation, employment profiles and responsibility level in the workplace. Then I examine job satisfaction. It appears that there is a high level of work satisfaction among survey respondents. However, I also found that a significant number of people were forced to take jobs below their skill level, particularly when they first joined the Australian labour market. Hence, I explore their experiences of “deprofessionalisation”. I then explore three areas in which respondents and interviewees found difficulties in the area of work, namely needing Australian experience to find their first job in Australia, not getting their skills recognised and the barriers associated with not having English as their mother tongue. The study accords with a growing body of research which has found that the main barriers to employment for skilled migrants are lack of local work experience, skill and qualification recognition and language proficiency (Birrell & Healy, 2008; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Ho & Alcorso, 2004; Ressia, 2010).

8.2 Labour Market Participation According to the 2011 Census data reproduced in Table 8.1, 57 per cent of Mexican-born people in Australia were in the work force (38 per cent were working full-time, 19 per cent were working part-time and three per cent were employed, away from work); six per cent were looking for a job (three per cent for full-time work and another three per cent for part- time work); and 24 per cent were not in the labour force. Of interest is the considerable difference between males and females with regards to full-time employment: 50 per cent of

207 the male respondents were employed full-time, while for women it was only 27 per cent59. The section on gender roles below explores this situation in detail.

More than half of the 2011 Census respondents (62 per cent) – were not working full-time, suggesting that some people are struggling 60. A significant proportion of respondents were job seeking/unemployed. Considering that the rate of unemployment in Australia is 5.4 per cent, it is significant that six percent of Mexicans reported being unemployed. It is important to remember that Mexican-born people have not been in Australia for long and the success of migrants in the labour market is also a function of time. Table 8.1 does suggest that a fair proportion of Mexicans have been affected by downward mobility.

Table 8.1: Labour Market Participation

Male Female Total (n = 1,558) (n = 1,697) (n = 3,255) % % % Employed, worked full-time 50 27 38 Employed, worked part-time 15 22 19 Employed, away from work1 3 3 3 Unemployed, looking for full-time work 3 3 3 Unemployed, looking for part-time work 3 4 3 Not in the labour force 15 32 24 Not stated 0 1 1 Not applicable 11 8 10 Total 100% 100% 100%

Data Source: 2011 Census of Population and Housing 1 The category 'Employed, away from work' in the 2011 census also includes persons who stated they worked but who did not state the number of hours worked.

When comparing Mexican and Australian females in terms of labour market participation, according to the 2011 Australian Census, there was little difference. Of all Mexican women in Australia, 27 per cent were employed in full-time work, while this was true for 21 per cent of Australian-born women. 32 per cent of Mexican women were not in the

59 My survey figures are similar and illustrate that nearly twice as many Mexican men than women hold full- time work: 69 per cent of all Mexican-born males work full-time and only 38 per cent of all Mexican-born females do. The correspondence in this area between my survey and the 2011 Census reinforce the validity of the results of my survey. 60 According to my survey this figure is up to 52 per cent.

208 labour force, while that figure was 29 per cent for Australian-females. In every other category of labour market participation the differences were minimal61.

8.3 The employment profile The large majority (74 per cent) of respondents to my survey were professionals and/or held occupations at managerial levels before migrating to Australia. This was mentioned briefly in Chapter Four and is now presented in detail in Table 8.2. 2011 Census data on the occupations and professions of the Mexican-born prior to migration are not available; however, census data once they arrived in Australia are comprehensive.

Table 8.2: Occupations and Professions of migrants in Mexico prior to migration to Australia

(n=282) % Students 13 non - IT Engineering 12 Other Professionals 11 IT Engineers 11 Business Professionals 10 Clerks and other non-professionals 10 Arts and Media Professionals 7 Accounting Professionals 7 Scientists 6 Managers nfd 6 Architects and Designers 4 Other 3 Total 100%

Data Source: Author's survey, 2010 * nfd: no further description provided

What Table 8.2 indicates is that most respondents were either engineers or various types of professionals. Only 10 per cent of survey respondents said they were clerical or were employed in other non-professional occupations in Mexico.

61 Except for the category “not applicable” in which 23 per cent of Australian females and 8 per cent of Mexican females were located; this category encompasses mainly people under the legal age to work.

209 Once in Australia, most respondents continued to hold administrative, managerial and professional roles – all well within the “white collar” job category. According to the 2011 Census, shown in Table 8.3, nearly half of Mexicans in Australia were managers or professionals (13 and 36 per cent respectively). Gender differences were found in this regard. Of all the Mexican-females, only 43 per cent held professional and/or managerial positions once in Australia, while the same was true for 55 per cent of Mexican-males (more on gender and employment outcomes below). The gender differences were higher when specifically looking at the category of managerial position, in which 17 per cent of Mexican men were occupied, while this was true only for nine per cent of Mexican women.

Table 8.3: Respondents by paid occupation in Australia

Male Female Total (n = 1,036) (n = 882) (n = 1,918) % % % Managers 17 9 13 Professionals 38 34 36 Technicians and Trades Workers 12 5 8 Community and Personal Service Workers 9 18 13 Clerical and Administrative Workers 8 21 14 Sales Workers 6 8 7 Machinery Operators and Drivers 4 0 2 Labourers 6 6 6 Total 100% 100% 100%

Data Source: 2011 Census of Population and Housing * This table excludes the following 3 categories: "Inadequately described", "Not stated" and "Not applicable"

As few as 15 per cent of 2011 Census Mexican-born respondents were occupied in low- skilled jobs such as “sales workers”, “machinery operators and drivers” and “labourers”. My survey found very similar figures; as few as 12 per cent of survey respondents were performing general low-skilled jobs at the time of the survey, a category which included jobs for babysitters, restaurant staff, cleaners, labourers and retailers. Given that most respondents when in Mexico and before migration were mainly professionals and/or managers and none of them reported to be performing low-skilled jobs, it is noteworthy that about one in eight Mexicans had low-skilled jobs in Australia. The interview material revealed that the majority of these respondents took low-skilled jobs on a temporary basis

210 while they “found their feet” in Australia and this type of employment did not necessarily represent a final career position for them. Further details gleaned from the interview material on people performing low-skilled jobs are explored in subsequent sections in this chapter. However, before moving on, I first present the results on employment outcomes of Mexicans in Australia from an international comparison analysis.

In order to better assess the employment outcome of Mexicans in Australia, using the Australian 2011 Census data, I did a comparison of qualifications – the primary human capital factor – against both a selection of other migrant countries and the Australian-born population62. The method I followed in this section is reliant on Colic-Peisker’s (2011) recent study of the success of different birthplace groups in Australia to translate their skills and qualifications into appropriate jobs. Colic-Peisker’s main conclusion is that non- English speaking background (NESB) immigrants have worse employment outcomes than the Australian-born and UK-born, a finding which confirms previous research in this area (Ho & Alcorso, 2004).

Although Colic-Peisker controlled for language proficiency (by looking only at those who described their English level as “very good” in the 2011 Census) and for length of residence in Australia (by only looking at those who have been in Australia for 10 or more years), I made no exclusions based on these criteria because, given the small and recent arrival of Mexicans in Australia, I would have been left with a very small dataset. While the analysis presented here has these caveats, it still sheds light and confirms the main findings of this thesis with regards to employment outcomes.

The census data categories were further customised for presentation in Table 8.4 below, again, following Colic-Peisker’s (2011) categories. Census data on education level were condensed into two groups – “tertiary educated” and “vocationally educated” (individuals with no post-school qualification were excluded from this analysis to concentrate on those individuals who had made educational investments in their own employment outcomes). Data employment categories were condensed into four groups: “professionals”, “para- professionals”, “medium-skilled jobs”, and “manual and semi-skilled jobs”.

62 The 2011 census data were cross-tabulated using the online software “Table Builder” provided free of charge by the ABS website.

211 I cross-tabulated employment outcomes with qualification levels by country of birth. The birthplace groups chosen were: Australia, Mexico, Brazil, Colombia and South Africa. With Australia as the destination country, the obvious reason to choose the native-born population was to compare and contrast it with the Mexican migrant population. The other groups chosen, Brazil, Colombia and South Africa, were selected for the same reasons mentioned in Chapter Four. Brazil and Colombia are both Latin American countries with comparable migration patterns to Mexicans in Australia; moreover, both their populations in Australia share similar tertiary education patterns to Australia’s Mexican group. South Africa was also chosen because it shares similar patterns to the migration of Mexicans in Australia, namely, middle-class professionals with significant crime and violence concerns; however, an important difference is that most of the South African immigrants have English as their first language. The results are shown in Table 8.4.

Table 8.4: Employment outcomes for the vocationally and tertiary educated: international comparison based on selected countries

Birthplace Australia Mexico Brazil Colombia South Africa (n = 3,983,855) (n = 1,607) (n = 7,290) (n = 6,140) (n = 67,274) % % % % %

Professionals3 62 46 37 33 61 1 Para-professionals4 17 15 13 10 20 5

Tertiary Medium skilled-jobs 17 28 33 31 15 educated Manual and semi-skilled jobs6 5 10 17 27 4

Professionals3 12 15 12 9 20 2 Para-professionals4 13 12 8 7 15 Medium skilled-jobs5 56 52 53 53 52 educated Vocationally Manual and semi-skilled jobs6 19 21 26 31 13

Data Source: 2011 Census of Population and Housing

1 The “tertiary educated” group includes the three Census categories of “Postgraduate Degree Level”, “Graduate Diploma and Graduate Certificate Level” and “Bachelor Degree Level”. 2 The “vocationally educated” group includes “Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level” and “Certificate Level” categories. 3 The category of “Professionals” includes teachers, engineers, doctors, accountants, etc. 4 The category of “Para-professionals” includes managers. 5 The category of “medium-skilled jobs” includes the census categories of “Technicians and Trades Worker”, “Community and Personal Service Workers” and “Clerical and Administrative Workers”. 6 The category of “Manual and semi-skilled jobs” includes “Sales Workers”, “Machinery Operators and Drivers”, and “Labourers”.

Table 8.4 illustrates the relationship between educational qualifications and employment status. The data show that only five per cent of Australians and four per cent of South Africans who have a tertiary education hold a manual or semi-skilled job. In contrast, 10

212 per cent of Mexican, 17 per cent of Brazilian and 27 per cent of Colombian-born tertiary educated people are employed in a manual semi-skilled job. Although Mexican-born people remain behind the two Anglophone countries, they exceed their two Latin American counterparts. Another situation in which Mexico does comparatively better than Brazil and Colombia is for the tertiary-educated to secure professional jobs, at 46 vs. 37 and 33 per cent respectively. Yet, when compared to Australian-born tertiary educated, Mexicans lag 16 per cent points behind (62 vs. 46).

Less variation was identified between birthplace groups among those who are vocationally educated but who are performing professional jobs. Interestingly, Table 8.4 shows that those who are South African-born and vocationally-trained do best at achieving professional jobs (20 per cent), followed by Mexicans (15 per cent), Australians and then Brazilians (both at 12 per cent). On the other hand, Colombians have the worst outcomes of this group, achieving only nine per cent of professional jobs among the vocationally trained. It is noteworthy that among those who were in professional jobs and vocationally trained slightly more Mexican-born than Australian-born (15 vs. 12 per cent) were identified.

These findings indicate that the employment outcomes of NESB immigrants with tertiary qualifications tend to be worse than Australian-born and other ESB individuals (in this case, South Africans), yet, when compared to other immigrant groups sharing comparable historic and socio-economic backgrounds, Mexicans achieve better employment outcomes. Overall, and considering both the short length of residence in Australia among Mexicans and their very limited support and social network63 (topics explored in Chapter Four), it is impressive to find that 61 per cent of tertiary-educated Mexican migrants (46 and 15 per cent) are employed in professional and para-professional jobs.

8.4 Level of position in the labour market With regards to employment level and responsibilities in the workplace,64 37 per cent of respondents to my survey were employed in non-supervisory positions, 21 per cent were in supervisory and another 21 per cent in managerial positions. Of the remaining 21 per cent,

63 In contrast, South Africans have been in Australia for a lot longer. Their social networks are also large and powerful. 64 The exact multiple-choice question within the section of work in Australia was worded as: “Which of the following best describes the main position that you hold (or held)?” with possible answers being: “non- supervisory”, “supervisory”, “managerial”, “freelance/self-employed” and “other”.

213 eight per cent were freelancing or self-employed, and 13 per cent responded “other”. This is captured in Table 8.5.

Table 8.5: Position Level at Work by Gender (n=238)

Freelance / Self- Non-supervisory Supervisory Managerial Other employed (n=88) (n=49) (n=50) (N=31) (n=20) % % % % % Male 40 53 56 30 35 Female 60 47 44 70 65 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% p = 0.105

Not surprisingly, 60% of non-supervisory jobs were occupied by women. In turn, both supervisory and managerial positions were male-dominated. With regards to freelancing and self-employment, again the situation was that women were more likely to fall in this category than their male counterparts, 70 per cent vs. 30 per cent. A well-established body of work on gender studies has documented that women are disadvantaged in the labour market (Beauregard, Ozbilgin, & Bell, 2009; Cobb-Clark, 2000; Ho, 2006; Williams, Pocock, & Skinner, 2008). For example, Cobb-Clark (2000) found that women arriving in Australia in all visa categories have lower labour market participation rates than their male counterparts. While Ho (2006) shows that skilled migrants do not always successfully transfer their skills to new labour markets in general, women in particular experience migration differently, as they often see their gender roles “feminised”.

Further, more women than men tend to take part-time positions (because they often have child-rearing obligations) and most of these positions are non-supervisory. When checking whether there were differences in position held between men and women who have children at home, as illustrated in Table 8.6, I found that women were more likely than men to be in non-supervisory and freelance/self-employed positions.

214 Table 8.6: Position Level at work. Respondents with children only (%, n = 88)

male female Position Level total (n=37) (n=51) Non-supervisory 40 60 100% Supervisory 48 52 100% Managerial 65 35 100% Freelance / Self-employed 27 73 100% Other 11 89 100% p = 0.077 (this is significant at 90% confidence level)

The reason why so many more women than men (73 vs. 27 per cent) are freelancing and self-employed is probably related to the need for flexibility to carry out children-related work and unpaid home work. As shown earlier in this chapter, when Australian and Mexican women were compared, few differences were found in terms of labour market participation. Also, looking at migrants' qualifications – a subject that I discuss in more detail later in this chapter – more women than men experience not having their qualifications recognised in Australia (Ho, 2006). This certainly has an impact on the possibility of them holding supervisory or managerial positions.

8.5 Job satisfaction An important finding was that three quarters of survey respondents said they were satisfied with their jobs in Australia, 11 per cent said they were neither satisfied nor dissatisfied, and only ten per cent said they were dissatisfied. Not surprisingly, those who were not satisfied were mainly people in lowly paid, unskilled positions.

The findings on job satisfaction in Mexico and in Australia presented in Figure 8.1 might be surprising at first glance. Firstly, one might have expected that for people who migrate under the conditions that Mexicans who come to Australia do (see Chapter One for context of migration and Chapter Six for reasons for migrating), they do so with the expectation of improving their situation, including their job satisfaction, in order to justify the onerous experience of migration. The data suggest that the majority of respondents were satisfied with their jobs in Mexico. They also suggest that after resettlement in Australia more respondents are satisfied, and this is despite the fact that there would have been some backward mobility.

215

Figure 8.1: Comparison of job satisfaction in Mexico and Australia

Job Satisfaction %

in Australia (n=228) Dissatisfied in Mexico (n=248)

Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied

Satisfied

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Data for job satisfaction in Mexico excludes those who preferred not to say and for whom the question was not applicable. Data for job satisfaction in Australia excludes those who have never held a job while being in Australia and those who chose to answer that the question was not applicable.

Secondly, the fact that the majority of respondents were satisfied with their last job before leaving Mexico, in part speaks of their class position in their homeland. As already outlined earlier in this chapter, 75 per cent of respondents had held professional or managerial jobs in Mexico; coupled by the fact that nearly 65 per cent of them considered to be satisfied with their work situation, this suggests that they were likely to enjoy privileged conditions in the Mexican workplace.

Finally, it is worth noting that this high level of work satisfaction is within the context of most respondents having been in the host country for a relatively short period of time (84 per cent arrived after 2000). Thus, despite the short length of stay of most in Australia and the issues mentioned of downwards mobility and initial struggles, it appears that a good number of Mexican migrants found satisfaction in their experience of work much more quickly than may have been expected.

Of the 30 interviewees, 12 had had positive experiences overall in the workplace, including finding work in Australia commensurate with their skills. A further 12 interviewees were “quite satisfied” with their jobs at the time of the interview, but spoke of various difficulties they had experienced in the past. Of the remaining interviewees, five had never

216 had a satisfying job in Australia and one had not had any Australian work experience and had been job-seeking for four months since arriving in Australia.

In terms of those interviewees with overall positive work experiences in Australia, the cases of José and Mauricio are interesting. José, a male in his mid-forties who migrated to Australia in 1995 and who had had professional work in Information Technology in Mexico and two other countries in Australasia (New Zealand and Singapore), talked about his work experience in Australia:

[I feel] good [about my current work life]. By 2001, I had had enough of working for a company. I had already been working for 15 years for [a large transnational company], which was much longer than what I ever thought I would work for them. So when I started having a few differences with them, it was a good moment to become independent, which was something I’d always wanted to do since I finished university [in Mexico].

Although José worked for a long time with a transnational company, talking throughout the interview about the experience as being a positive one, José expressed great satisfaction about starting his own company in Australia.

I started my own business of systems development. […] I have had my own business since 9 years ago. I am very happy. I worked on my own for a long time and I started employing people four years ago.

Likewise, Mauricio, 32, who migrated to Australia in 2006 and who worked in IT both in Mexico and in Australia, spoke of venturing into his own company:

Yes, [I am happy with my current job]. I just quit my job and I am opening my own consulting firm. I am very happy, very content. This week I do the handover at work and I start next week on my own. […] I worked for this company for two and a half years. [I decided to open my own business] because I believe this is a

217 country of opportunities. I think it is a good way to start. Let’s see how I go.

Mauricio also talked about being happy with his work life in Australia. Similarly to José, Mauricio possessed what it takes to open his own enterprise in a foreign country. Mauricio had the requisite qualifications, and the cultural and economic capital, which often translate into material prosperity (Banerjee & Duflo, 2007).

8.6 Household income In terms of income, Table 4.10 presented in Chapter Four shows that nearly one third of respondents had an annual household income of less than AUD $55,000; 55 per cent had a household income of between $55,000 and $150,000, and 13 per cent earned over $150,000 per annum. Data from the 2011 Census were only available for individuals’ income and not households; therefore the data from my survey proved to be more useful.

What this information illustrates is that 45 per cent of Mexican households in Australia earned more than $75,000 per year in 2010, a significant figure compared to the Australian gross mean national household income, which in 2009-2010 was slightly over $88,000 (ABS, 2011b: 24)65. It is important, however, to note that these figures need to be treated with caution because, firstly, it is not possible to determine how many people depend on household incomes reported; and secondly, people often give incorrect information when asked for their income. Although for the latter, the option “prefer not to say” was allowed, income figures must still be treated with caution.

Noteworthy is that for those who disclosed their salary (79 per cent of all respondents), having acquired their highest level of education in Australia or Mexico did not make a significant difference in terms of their income. This would suggest that for Mexicans, having Australian qualifications does not necessarily mean that their earnings will be higher.

Table 8.7 shows that the number of years residing in Australia does have an impact on income. Between the first 3 to 5 years, 76 per cent of people earn over $55,000, compared

65 Additionally, according to the Australian 2011 Census, the median weekly household income was $1,234 ($64,168 annually).

218 to only 49 per cent who earned that amount within the first 2 years after arrival. VandenHeuvel and Wooden’s study (2000) of skilled migrants shows that three and a half years after resettlement in Australia, migrants with a formal educational degree had a higher likelihood (20 percentage points higher) of being in the labour force than migrants with no tertiary education.

Table 8.7: Annual household income by number of years in Australia

2 years or more than 3 - 5 years Total Income less 5 years (n = 68) (n = 71) (n = 78) (n = 217) % % % % below $55,000 51 24 21 31 between $55,000 and $150,000 46 59 60 55 over $150,000 3 17 19 14 Total 100% 100% 100% 100%

p = 0.000

The data also suggest that in the first two years, Mexican migrants struggle financially; judging from their income, half appear to be earning under $55,000. This situation is expected as many migrants experience unemployment during their initial post-migration period; indeed, this was corroborated by interviewees (unemployment during initial settlement is discussed below). This finding is in line with the findings of VandenHeuvel and Wooden (2000) on the work experience of migrants in the first years after settlement.

However, we would also expect that as most Mexicans in Australia come from middle- class and upper-middle class backgrounds, they have the social and cultural capital and sometimes economic capital to ultimately succeed in Australia.

The fact that over half of respondents (56 per cent) considered that their economic situation had improved after migrating is a positive outcome of Mexican migration to Australia. The data in Table 8.8 represent percentage ratings of compared economic situations by gender (“better” combines “significantly better” and “slightly better”, while “worse” combines “significantly worse” and “slightly worse”).

219 Table 8.8: Economic situation in Australia compared to Mexico

Economic Situation in Australia compared to Mexico

Male Female Total (n = 125) (n = 157) (n = 282) % % % Better 58 54 56 About the same 15 28 22 Worse 26 18 22 Total 100% 100% 100% p = 0.090 (significant at 90% confidence level)

Table 8.8 shows that for the majority of respondents their economic situation had improved. It is considerable however, that as many as one fifth of respondents considered that their economic situation had deteriorated after migration. It is possible that this outcome is a function of the migration process and of the recent arrival of some of these respondents.

8.7 Self-ascribed social class Just over half of the respondents (52 per cent) saw themselves as belonging to the “upper class” or “upper-middle class” according to a stratification of social hierarchy in Mexico; another 41 per cent said that they belonged to the “middle class”; 4 per cent identified themselves as “lower-middle class”; only one per cent as “lower class” and two per cent preferred not to say or chose “other”66. As shown in Figure 8.2 it is noteworthy that the proportion of respondents who identify themselves as having enjoyed “upper-middle class” status drops significantly once they have settled in Australia. Fewer people consider themselves upper-middle class, only 21 per cent, and the majority identify themselves as middle class, 59 per cent.

66 These self-ascribed classifications of social class reflect respondents’ perceived changes in their class position and not necessarily reflect an objective change.

220 Figure 8.2: Self-identified social class: in Mexico and in Australia

Self-identified Social Class: 70% by country of origin and destination

59% 60% in Mexico in Australia 50% 48%

41% 40%

30%

21% 20%

11% 10% 4% 4% 3% 1% 1% 0% Upper class Upper-middle class Middle class Lower - middle class Lower class

The explanation for the change in perception of self-ascribed social class may be due to several reasons; however, it appeared not to be clearly linked to their profession or occupation in Mexico, given that the majority of Mexicans were already professionals prior to migration. Firstly, in Mexico, social class differentiation is more pronounced than in Australia (see Chapter Two, pages 19-20) and many interviewees commented on this. The lifestyle of affluent Mexicans tends to be very different when compared to other social classes. This means that certain products and services, for example, a holiday abroad or domestic help, is certainly a class differentiator in Mexico that is only available (and perhaps of interest) to upper-class and upper-middle class Mexicans (while a holiday abroad is not beyond the reach of the average Australian and full-time domestic help is rare among middle-class Australians). Hence, once in Australia, Mexicans see themselves as living similar lives to the Australian mainstream middle class.

Secondly, the spectrum of Australia’s social hierarchy (McGregor, 2001) is not nearly as broad as it is in Mexico. As discussed in Chapters One and Two, Mexico has not only greater extremes of income and wealth but also more classes and sub-classes to take into account: the capitalist elite at one end, the working class and the many marginalised groups, including the informal work force and indentured labour at the other end (Portes & Hoffman, 2003). Portes and Hoffman identify at least seven distinct classes in Mexico.

221 These classes are not homogenous and must be disaggregated further for a proper understanding of the dynamics at play. Their classification occurs along the lines of educational level, job positions, possession of means to production, and power, while it excludes other factors such as status and identity that are also crucial for understanding the class interplay. The Mexicans that are migrating to Australia are mainly from the upper- middle class and middle-middle class, meeting the criteria that the recipient country requires for immigration, which favours skilled and experienced professionals in addition to candidates with a proficiency in English. Mexican and Australian social hierarchy are not a one-to-one mapping, and the class structure is different.

When establishing how many Mexicans perceived that their social class position had improved, remained the same or gone down subsequent to migrating, 45 per cent felt that their social class location had remained constant, 43 per cent that their social class had declined and only 11 per cent that they had experienced upward mobility. The literature shows that migration often involves a shift downwards for a period of time (VandenHeuvel & Wooden, 1999).

8.8 Finding employment Researchers have long studied the importance of migrants finding work (Antecol, Cobb- Clark, & Trejo, 2001; Birrell & Healy, 2008; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Hawthorne, 1997b; Mahmud, Alam, & Hartel, 2008; OECD, 2007). An area of commonality among these scholars is that finding employment as a migrant is by no means an easy task. Literature on migrant networks suggests that people who have networks at the destination are more likely to migrate and find work more readily than those migrants who migrate without pre-existing networks (Faist, 2000; Koser, 2007; Neto & Mullet, 1998). Analysis of the survey data and further investigation of the interviewee sample suggest that the majority of respondents moved to their destination with no pre-existing contacts or networks in Australia. 57 per cent of respondents did not know any Mexicans living in Australia at the time they decided to migrate, and only 15 respondents (five per cent of the sample) had family members living in Australia. Kennedy (2007), in a study of skilled migrants in Manchester, found a similar pattern. He found that skilled or professional migrants usually migrate alone, and many are without social support once they arrive. The lack of networks can make finding work challenging. As reflected on their answers on finding work, illustrated in Figure 8.3, more than half of respondents experienced finding

222 work in Australia difficult, 23 per cent found it neither difficult nor easy and 24 per cent found it easy.

Figure 8.3: Level of difficulty experienced by respondents when looking for work in Australia (n = 257)

% 60

50 53.3

24.2 20 22.6

0 Difficult Neither Easy

The "Difficult" red bar on the right combines "very difficult" and "somewhat difficult" answers. The "Easy" blue bar combines "somewhat easy" and "very easy" answers.

Some occupations were dominant among those respondents for whom finding work was easy, particularly professionals in IT, engineering, accounting and administration, and to a lesser extent for teachers and lecturers, managers and consultants. This is not surprising as the Australian Migration Points System is geared towards attracting people with skills which are in high demand in Australia. For certain professions such as engineering, health related professions, and accounting, it is easier to migrate (Colic-Peisker, 2010).

Other skilled jobs which are also in high demand in Australia and which are common avenues for migrants to be able to secure permanent residence are as hairdressers, bakers and chefs. However, the survey found very few respondents in these areas, as the average middle-class Mexicans are not interested in acquiring these more practical skills; these are occupations that have a stigma attached to them in their home country. In Australia these jobs do not carry any stigma as they are often well-paid, well-looked upon and, although not university trained, they require technical training. They are respectable jobs, with some prominent hairdressers or chefs even becoming celebrities through their involvement in TV programs such as “MasterChef”. In Mexico, on the other hand, many hairdressers set up their salon in the front room of their house and some may have a certificate from a local beauty school, while a small proportion have professional qualifications. The situation is

223 similar for chefs, who are in the most part have no formal training. Most bakers have no certificates at all either. Families in Mexico set up a panadería, learning on the job and selling bread cheaply to the people in the neighbourhood, or riding around in their bicycle carts selling warm bread. In contrast, not only have bakeries in Australia become more up- market in recent years, but they are regulated by the Australian health regulations. Thus, in Mexico, the jobs of hairdressers, bakers and chefs are indicative of a lower class, generally untrained and with low pay.

One respondent for whom finding work was easy was Catalina, a 33 year-old accountant who migrated to Australia in 2006. Catalina talked about a course (“SkillMax”) she took upon arrival in Australia, on her migration agent’s advice. She explained that SkillMax is a course designed specifically for migrants which teaches them to write their CVs to fit Australian standards plus including various other skills to find work. Catalina talked about her experience finding work:

I was very lucky. From one of the first curriculums I sent they called me. I sent about 5 curriculums and they called me from one of those. My [work] experience was very fitting. It was the same type of industry I had worked in for many years in Mexico.

Catalina represents the 24 per cent of survey respondents for whom finding work in Australia was either somewhat or very easy. During her interview, Catalina expressed her satisfaction with her job because it afforded her a better work/life balance than her job in Mexico. Catalina often compared and referred to the differences between Australian and Mexican lifestyles, particularly in terms of working hours (see quality of life as a reason to migrate in Chapter Six).

Another interviewee, Itzel, a female in her late twenties who possessed work experience in corporate finance in Mexico, described her positive experience in Australia and the ease with which she found work:

For me [the work experience] has been good. When I was studying I found an internship in finances, a formal job. I did not look for it; instead, someone offered the internship to me. […] The internship took me to meet people who later on recommended me for the job

224 in which I’m currently employed. […] Although I did look for some time and I had to make the effort to look for the job, I did not take too long to find work. The experience has been good, gratifying and not frustrating.

In this statement, Itzel expresses her satisfaction with her current job in Australia and talks about how through networking she found her job with relative ease. Itzel’s networking was done within the diverse friends and acquaintances she had met once in Australia and not through the Mexican community. Brinkerhoff (2006) suggests that highly skilled migrants often rely more on professional and school-based networks rather than on kin-based ones for finding work. The survey found that one quarter of respondents found their jobs in Australia through networking, highlighting the importance of such a work-finding resource. The growing literature on migrants’ social networks as a source of social capital (Faist, 2000; Palloni et al., 2001; Ryan, Sales, Tilki, & Siara, 2008) suggests that networks are often crucial for helping migrants settle, particularly in the labour market (Brinkerhoff, 2006; Crowley & Hickman, 2008). The other significant ways of finding work were through employment agencies (30 per cent) and applying directly to the employer (19 per cent). The remaining 19 per cent of respondents found jobs through a combination of sources such as newspapers and companies back in Mexico.

The experiences of two other interviewees further corroborate the survey findings that at least a quarter of respondents had found it relatively easy to find work in Australia. Both Isabel and Paloma had done doctoral studies in Australia – in the fields of social sciences and biological sciences respectively – and after finishing their studies they found academic work that matched their level of education.

The truth is that I have had very good experiences here in terms of work. I have had lots of support and I have been very happy in both universities. Obviously [a particular Australian university] has many more resources and if you are motivated, there are many opportunities to climb and meet people they bring; they bring important academics from all over the world. I’m very happy (Isabel, 35 year old female, migrated to Sydney in 2003).

225 Now I have work. Within three months of finishing my doctorate I started working. […] I finished and got a work offer. I went to Mexico for one month, then I returned and started work. Incredible. In what other place would I have been able to find that? Nowhere else. […] I am very very happy. Research is right up my alley – mi mero mole (Paloma, 35 year old female, migrated to Sydney in 2006).

Likewise Francisco, who had found work in Australia fairly easily, had a similar opinion about his work life:

The company, with which I worked for five years before starting at the bank, offered me a permanent job. I love what I do [at the bank], and I loved what I used to do with them [at the previous company]. So when the company offered me the permanent job, I said “Wow, I do want to stay doing the same job” because my career was going really well.

Francisco arrived in Australia on a temporary work permit with the intention of acquiring Australian experience for one year and moving elsewhere, but because his experience turned out to be more positive than expected, he stayed. The very fact that Francisco was head-hunted illustrates that his professional skills were high demand. Francisco reported that his and his partner’s combined yearly income fell within the range of $150,000 to $200,000 dollars.

An additional 12 interviewees spoke of their positive experiences in the work place, despite being subject to substantial difficulties when they first started. Some of these difficulties (explored below) were associated with having to take low-skilled jobs, not being able to find work because of a lack of Australian work experience, their skills not being recognised, and difficulties in communicating well in English. The stories of these 12 interviewees represent the 53 per cent of the people surveyed for whom finding a job in Australia was either very difficult or somewhat difficult (Figure 8.3 above).

226 Downward mobility and de-professionalisation Survey results indicate that 33 respondents (nearly 12 per cent of the sample) were performing low-skilled jobs such as working in the food industry (mainly waiters, baristas, cleaners, kitchen stewards, and food and beverage attendants) and other basic service occupations such as babysitting and being receptionists. Table 8.9 below gives a snapshot of their situation. The majority of people in low-skilled jobs were women (72 per cent). In addition to being in low-skilled jobs, 66 per cent found it difficult to find work in Australia, and 54 per cent earned less than $45,000 annually. Noteworthy is that 70 per cent of this grouping had university level education.

Table 8.9: Respondents in low-skilled occupations

(n = 33) Female 24 Gender Male 9

Difficult 22 Difficulty finding work Neither 5 in Australia Easy 6

Undergraduate Degree 17 Highest level of formal Master's Degree 6 education Technical Accreditation 5 High School 5

In Mexico, the situation of the 24 women in low skilled jobs was very different: ten were employed in professional occupations (IT professional, graphic designer, journalist, engineer, market researcher, theatre producer, etc.); nine were students; four held clerical jobs and one was in the hospitality industry. Previous studies on professional female migrants have found that these women are often disadvantaged in the host country through gender and ethnic discrimination, lack of skills recognition, for having spent time out of the workforce, and through the migration program itself (when they are the non-principal applicant their skills are often not recorded) (Fincher, Foster, & Wilmot, 1994; Ho, 2006; Iredale, 2005; Ressia, 2010).

Also of interest is that two thirds of those who were employed in low-skilled jobs found it difficult to find a job in Australia, despite the fact that 40 per cent of them were either

227 Australian citizens or held Australian permanent residence. As noted by Wooden et al. (1994), migrants in Australia often encounter difficulties in adjusting to the cultural and practical aspects of their migration. In terms of work, educated immigrants in Australia see their skills underutilised in many instances (Mahmud et al., 2008). Underutilisation of skills can be expressed through actual “skill loss”. This occurs when immigrants work in occupations that are lower in skills and status compared to the employment they held in their country of origin prior to migration (Mahmud et al., 2008; Remennick, 2003; Williams, Murphy, & Brooks, 1997). In Australia, research has shown that in spite of the overall success of the migration program, “human capital is in many cases wasted, as highly skilled people are constrained by various structural forces and often forced to accept jobs below their qualifications” (Colic-Peisker, 2010: 3).This research found that many professional Mexican migrants had significant difficulties finding appropriate employment. The following paragraphs explore specific examples of interviewees’ experiences of underutilisation of skills.

Research also shows that skilled migrants are often faced with the psychological challenge of having to accept any available job, regardless of salary relative to adequacy (Cooke, 2007; Liversage, 2009; Vinokurov, Birman, & Trickett, 2000). Both the survey and the interviews indicated that it was a difficulty for these migrants to find themselves in the position of having to take less skilled jobs – which ranged from menial jobs to various professional positions, but which were incommensurate with the migrants’ skills. For instance, Alejandra, a 41 year old who migrated in 1996 after holding managerial work as a professional graphic designer in Mexico, talked about her experience in low skilled jobs in Australia:

I worked as a baby-sitter, as a tourist guide. I even tried as a waitress but I couldn’t. I respect waiters because it is very difficult to be a waitress. I lasted for two weeks and I had to tell the man “I’m sorry, but I really can’t!” It is really difficult. For me it was very hard; also because I was at a restaurant where they rotated me: one day in the kitchen, another day waiting on tables, another day in the bar…

Alejandra’s comment of “respect for waiters” is noteworthy – it is a comment that reflects aspects of both her middleclassness and her Mexicanness. Alejandra’s “respect for waiters”

228 is not so much from the respect many Australians have for almost all types of work, rather it exemplifies her Mexican heritage to refer to a type of job (waiting/waitressing) that in Mexico has little respect among the middle classes (Bourdieu, 1984). In Australia, many people, including university and post-graduate students, take on jobs like waiting/waitressing without having any social stigma necessarily attached to it; whereas in Mexico it is a specific indication of the person’s class. For many middle-class Mexicans, waiters are regarded and treated about the same as “check-out chicks” and garbage collectors; they fall into the same category of non-professional people and generally are treated with little respect. The fact that Alejandra had to “quit” the hard work of a menial job reflects a step down she could not cope with in the hierarchy of jobs, and the respect she expressed appears to be a new one she previously did not have.

Alejandra then talked about her realisation that if she wanted to find work in Australia, she had to look for a job she would be overqualified for:

It was hard [to find work]. Well, at the time of really finding work in design, it was very hard. […] For the next interview I went to, well, to start, I already took a few steps down. “I am not going to look to be director of a company because it is not going to happen”. I stepped down. I started looking for work at a lower level.

Alejandra also spoke about the difficulty she experienced in working in a job below her standards according to her profession:

I found work in a printing press [imprenta], which for a designer, working in a printing press, is the worst thing that can happen to you. It is the most boring, most badly paid and most looked-down- upon job. It is really badly paid because you are really wasting your knowledge.

She felt that working at a printing press evoked little social recognition and prestige (Bourdieu, 1984). Alejandra explained that she “took the step down” in order to acquire Australian work experience – something that many interviewees commented on.

229 I needed to acquire [work] experience in Australia. So I started working at the printing press and I told the person that hired me: “Please give me a trial period so you can see that I am capable of doing what I say I can do”. So yes, he hired me. Three months later I was art director of the printing press.

Alejandra’s case is typical of many white-collar middle-class Mexican migrants who have experienced temporary difficulties but later regained economic and social status in Australia. At the time of the interview, Alejandra had left her managerial job to dedicate herself fully to be a stay-at-home mother of one child.

Several interviewees experienced a path in the Australian work sphere similar to that of Alejandra’s; that is, they started off in a lowly position, working their way up over time so that ultimately they were satisfied with their employment situation. As demonstrated, 75 per cent of respondents said they were satisfied with their jobs in Australia (See Figure 8.1). Of the 22 per cent (n=52) of respondents that had changed jobs in Australia, they did so because they found better work opportunities. This figure does not imply that all 52 respondents had been in low-skilled jobs at some point, but it does show that for those respondents that have held more than one job in Australia, the majority had left their previous job because they were able to find a better job opportunity.

Noteworthy is that since the early 2000s, Australian immigration has become “even more sharply focused on the job-readiness of skilled applicants” (Colic-Peisker, 2011: 640). As a consequence, various strategies implemented by the government have shortened the amount of time new migrants spend in finding employment. Such strategies have been, for instance, regularly updating the list of occupations in demand and facilitating students into permanent residence.

It is worth mentioning that it is much easier to move through the ranks in Australia on merit while in Mexico social contacts are of far greater importance in securing employment and promotion. In Mexico, unless people have the right contacts (Camp, 2002), they can stay in the same position for a lengthy period, even if they have the ability and requirements to be in a more senior position. In many institutions (both private and public), practices of favouritism, cronyism and nepotism are common (Camp, 2002; Ferreyra-Orozco, 2010). Individuals are given positions because of family connections or

230 because of their connections in the organisation. Bourdieu and Coleman focused “on the benefits accruing to individuals or families by virtue of their ties with others” (Portes, 2000: 2). Bourdieu extended the concept of social capital to note that “people intentionally buil[d] their relations for the benefits that they would bring later” (Bourdieu, 1985 in Portes, 2000: 2). Portes adopts Bourdieu’s ideas and refers to social capital as a “source of resources mediated by nonfamily networks […] exemplified by personal connections that facilitate access to jobs, market tips, or loans” (Portes, 2000: 2). As clearly exemplified in the research conducted by Ferreyra-Orozco, cronyism, favouritism, nepotism, cliques, tips, favours, the use of connections and trafficking of influence (called compadrazgo and amiguismo in Spanish) are commonly present in the “Mexican culture in which graft is a widespread phenomenon” (2010: 247). Ferreryra-Orozco found that the majority of the personnel he interviewed at a state Supreme Court in Mexico depended on various types of patronage, connections or social networks to obtain their job and secure tenure. Many of the interviewees mentioned how their networks in general, and in particular for finding work, were ruptured due to migration. As Gonzalo said in his interview:

Having contacts is very important. Arriving in Canberra and not knowing anybody was not easy for my wife and I […] In Australia, it greatly depends on being active in the community. Now we have a good network, but geez! It took us about 12 months of being extremely active in the community; […] sometimes I think “and if I go back [to Mexico]?” I have no doubt that if I sell myself really well, I could be doing really well there. I have good contacts in Villahermosa, in Mexico City and in Monterrey.

Gonzalo did not know what to do at first because the only way he knew how to get jobs in Mexico was through contacts, and so doing it differently (being active in the community) took time to understand and achieve.

In terms of the experiences of others who initially took low-skilled work, Santiago (36), Diego (35) and Susana (29), like Alejandra, gradually moved into good positions. Santiago, who at the time of the interview held a well-paid job in the public service as a financial analyst, and who in the past acted as director of a group of hospitals in Mexico, migrated to Australia to do his Masters degree. Santiago described the process of finding

231 work shaped by a similar concern as reported in Alejandra’s quote earlier of “taking steps down”:

For me it was very difficult because what happened to me was that at the professional level I already had in Mexico, the fact of coming here to Australia, even after studying a Masters, signified a professional step backwards [un retroceso]. […] It was a backward step because I had to start as a receptionist in the ER unit of one of the hospitals in one of the lowest socio-economic zones, in [a suburb] in the West (Santiago, migrated to Sydney in 200467).

Diego and Susana both spent long periods of time looking for work and then found jobs which they considered to be below their skills and expectations. Diego was a 35-year old high-income-earning accountant working for the public service in Mexico, who after settling in Melbourne initially was only able to find an entry level job:

Because honestly, the job did not require too many qualifications. It was almost doing data entry. There were days that I would get up and I would say, “What am I doing here?”

Diego’s comment illustrates frustration with doing work below his level, to the point that he used to question his decision to immigrate to Australia. Research has shown that the main reason for skilled migrants like Diego to take semi-skilled or unskilled work is to pay for essentials such as rent and food (Remennick, 2003; Ressia, 2010). At the time of the interview, Diego had moved to what he considered a better job as an accountant and was very satisfied with his job. Likewise, Susana, aged in her late twenties and who was a human resources manager in Mexico, recalled taking a step down and having to accommodate to an entry level job:

At the beginning it was difficult because when I found a job, I also had to make sacrifices. They called me and said: “It is a company that is looking for a temporary employee, that is, by contract, to help in Human Resources.” […] And the pay was at entry level

67 Subsequent to the interview, Santiago resettled in a small city in Mexico with his Australian wife and two kids.

232 according to the Australian market. Around $45,000 per year. […] You say to yourself, “Well I’ll only take this [the job] to get myself in the labour market”.

For Susana and several other interviewees, the practical consideration of finding their first job in the Australian labour market was factored into their decision to take jobs below their skill level. For interviewees taking such a step down was often traumatic (Liversage, 2009; Vinokurov et al., 2000). Although at the time of the interview Susana was already positioned in a satisfactory job that was in accord with her skills, she recalled the “shock” she experienced during her first job:

So there I started to work. And I had my crisis in the sense that I was not working at 100 per cent of my capacity. Yes, I was doing something, helping, learning. But many times I would get bored. Many times I would feel desperate, because, I said: “Well, I can do this”. Obviously my boss back then, seeing she did not know me, was very careful and gave me lots of instructions. I was not used to that. I was more the type of person who makes proposals. So it was a shock.

A very similar emotionally traumatic response was recalled by six interviewees – Anita, Guadalupe, Braulio, Octavio, Gabriel and Rocío – all of whom had had professional jobs in Mexico. The trauma varied in intensity and type depending on the job they had had to take and their impression of the status and (lack of) prestige associated with the jobs.

I accepted all kinds of jobs, mi reina. Working for [a company], oh, you don’t know what a disgusting job. […] I sold [electronic devices], charged the amount and captured data into a computer. A horrendous job […] Then as a waitress. [Through these experiences] you discover that human beings are multifaceted by nature because it is incredible the things you do for necessity (Anita).

I started looking for work and I couldn’t find anything, so I had to start as a waitress, which was the only type of work they would

233 offer me. And yes, it was horrible. I found work through an agency so they would send me to start at 9pm and I would finish at 3 in the morning. It was really hard. Horrible, horrible (Guadalupe).

It was very hard for me. For example, when I started working, well, you know, making coffee and wiping tables. Well, I don’t … the mentality you have is: “I studied a university degree exactly not to be doing this”. So you arrive here and you are faced with this. […] There is some kind of unconscious resistance, like, “I have to lower myself [me tengo que rebajar]”, which does not have anything wrong with it in itself either. In the end it is an honest job, but… (Braulio).

So he got me a job in loading, carrying the pellets of packed meat. That was hard! I started at 4 in the afternoon and would leave around 2am. […] [The job was] piling boxes of 8 to 16 kilos of lamb meat for about 8 or 9 hours daily. […] I felt it in my self- esteem [me senti]. From being in charge and supervising people in an office job to arrive and be given a physical job. It did give me kind of a shock (Octavio).

Now, Anita (45), who arrived in 1996, is a stay-at-home mother; Guadalupe (31), who arrived in 2004, holds a managerial position in the field of financial services; Braulio (29), who arrived in 2009, continues to work as a food and beverage attendant; and Octavio (42), who arrived in 2003, is a manager at a bank.

In their study of former Soviet professionals in the US, Vinokurov et al. (2000) assessed the psychological effects of skilled refugee immigrants working in unskilled occupations. When looking at three categories of work status among immigrants – “unemployed”, “underemployed”, and “employed in one’s own field of professional expertise”, Vinokurov et al. (2000) found a linear trend in life satisfaction. That is, those employed in the same field as in their former country, reported highest levels of income, of acculturation, English and overall life satisfaction. Conversely, the unemployed and underemployed experienced high levels of alienation and life dissatisfaction (2000). In a similar vein, Liversage’s study (2009) of highly-skilled female migrants found that those women who were unsuccessful

234 at finding work in the more highly skilled sectors saw their professional identities challenged. Gabriel and Rocío also experienced an emotional impact associated with taking unskilled jobs. They both told of being upset by their colleagues’ sweeping comments labelling them according to the low-skilled job they were performing and not having their professional background acknowledged. Gabriel, a 38 year old who continues to work in retail but who used to work as a production manager in marketing in Mexico, expressed being offended:

Someone I work with said to me yesterday, “You’re a retailer like me”. And I said, “No! I am not a retailer! I am only here because it gives me an income and because the salary is better than what I could find elsewhere.” […] I feel like in similar retail jobs, they sadly box you [encajonan] into particular activities and then they turn you into an “expert” of that.

Rocío (39) had worked in an advertising agency in Mexico City. When she came to Australia, Rocío took a temporary job in a fast food Mexican restaurant in Sydney and recalled how upset she was at being labelled according to the low-skilled job she was performing and not according to her professional identity:

When I was working at [a restaurant], which is a Mexican restaurant, well, there they make tacos. I was working in the kitchen. We had lines and we made tacos, burritos, quesadillas and a Colombian guy says: “Well, that’s what you do in Mexico, right? You are a taquera [taco-maker], right? That’s why you make them so well, because all of you are taqueros, right?” He was kind of implying that I was a taquera in Mexico and I had no profession.

Gabriel and Rocío’s comments suggest discontent with the fact that people around them labelled them according to their low-skilled jobs. For these interviewees their professional belonging is an important part of their identity (Liversage, 2009). Several migration scholars have recognized that migration often entails migrants having to redefine their identity (Brinkerhoff, 2006; Ho, 2006; Liversage, 2009; Vinokurov et al., 2000). Ho’s (2006) research found that Chinese migrant women in Australia experienced re-negotiation of their professional identities, withdrawing partially or completely from paid work while

235 changing their perceptions of themselves from “career women” to “housewives” after migration. She explores the lived experiences of these migrants in terms of their employment and occupational outcomes and subsequent difficulties adjusting their identities.

My interviewees were all keen to maintain the economic and social status they enjoyed in Mexico. However, initially they were prepared to take less skilled jobs in the hope that they would eventually find a job matching their skills. In fact, “gaining a job commensurate to one’s human capital endowments following migration” is considered by Colic-Peisker to be “the central aspect of migrant settlement success” (2011: 650). The finding on Mexicans taking jobs below their qualifications level appeared to be in line with Ressia’s finding on skilled migrants for whom while “gaining employment comparable to their position prior to migration is important, the first concern is to ensure that basic living needs are met” (Ressia, 2010: 76).

Needing Australian experience to find the first job: Catch 22? Previous research illustrates that immigrants’ work experiences and skills acquired in the immigrants’ country of origin is not as highly valued as the one acquired in the destination country. The study of Mojab on recent female skilled migrants in Canada found that the market did not value these women’s skills “as equal to or fitting what is known as ‘Canadian experience’” (1999: 126). A male respondent, answering the last open-ended question in the survey, wrote:

Over the years I have spoken to fellow Mexicans that have migrated to Australia. And the toughest thing [for] them is getting the first job in Australia. Since you have no previous work experience in the country it is very hard to find a job. Usually the new migrants start working on entry levels of their careers [degrees]. Which is sometimes a big step back for them, and demoralising as well. Also, the immigration agencies picture a different reality. When people arrive they believe that the companies in Australia will be begging them to join them, which is outrageous (male respondent, settled in 2005, lives in Newcastle).

236 A common barrier to employment for skilled migrants is the lack of local work experience (Birrell, Hawthorne, & Richardson, 2006; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Ho & Alcorso, 2004; Liversage, 2009; Ressia, 2010). Many interviewees highlighted the difficulties of gaining local work experience. Of the 30 interviewees, six of them spoke about the lack of local working experience and its impact. Esteban, a 33 year old human resources manager who migrated in 2004 with his wife after enjoying a lengthy career in a large transnational company, commented:

It seems to me that companies in Australia take advantage of the “Australian experience” which to me is absurd. […] I came from the experience of working for a transnational company with 75,000 employees worldwide with a presence in Australia and many other countries with the same culture, with the same company values. I arrived here and my experience was worth nothing here in Australia. It was not once but many times that I was asked, “What experience do you have here in Australia?” “None.” “Well, then you do have to start from the bottom.”

In this statement, Esteban expressed the emotional (“being absurd”) and practical (“having to start from the bottom”) frustration of the requirement of having Australian work experience for finding a first job as a migrant in Australia. It is evident that the requirement of Australian businesses to employ new migrants represents a paradoxical situation in which the migrant is unable to fulfil the prerequisites.

During her interview, Susana, 29 and a human resources manager in Australia, recounted a similar frustration with her first job interviews after migrating: “‘But you don’t have local experience.’ I said, ‘Well, obviously because that’s what you acquire when…’” Other interviewees had had similar experiences:

They always ask you to have Australian experience. I applied for various jobs before and they say, “You don’t have Australian experience? No. Nothing” (Sandra, administration officer).

237 I think that local experience really counts. It is a factor that can influence things. When I started work here in Australia, I realised that local experience really matters (Ignacio, engineer).

It is a requirement to have what they call “local experience” because they are fearful of … They tell you, “Show me your curriculum vitae and your portfolio, but how do we know you did all that?” They do not trust at all (Isidro, cinematographer).

This finding is in line with the findings of various other studies focusing on migrants’ experience in the labour market (Hawthorne, 1997b; Mahmud et al., 2008). Such research has outlined the lack of recognition in the Australian context of the work experience acquired by migrants in their country of origin. Mahmud et al. (2008) argue that in Australia, skilled migrants, eager to re-establish their career in the host country, are often surprised to find their work experiences devalued by employers. Also, by focusing on engineers and health professionals, Hawthorne (1997b) found through interviewing professional migrants that Australian employers had a clear expectation for local professional experience.

Recognition of skills and de-professionalisation Part of being a migrant seeking work in a new country involves the challenge of being able to prove that one knows how to do what one says one can do. A growing body of research suggests that the accreditation and recognition of foreign skills and qualifications is often fraught in host labour markets (Syed, 2008). Given that the majority of Mexicans in Australia who participated in this project acquired all or most of their education, skills and work experience in Mexico, once in Australia they had to demonstrate they had the skills they said they did.

In terms of recognition of skills, the Department of Immigration and Citizenship states that “[I]n Australia there is no single authority which assesses or recognises all overseas qualifications” and different bodies assess people’s qualifications or occupations depending on their type (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2012). The Department also states that overseas qualifications do not always need to be recognised in order to obtain work in Australia. Depending on the occupation, employers may decide to

238 recognise (or not) overseas training and experience. However, a number of occupations require registration or licensing by law (i.e. health practitioners). For other occupations, employers often require people to be members of professional bodies (i.e. accountants). Assessment often involves taking tests and/or paying fees to official bodies.

Table 8.10 illustrates that 58 per cent of respondents had their qualifications recognised either immediately or subject to further assessment (34 and 24 per cent respectively); 12 per cent did not get their qualifications recognised at all; for 18 per cent of respondents the question was not applicable and 12 per cent choose the option “other” and filled in the comment box sharing the difficulties they have had with getting their qualifications recognised.

Table 8.10: Recognition of qualifications by gender

Recognition of Qualifications Total Male Female (n = 257) (n = 112) (n = 145) % % % Recognised immediately 34 41 28 Recognised subject to further assessment 24 26 22 Not recognised 12 9 15 N/A 18 13 22 Other 12 12 12 Total 100% 100% 100% p = 0.069 (significant at 90% confidence level)

Women fared particularly badly, with 15 percent not having their qualification recognised. An example of this was that among the 22 female respondents, 3 veterinarian zoo- technicians found that all their attempts for professional recognition were futile. The lack of qualification recognition among female migrants is consistent with the findings of other studies (Iredale, 2005; Man, 2004). Man (2004) researched the paid work experience of highly educated, skilled professional Chinese migrant women in Canada and found that gendered institutionalised processes in the labour market were resulting in the marginalisation of these women. In this study, gender discrimination in the labour market was not found or was unidentified.

239 With regards to those respondents who did not get their qualifications recognised at all, Sandra’s situation exemplifies their situation. Sandra, a 24 year old female, studied and worked first as an articled clerk (trainee solicitor) and then as a qualified lawyer in northern Mexico until she met her Australian partner and decided to migrate. She talked about the difficulty of migrating associated with her qualifications not being recognised:

… You leave everything. I left my career because here I can’t be a lawyer. It was a hard decision and in the end I decided to do it. […] In fact, I confirmed it before coming here because the system is different here. Here they have the Anglo-Saxon system and in Mexico we have the Civil. Before coming, I already knew that my degree was not going to be useful here.

Because of the fundamental differences between the Australian legal system and the Continental legal system (also known as Civil Law system derived from Roman law), Sandra could not get her qualifications recognised. At the time of the interview, Sandra had only been in Australia for nine months, and through friends she had managed to find casual work in the Victorian Government as an administration officer doing simple tasks such as managing correspondence.

Alejandra also found it very difficult to get her graphic design and managerial qualifications recognised by potential employers:

At the time of looking for work within design – very naive of me – I was coming from Mexico from being a director and I had in mind: “Ah! I’ll soon find another director position here in Australia”. Well, not really. I started sending curriculum vitae everywhere through the internet. I attended many interviews and I swear, people used to look at me with a question mark on their face when I presented my portfolio.

Alejandra went on to explain that within graphic design, there are many branches, all of which she was well-qualified for:

240 I studied in [a private university in Mexico City] and it included all areas. It is a five-year program which includes all areas of design: textile, even jewellery, advertising, packaging design, new product development, marketing, market research. But here, the design degree is two years long and a third year to specialise in only one area.

The differences between the content coverage and length of many university programs in Mexico and Australia created a misunderstanding for Alejandra and for her potential employers. Although Alejandra had studied all areas of graphic design, potential employers in Australia were sceptical that her qualifications as a designer could be so comprehensive. Moreover, often the way of finding work for graphic designers (and other creative professions such as architecture, art, etc.) is through networks, something that clearly Alejandra had left behind in Mexico and had to build from scratch in Australia.

Diego had been a high income-earning accountant working for the government in Mexico. He moved to Australia in 2008 and found it very difficult to find work. He sent out over 300 job applications within his first six months in Australia. After three months of not getting work, he asked his wife (a dentist) to help out by working as a waitress. Following six months of intermittent unemployment, Diego found casual work in basic accountancy for three weeks, followed by a one year job and then through networking he found his current job. In this job he earns $88,000 per annum, supervises two people, and did not have to present a certificate to prove that he was a qualified accountant. Diego recalled the latter being a big obstacle:

Very difficult [to find work]. That’s the other thing, as an accountant, they ask me to have some sort of certificate, which I don’t have. To have it, I have to take two subjects: taxes and corporative plus I would have to do three years in professional practice.

Diego was only able to find work by networking and eventually was hired through a recommendation. Diego’s qualifications were not readily recognised by employers. Syed, in his research on international migrants in Australia, USA, UK and other Western industrialized countries found that “[e]mployers usually treat foreign qualification and

241 work experience, particularly from developing countries, as less worthy than local qualification and work experience” (Syed, 2008: 31).

8.9 Speaking English and work In the demographic profile presented in Chapter Five, data were presented that illustrated that just under eight in ten respondents said that their English was fluent. Despite this when interviewed, nearly one third mentioned sometimes feeling that their English proficiency was a barrier, particularly in the work place. A well-established body of work on migration to Australia has consistently found that competence in English has a strong influence on migrants’ labour outcomes (Birrell et al., 2006). Furthermore, there have been numerous studies on the disadvantages faced by non English-speaking background (NESB) migrants compared to those from English-speaking backgrounds (ESB) (Colic-Peisker, 2010; Colic- Peisker, 2011; Hawthorne, 1997a, 1997b, 2001; Ho & Alcorso, 2004; Syed, 2008). Ho and Alcorso (2004) have shown that migrants to Australia from NESB are less likely than their ESB counterparts to achieve positive employment outcomes after migration. Through their analysis of The Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA) data68, Ho and Alcorso found that “ESB primary applicants had an employment rate that was almost 20 percentage points higher than their NESB counterparts” (Ho & Alcorso, 2004: 245). Furthermore, their study reports that migrants from ESB have a much higher likelihood of finding work in the upper strata of the labour market in Australia, whereas NESB migrants are more likely to be found in jobs associated with lower pay and status. This finding has been corroborated in a recent study by Colic-Peisker who found that “NESB immigrants have worse employment outcomes than the Australian-born and UK-born overall” (2011: 648).

Although the majority of participants in this study did not experience major barriers in the Australian labour market due to their English language abilities and professional skills, the interviews revealed that some Mexicans in Australia were aware that speaking English was a source of difficulty. The types of difficulties related to English as a second language mentioned by interviewees were mainly “feeling their English was not good enough”; “not being able to understand (either English in general or the Australian accent),” or “not being able to fully connect”. For instance, aged in his fifties, Isidro is a professional working in a

68 LSIA collected data during 1993, 1995 and 1999-2000.

242 creative industry who found English to be a source of difficulty at work, despite having lived in Australia for 18 years:

When I was in Mexico, I was very confident of my education […]. I have a relatively wide vocabulary in Spanish. But in English I do not have the same skills.

In my interview with Isidro it was possible to gauge his frustration with not being able to fully express himself in English – as he does in Spanish – because in English he “does not have the penmanship”. This source of difficulty had an impact on his work life because writing in English was one of the tasks he regularly performed. Isidro also mentioned struggling with slang, considering it to be “low-brow English.” The fact that Isidro mentioned he has a wide vocabulary in Spanish and low regard for slang reveals aspects of his middleclassness. His command of the Spanish language is attributable to him having been educated in quality private schools in Mexico, as he mentioned in another part of his interview. His low regard and intolerance for slang may also be indicative of an attempt to distinguish himself from “the crowd”, a phenomenon encompassed in Bourdieu’s concept of distinction.

Sandra, in her mid-twenties, also expressed difficulty with language in the context of work. At the time of the interview she had only been in Australia for nine months, so her confidence in speaking English was still low:

It continues to be difficult because of the language, even though I feel I have a good level of English. All those issues around language, culture, the experience you must have to find a job, the migratory situation, all of them are factors that don’t make it easy to adapt to a new country.

Three interviewees talked about not being able to understand or not being fully understood by others in the English language and in the workplace. For example, Diego recalled with certain awe his initial experiences when looking for work, because he considered his English was insufficient.

243 I had an interview with a recruitment company and I remember, that, just to start, my English was shocking [laughs]. You see how daring I was? Because these days I would not do that again. No, no, no. It was terrible, mainly the accent. The accent of these people, no, no. We [Mexicans] are used to listening to the gringo accent.

Although many respondents and interviewees like Diego migrated through the Skilled Migration Program, which includes a strong component on the command of the English language, they still experienced obstacles with the language. Through his comment where he mentions being used to the accent from the United States, it is possible to glean that Diego had had exposure to the language of that country through visits, films, etc., Diego shared parts of the story about one of his first job interviews in Australia:

I sent her [the recruitment agent] my curriculum vitae, everything. Then she called me, “Come over, I want to talk to you”. She gave me her address and everything. The truth is, I did not understand her. Imagine that! I said to her, “Sorry, can you please repeat?” (“Em… this guy can’t even understand English, he shouldn’t even bother.” – Diego’s interpretation of the agent’s thoughts) Chispas! Well, I thought, “I am going to have to look it up on the internet, based on what I more or less understood”. In the end, I asked my neighbour for help.

Several other interviewees raised the issue of a lack of connectedness when faced with language barriers. For example, Santiago, who had lived in the United States before migrating to Australia, also considered his level of English to be a barrier in the labour market:

You realise you are at a disadvantage in the labour market. […] This is where you start realising the first cultural differences, together with the fact that your English language level is not optimum yet. […] I think that the language… many times you don’t get the jokes or comments or sarcasm or things like that and then you don’t connect too well.

244 Santiago strived for “the optimum” and despite his English being very good, he still felt that because it was his second language it was difficult for him to fully connect with others.

Over 50 per cent of respondents said that they have felt disadvantaged because of their accent. For instance, Guadalupe (31 years-old), a highly educated professional who had successful English work experience prior to migrating to Australia, found it very difficult to find a job here and once lost her job within the first week of working as a receptionist because, she was told, she had “a very strong accent”:

It was an employment agency for a hospital and they told me that my accent was super strong and they practically fired me in the first week. They never gave me a contract. For me, that was devastating. What racism! That’s when I said pinche país racista (bloody racist country). Then I found a job as a receptionist in another place, but since then it was always present in my mind that they could fire me in any moment. It traumatised me. It traumatised me for the rest of my life... even now.

Just as Guadalupe’s experience left her traumatised, several other interviewees (9 of the 30) also confessed that they felt language was a barrier to fully express themselves and/or to be taken seriously particularly in the work place, and therefore a source of difficulty and/or anxiety. For example, Ignacio (30 years-old) said,

At the beginning it was difficult for me to adapt to the Australian accent. [The work life] has not been that difficult but sometimes in my job I have indeed had difficulties expressing myself adequately, or making my point clear in English. That’s been difficult. [Socially] I have also been in situations in which I had not been able to make myself understood.

On the one hand, and like many recently arrived migrants, Ignacio initially had difficulties understanding the Australian accent. However, later in the interview, Ignacio narrated a negative experience he had in the workplace which he related to his NESB:

245 In my previous job, I feel that, because of the fact that I am not Australian I was never taken into account. Some of my colleagues that started at the same time as me and that were Australian or English were offered contracts and they did not offer one to me […] Later, I took leave for two or three weeks to go to Mexico. They had to call someone to replace me temporarily. This person was an Irish guy that had been living here for 15 years. Soon he remained there long term. He was, like, “he speaks English better than you”, or whatever, or, “he knows how we do things here and you don’t”. That was the feeling I had, the perception I had work- wise.

8.10 Conclusion In this chapter I have explored the employment, income and class location of Mexicans in Australia. In terms of market participation and according to the 2011 Census, around 60 per cent of Mexicans in Australia participate in the labour force – two thirds of these in full-time work and one third in part-time work.

Before migration, nearly three quarters of survey respondents were professionals or held managerial positions in Mexico. A significant number of respondents were engineers, something which was not surprising given the strong demand in Australia for skilled workers in various types of engineering occupations. Once in Australia, most respondents continued to hold managerial and professional jobs. Of course not all respondents did well in the employment transition from Mexico to Australia, especially during the first two years after resettlement. A minority of Mexicans in Australia were performing low-skilled jobs and the interviewees proved particularly revealing in understanding their experiences of this downward mobility.

An international comparison was done in this chapter with a selection of countries of birth in order to assess how Mexicans fare in the labour market in Australia. It was found that Mexicans achieve better employment outcomes than comparable Latin-American countries, yet Mexicans lag behind the Australian-born and other English-speaking background migrants. Overall though, it is commendable that a significant number of tertiary educated Mexicans have found jobs doing professional and para-professional jobs,

246 particularly when considering their short length of residence in Australia and their very limited support network.

I also examined job satisfaction both in Mexico and in Australia. I found that there was a significant increase in job satisfaction after resettlement in Australia. In terms of income, the survey revealed that just under half of respondents had household incomes of more than $75,000, which is significant, especially when compared to the Australian $88,000 gross mean national household income in 2009-10.

In terms of social class, this chapter explored how most respondents identified themselves as “upper-middle class” in Mexico, yet when they moved to Australia, this changed to the majority viewing themselves as “middle class”. The reasons for the change in the perception of social class were explored in the chapter.

Noteworthy is that most survey respondents initially found it difficult to find appropriate employment in Australia. Difficulties in terms of finding employment were explored and the main three obstacles identified were: needing Australian experience to find their first job in Australia, not getting their skills recognised and the barriers associated with the English language. Many interviewees highlighted the difficulties of gaining local work experience and their frustration with the paradoxical situation of the requirement of having Australian work experience for finding a first job as a migrant in Australia. Secondly and with regards to skills recognition, a significant number of respondents did not get their qualifications recognised, particularly women. Finally, although around 80 per cent of respondents said that their English was fluent, many experience English as a barrier, particularly in the workplace.

The next chapter, Chapter Nine, looks at household profiles and gender roles, addressing the reasons for the gender differences in employment.

247 Chapter 9 – Family and Gender Roles

9.1 Introduction This chapter examines family and gender roles of Mexican migrants in Australia. The first section begins by discussing the importance of family. This was a topic that came out strongly in the interviews as interviewees spoke about the significant emphasis on family values. An examination of what interviewees meant by this ensues followed by an exploration of the heart-wrenching experience of being separated from family and of the ways in which they stay in touch. The experience of loneliness is reviewed. Considering that loneliness may have at least two dimensions, one related to the absence of family and the other to the absence of friends, in this chapter I look at loneliness in the context of being separated from family. In Chapter Ten I elaborate on loneliness and separation from friends. The following section explores aspirations for and schooling of their children highlighting that Mexican immigrants, like other immigrant groupings, place particular importance on the role of education for the future of their children (Cha & Kim, 2013; Patty & Stevenson, 2010). A section on gender roles follows.

9.2 Importance of family The interviews and survey suggest that Mexicans in Australia put a lot of emphasis on family. Interviewees expressed sentiments such as “strongly valuing their family,” being part of “a close-knit family unit,” “life revolving around the family,” and “family values.” As illustrated in Figure 9.1, by taking a snapshot of the open-ended survey answers when respondents were asked “What aspects of Mexican life that you value cannot be found in Australia?” one can get an impression of the emphasis Mexicans place on family:

248 Figure 9.1: Aspects of Mexican life that cannot be found in Australia*

* The size of the word reflects the number of times that the word was mentioned; the bigger the word, the more it was mentioned. By far, the biggest is family, then food, and then friends.

A good example which illustrates just how close some Mexican families are is Zoraya’s comment:

I am extremely close to my family. In fact, my house – my father is an architect, he built my house in my grandparents’ backyard. So our houses are together and my grandmother is the one who always cooks for all of us.

Differences in the approach towards families among different ethnic/cultural groups have been identified by researchers (Hofstede, 2001; Smolicz, 1983). For example, Smolicz’s study focused on the differences between Italian and Polish families in Australia and compared them to their Anglo-Saxon counterparts, concluding that the former tend to form extended close-knit family structures, while the latter tend to form nuclear families that emphasise independence. As for middle-class Mexicans in Australia, they have few or no family members in Australia and many expressed a pronounced longing for both the immediate and the extended family they have left behind. This is elaborated on below.

249 Heartache due to family separation The survey found that at the time people made the decision to migrate, only five per cent of respondents (15 people) had family members living in Australia. At the time of the survey, 79 per cent of respondents said they had no close Mexican relatives living in Australia, 10 per cent had 1 close relative and another 11 per cent had two or more relatives.

For many of the interviewees the saddest aspect of migration was that they had to leave family behind. When I asked Ignacio if he was settled in Australia, he said:

I am at ease with myself but not complete. What is missing? I have been three and a half years in Australia and I am starting to miss my family, to miss those moments of living with my family. I do not feel the need of seeing them every day or even every week but I do feel the need of living moments with my family. Momentos de familia.

Many of the interviewees told of how close they were to their family back in Mexico. Octavio is in his early forties and has two children. He met his Australian wife while travelling in Australia, and they initially settled in Mexico. He recalled:

I told her [his wife]: “My intention is not to leave Mexico because I want to be near my family, especially near my mother”. […] The way I refer to “the family”, and I think most of the Mexican population [share that], it’s my impression, that there is a sense of family, of respect, of certain values. […] If someone asks me “who is Mexico?” well, for me Mexico is my family, my parents.

When Octavio’s wife fell pregnant they decided to move to Australia because they felt it was in the best interest of the child. During the interview Octavio recalled the death of his brother and the support his extended family provided:

It is something that really made an impression that they all arrived and you feel “en familia”. It is that emotional aspect, of affection, of nearness. That is what I value substantially. It’s what made me

250 realise to what extent that matters - the family. Having someone at the time you need them and that those people are with you for no other reason but to give you emotional support. That is the family. They will always be there.

Keeping in touch An attempt to minimise the pain of being separated from loved ones is by keeping in touch with them (Dreby, 2006; Komito, 2011). Over 80 per cent of respondents keep in touch with family or friends at least once or twice a week, if not daily, regardless of their length of stay in Australia. This number not only gives a clear indication of the way Mexicans in Australia maintain a strong attachment to their country of origin, but also demonstrates their connection to family and friends back home. The data revealed that the level and pattern of contact does not decrease with time. Figure 9.2 below illustrates this.

Figure 9.2: How often do you keep in touch with family or friends in Mexico? By length of stay in Australia

% 1 4 2 5 100 13 12 22 14 80

55 60 64 49 54 40

20 31 32 20 22

0 0 - 3 years 4 - 5 years 6 - 10 years 10+ years

A few times a year Once or twice a month Once or twice a week Daily

Hage’s study (2012) of a Lebanese transnational family investigates the intensity with which migrant family members in various parts of the world stay in touch, particularly through phone calls, with Lebanon. He identified that a strong link with Lebanon expressed through the number of phone calls is a function of both the relatively recent immigration and of the family’s nodal member who has remained in Lebanon. One aspect not explored in Hage’s study is if there were any gender differences in frequency of staying in touch with the homeland. The survey indicated that in regards to frequency of

251 contact, gender was not a factor – 85 per cent of females and 81 per cent of males were in regular contact.

Mexicans in Australia keep in contact with Mexico in a number of ways, including following Mexican news, very regular phone contact and internet contact with family and friends (including email, Skype and social internet networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Linkedin and so on), exchanging correspondence, gifts and goods (especially Mexican food products not easily found in Australia), making regular trips home and/or hosting family members for short stays. For most households their financial situation enables them to afford these forms of regular contact. Over three quarters of survey respondents reported using email, Skype and phone calls69 to keep in touch, and over half of respondents also use social media. To a much lesser extent people reported usage of regular mail (16 per cent). These forms of communication that migrants draw upon nowadays are an indication of the prominent characteristic of the current globalisation process discussed in Chapter Two, through which the development of new technologies allows migrants to be more readily interconnected despite vast distances (Nowicka, 2006; Steger, 2009).

Guadalupe, 31, who has been in Australia for six years, said she speaks daily on Skype with family and friends in Mexico. Likewise Santiago, 36, uses Facebook to know what his friends in Mexico are up to (Bates & Komito, 2009, 2012; Clarke, 2009; Komito, 2011). Although Clarke’s (2009) study focuses on adolescents, it highlights the use of social media to maintain friendships, a phenomenon that appears to be in line with the narratives of the Mexicans I encountered through this research. Even when Santiago goes to Mexico and he has no chance to catch up with some of his friends, Facebook makes it easier to stay in touch. Santiago said:

You go to Mexico for one month on holidays, and if you did not see one of your friends because you did not coincide, at least you have been in touch through Facebook with him before and after coming back. You know he now has another child; you know that he went to the party of such and such. In that sense, it does not feel that bad.

69 Details on the effects of advanced communications technologies and inexpensive international phone calls among migrants are presented in Vertovec (2004).

252 Santiago’s remark of “it does not feel that bad” suggests that although he appreciates the advantages brought by technology to keep in touch, he still feels the emotional loss derived from the separation from family and friends back home as a consequence of migration (Matt, 2007).

Xóchitl, 47, who migrated to Australia as a child with her parents in 1975, also talked about the way her children use Facebook to stay in touch with their cousins in Mexico whom they do not get to see often. She said:

“They see each other on Facebook, they have contact as a family, and that is very nice”.

The Internet in general, and more recently social media, has revolutionised the way people stay in touch and has increased the amount of information loved ones can share about each others’ lives (Bargh & McKenna, 2004; Komito, 2011). Research has shown that keeping transnational ties contributes to the strengthening of social networks among immigrants (Polson, 2011) and it has implications on their psychological well-being which has been found to directly diminish emotional distress (Murphy, 2006). Bargh and McKenna’s study addresses the contentious debate on the impact of the internet on relationships with family and friends, concluding that

the Internet does not make its users depressed or lonely, and it does not seem to be a threat to community life – quite the opposite, in fact. If anything, the Internet, mainly through e-mail, has facilitated communication and thus close ties between family and friends, especially those too far away to visit in person on a regular basis (2004: 586).

Despite the overwhelming evidence from social support studies and agencies, which demonstrate that support and social interaction is especially beneficial to migrants, some studies indicate that operating transnationally can in fact add stress (Patricia R. Pessar, 1999) because of a frustration that is often induced by prolonged but distant contact with loved ones, suggesting that such media are not adequate substitutes for face to face interaction (Murphy, 2006). Additionally, keeping transnational ties may reduce incentives to invest in relationships in the new country. In fact, Komito warns that the use of social

253 media among migrants “may lead to significant changes in the process of migration by slowing down the process of integration and participation in host societies” (2011: 1075). However, the Mexican migrants interviewed seemed to have warmly embraced the benefits of being able to stay in touch through new technology, and only with further research would it be possible to assess the net effect of such prolonged and intense long-distance contact.

One way migrants tend to deal with separation from their homeland is by making periodic trips home (Baldassar, 2001). Survey data show that nearly a third of respondents go back to Mexico at least once a year and a further 44 per cent go back every two or three years. When tallied together these two groups reflect that 73 per cent of respondents go back to Mexico at least every three years (no significant difference was found by gender). Eight per cent of the remaining respondents go every four or five years, a further eight per cent haven’t been back to Mexico for an even longer period, and a final five per cent have never returned to Mexico since their arrival (the remaining six per cent representing recent arrivals). When considering the travel costs of making trips to Mexico (AUD $2,500 average cost of round ticket), the frequent visits to Mexico would suggest that many respondents are on high incomes.

Drilling down to examine the actual frequency with which the respondents visit Mexico and also distinguishing patterns among those with or without children, one small but interesting difference was found. The high value respondents attributed to family ties seems to be borne out in the unexpectedly high frequency of return trips among Mexicans with children so that their children could spend time with their grandparents and members of the extended family. This result stands out, given the usual propensity of parents with children to avoid the cost and burdens associated with international travel. In fact, the data showed that 68 per cent of people with children go back to Mexico at least every three years, only slightly behind the figure for childless respondents at 76 per cent.

Where is “home”? When asked “Which country do you most strongly consider “home”?”, Table 9.1 shows that 50 per cent said that they consider Mexico as “home”, while only 24 per cent felt that Australia was home. Twenty per cent said that they could not answer the question and another six per cent said “other”. Of those who consider Mexico “home”, the median

254 number of years that people had been in Australia was 4 (the average was 3.74 years), the range was from 0 – 33 years, and 30 per cent are coupled with an Australian-born person. Of the 111 people with children, over one third considered Australia home, another third Mexico and another third could not say/decide or considered other place as “home”. Hence, the data suggest that respondents with children were more likely to consider Australia home.

Table 9.1: Which country do you most strongly consider “home”?

Home % with children %

Mexico 50 Mexico is home 32 Australia 24 Australia is home 35 Can't say / decide 20 Can't say / decide 24 Other 6 Other 8 (n = 282) 100% (n = 111) 100

In an interview with Zoraya (26) I got the impression that her plans were to go back to Mexico because many of her academic and work interests were situated in or related to Mexico. When I asked her about her future plans, although she clearly stated that she does not like to plan ahead much, she said: “Deep in my heart I know I will go back to Mexico at some point”.

In contrast with Zoraya, Santiago, 36, married to an Australian and with two children, was much more emphatic in his desire to go back to Mexico. Santiago said:

My memories are mainly in Mexico. My point of reference is Mexico. Although I have been here for 8 years, I feel like I’m living temporarily in this country. […] If you asked me, “Do you see yourself here in 50 years?” I feel panic. Why? I don’t know.

Santiago went on to explain that his experiences in Australia have been positive and that Australians have treated him well, but because he has lived for several years in Australia and is married to an Australian-born he had the vantage point to compare life and culture in both countries. Santiago said he mainly yearned for the close interaction among people of a small Mexican town where he came from. He not only missed that close interaction for

255 himself, but he wanted his children to grow up in the culture he grew up in. Subsequent to the interview, Santiago went back to his hometown with his wife and kids and has been living there for 3 years.

Family as a strong reason to go back Survey findings indicate that as many as 28 per cent of respondents have given serious consideration to permanently leaving Australia in order to be with family and friends (33 per cent of females and 22 per cent of males). Of those who said they would go back to be with family and friends, 45 per cent have children and 55 per cent don’t. Interviewees who talked about family playing an important role commented that although they are happy in Australia, they would consider going back to Mexico to be closer to their family, and especially for their young children to spend time with their grandparents. For example, Esteban (33) who is married to a Mexican woman and has two children, said:

The only reason that would make us go back to Mexico would be the family. […] We would like to be closer to the family so the children could grow up close to their grandparents, for example; that would be a big consideration.

Likewise, Susana, aged in her late twenties, who had been in Australia for one year at the time of the interview and was married to an Australian, talked about being very close to her family members, how she feels very far and if she had her own kids, she would like to go back to Mexico to be near her family:

Because of the relationship I have with my parents, it is still very hard and that is what still makes me not feel at “home” here. Maybe it is just my mind thinking of the future… that if I decide to have babies, etc., I would like to be near his/her [the future baby’s] grandparents, for example. And because I see myself very far, physically, it is what makes me say “Ay!” [with a despondent tone of voice].

Ten of the thirty interviewees spoke about possibly going back to Mexico so as to be closer to family.

256

9.3 Aspirations for children and their schooling Of the ten interviewees with children, seven talked about devoting most of their free time to their families and to their children’s activities. Parents also placed much emphasis on a good education, physical fitness and general well-being of their children. The importance placed on good education is probably a reflection of an aspect of their middle-class identity which emphasises education as one necessary way of social distinction and class difference legitimisation (Butler & Hamnett, 2007; Butler & Robson, 2003), as was most likely experienced among parents during their upbringing (Camp, 2002). This strong emphasis on education is not only true of Mexican migrants. Migrant parents hope for their kids to succeed and the best way to ensure this is through education (Patty, 2010). Furthermore, the literature on other migrant groups such as transnational Korean families highlights the goose mother phenomenon in which “the mother and her children migrate to a foreign country (mainly English-speaking countries) to further the children’s education while the father stays in Korea as a breadwinner” (Cha & Kim, 2013).

In line with many other Australian migrant groups, the Mexicans interviewed for this study also put an enormous emphasis on education (yet clearly not to the extent of the Korean goose mothers’ families). For instance, Alejandra, a 41-year old female educated at Mexican private schools and universities and the mother of a one-year old child, talked about the importance she put into sending her child to a good school:

A problem my [Australian] husband and I are experiencing at the moment is that we don’t know where to send our child because all schools are awful! Many schools are aligned with the mentality of [with a sarcastic tone of voice]: “Kids should not be put under pressure. It is bad for their self-esteem to be motivating them towards competition; to be better. And if they can’t write with good spelling, no worries! The good thing nowadays is that email corrects your spelling. No worries! And knowing how to write [redacción]? What for?” I swear to you, that is how they [the schools] are inclined! My husband, who is also a bit of nerd, for him education is very important, it’s a type of effrontery: “And now? What do we do now?”

257

As Alejandra explained in the quote above, she and her husband felt that the quality of public Australian schools is unsatisfactory and she emphasised her serious concerns about her child being sent to a “good school”. As a child, Alejandra had been sent to one of the top private schools in Mexico City which had recognition and transferability to schools in the United States. She eventually was able to find a school that she felt was of an adequate standard:

We have found a school here in [small Australian city] that has what they call “international baccalaureate” which means that it is recognised internationally, so obviously it needs to have a certain standard. So my child has been on the waiting list for two years!

Similarly to Alejandra, Guadalupe, aged in her early thirties and educated in private Mexican schools and university, also spoke of her desire to send her future kids to good schools in Australia and commented on the difficulties of finding good schools and the high price people have to pay for good education. Guadalupe commented:

Education here, I think, is good but only if you pay for it. If you don’t pay… I see that with my husband. He went to some of the best schools here and speaks perfectly well. Everybody tells him that he speaks well; but his brother who went to public school, sometimes I’m embarrassed to introduce him. There is a lot of difference between them and that scares me. Here schools are really expensive also. So I don’t know if I will be able to afford to send them to a private school which is what I would like. It is very expensive though. […] Education should be a bit cheaper or at least better in public schools.

Guadalupe’s comments reveal not only the importance she attributes to good education, but also to the social recognition that people receive from reaping the fruits from going to “good schools”. Guadalupe’s comment reflects one of those quintessential middle class individuals Bourdieu refers to for whom social distinction matters (Bourdieu, 1984). Guadalupe attributed this difference to the type of schooling her husband and her brother-

258 in-law had had, reaching her own conclusion that private schools were superior to public schools and if she has children she would send them to private schools.

9.4 Gender roles In Chapter Eight I illustrated that there was a significant gender difference in Mexican migrants’ participation in the labour market. Table 9.4 below illustrates that 73 per cent of male respondents were employed full-time while only 42 per cent of women were. Women who were not employed full-time were either part-timers (34 per cent), unemployed (13 per cent) or were not looking for work (11 per cent). Women working full-time were more likely to be childless (65 per cent childless vs. 35 per cent with children). Conversely, women who were not looking for work were four times more likely to have children.

Table 9.2: Employment status by gender (%)

females males (n = 144)* (n = 117)* Not working - housewife / house-husband 11 1 Unemployed - looking for work1 13 13 Employed part-time2 34 13 Employed full-time 42 73 Total 100% 100% * excludes full-time students who were not job-seeking 1 Includes job seekers and students actively looking for work 2 Includes part-timers, students who are working and other

Very few men were part-timers (13 per cent) while up to 34 per cent of women worked part-time. This mirrors the general Australian workplace, given that “Australia has one of the highest ratios of part-time work among OECD countries and women hold nearly three- quarters of all those jobs” (Wade, 2013). This high incidence of female part-time work is possibly an indication of a strong male-breadwinner culture in Australia (Baxter & Hewitt, 2013). Australian feminist researchers Baxter and Hewitt examined Australian women’s earnings and found that “Australia has a stronger male-breadwinner institutional framework” in comparison to the US: in 2000 just under one fifth of employed women in the US were part-timers while in Australia it was 44 per cent (2013: 48).

259 No significant difference was found in terms of marital status when looking at full-time or part-time working women; around two thirds of working women were married or de facto. Also of interest but not surprising is the fact that of those respondents not looking for work (n=15), 14 of them were women, either stay-at-home mothers or housewives. This finding is corroborated by the literature on family studies and child rearing that states that in most families (including migrant families) the mother is still the one in charge of looking after the children and typically this is done on a full time basis, although this has been shifting in recent decades (Beauregard et al., 2009; Liversage, 2009; Ressia, 2010; Wade, 2013).

With the exception of one family70, in all the families with children that I interviewed, the male was the main breadwinner. The men had a traditional view of the roles that men and women should play. They felt that men should be responsible for bringing an income to the household and that the woman’s role was primarily that of homemaker. This finding resonates with the findings of Dreby’s (2006) study of Mexican migrants in New Jersey and their gender ideals. Dreby found different migration patterns among Mexican mothers and fathers and the difference was linked to the “Mexican gender ideology in which women’s maternal roles are sacralized, whereas fathers’ roles are tied to financial provision” (Dreby, 2006: 32). Adrián, aged in his mid-forties, migrated with his Mexican wife and two children in 2004 with the clear view that he would be solely responsible for being the breadwinner and that his wife would look after the children:

She came with the very clear idea that her role was to be behind me with the boys. At the time I could succeed [work and economic- wise] then I would encourage her and “start working, start studying.” […] “You look after the boys and I’ll take care of the rest.” That’s how the work distribution was and with that very clear understanding we arrived. At no point did I expect that she would start working before me. Up to this day, the idea is that she stays at home looking after the boys until there is a bit more flexibility for her to work in something decent.

Diego, 35, migrated with his Mexican partner to Australia in 2008. He also had very traditional views on gender roles. When they first arrived, Diego experienced a lot of stress

70 For this family the Mexican wife arrived in Australia as a child, is married to an Australian, and both of them work full-time.

260 as he struggled to find employment as an accountant. He recalled his frustration at not being able to find anything and having to ask his wife for help:

After three months [of looking for work] I told my wife, “you will have to find work. Give me a hand at least doing waitressing, otherwise, no, no.” Fortunately she found work quickly and at least I was able to focus a bit more on looking for work.

Although Diego did not speak as explicitly as Adrián about gender role expectations, Diego’s comment of asking his wife to “give him a hand” speaks of his implicit sense of responsibility for being the main breadwinner. Some of the female interviewees also had a more traditional view of their gender role. However, a substantial number rejected the notion that women’s main role was to be a carer.

In the present period many women are not prepared to play the role of primary carer and have strong career aspirations. Many prefer to remain single rather than marry a man who will curtail their independence and their opportunities for self-development (Piper, 2003). In contrast, the interviews with the Mexican migrants were particularly revealing in that several Mexican women described their perceptions of themselves as “gentler” and “homier” in comparison to what they perceived as “Australian women”, despite the fact that all the women interviewed had professional backgrounds. For instance, Anita, a 45- year-old woman who migrated to Australia in 1996 and several years later married an Australian, argued that Mexican women are more dependent and loving than Australian women and that this submissiveness leads to long-lasting relationships between Mexican women and Australian men.

They [Australian women] do not tolerate any observation from men. They want to continue being independent after they are married. The Mexican woman is much more dependent; that is why the Australian men are so happy with them. Plus, we are more querendonas (affectionate), more apapachadoras (indulgent). We spend more time in the kitchen. We are much more attached to our children, and that is something that men love.

261 Anita and two other female interviewees, Alejandra and Guadalupe, had typical notions of Australian and Mexican women. Anita felt that a significant contrast existed between Australian women’s need for independence and Mexican women’s willingness to demonstrate affection. Anita viewed many Australian women as tending to have higher expectations regarding their independence even “after they are married”, while she perceives that many Mexican women conform closer to the traditional role of women as the carer who is loving and affectionate and spends more time with the children, performing traditionally female home tasks such as cooking.

Gender studies scholars have identified that certain groups of women form part of a global imaginary that casts them as subservient and docile (Pyke, 2010; Wulfhorst, 2011; Zevallos, 2005). This type of gender overtone applies to Mexican women as well as to other groups of migrant women – Latin American, East European, Asian and Caribbean (Pyke, 2010). As previously mentioned in Chapter Seven, when people have a need to justify their position on who they are or what they say, they commonly refer to “national narratives” to contrast themselves with others (S. Hall, 1996). The concept of strategic essentialism used by Hall (1996) and Noble (2009) describes these situations in which social actors reify differences in regards to the “other”. Strategic essentialism means that a person sees another in a contrasting way, articulating stereotypical identities of themselves and others. Through interviewing, I perceived that Mexicans often draw upon a “national narrative” and used strategic essentialism to differentiate themselves from Australians in various aspects of life such as gender, friendships, and identity.

The fact that some of the middle-class Mexican women with professional backgrounds have embraced a traditional gender stereotype does not necessarily mean that they have given up their independence but it does mean that they feel confronted by the way they perceive some Australian women as behaving “like unmarried individuals” when making unilateral decisions, for example, related to finances, going out, socialising, etc. A number of Mexican female interviewees thus, viewed themselves as more strongly dependent on the partnership they form when they get married, and implicitly made assumptions that they were more concerned for the good of the couple and less for themselves as individuals. This finding resonates with Wulfhorst’s study of Brazilians in Sydney who found that “Brazilian women and Australian men describe Brazilians as more loving and affectionate, less selfish, more family oriented and supportive than Australian women” (Wulfhorst, 2011: 199).

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There was a perception among some interviewees that Australian women in general care more for work than for family. Notwithstanding this perception, research shows that with the feminisation of work in Australia there has been “increasing pressure on women’s ability to balance work and non-work commitments” (Pocock & Masterman-Smith, 2005: 126). Research of the Australian workplace has found that the return to work among mothers with young children has increased dramatically in recent years (Cortis & Meagher, 2009; Pocock & Masterman-Smith, 2005). Alejandra’s comment reflects the perception some Mexican women have about Australian women and their disposition towards work and family:

Many women do that [work] not for necessity, but because they like to work, they like earning their money and they like their profession. Really! […] And most Australian women are like that. They think they are within their rights to work. And […] to earn lots of money. And I think, “well, yes, they are within their rights”, but do not ruin the life of a poor human being who did not even ask to be brought into this world; “and just because I am a woman I am going to have kids, so no one should say anything to me that I should not have kids”.

Contrary to Alejandra’s perception of many Australian women participating in the labour market as a matter of choice, recent research suggests that for many Australian women, their households depend on their income, in addition to a high percentage of female workers being employed in precarious work conditions (Pocock & Masterman-Smith, 2005). Moreover, Kirby’s research found significant re-traditionalization (i.e. persistence of marriage as a goal for young women, desire for church weddings, and defence of housework) attitudes towards marriage and gender roles among middle-class women in Australia despite elements of detraditionalization (i.e. increased conjugal diversity and decreased marriage rates) being present (Kirby, 2008). That is, Kirby’s participants asserted their desire to choose “post-traditional” marriage options, while aspects of traditional gender roles were upheld (Kirby, 2008). Alejandra’s stance is more likely to come from her middle-class privileged position and the people she surrounds herself with, of being able to have sufficient financial security to be a stay-at-home mother and housewife. Her comments also display another aspect of her middle-class situation – her

263 ability to have control over her life, the reflexivity of only being a mother at the “right” moment in life after fulfilling her professional aims (Kirby, 2008). From her research among middle-class women in Australia, Kirby found that participants had a desire to achieve specific goals before marriage, signifying both reflexivity and individualization (Kirby, 2008) similar to the middle-class Mexicans of this study.

With one exception71, all three female interviewees with children had full-time paid work in Mexico when they were still unmarried, but in Australia they had opted for the roles of homemaking and childrearing. Research that examines gender and migration has found that often international migration means a career step forward for men (Cooke, 2007), while women – who often migrate as dependent spouses – frequently have to renegotiate their professional commitments, “commonly subordinat[ing] their own careers to facilitate their family’s re-settlement” (Ho, 2006: 499). Several Mexican women interviewed interpreted change of career for family commitments as a necessity for the good of their children. None of these women seemed to be concerned about taking on the traditional role of woman as homemaker. These findings contrast with Liversage’s research of Eastern European migrant women in Denmark; she found that the skilled women she interviewed either were able to retain their professional identities or when faced with what for them was perceived as a “threat of becoming “just a housewife” “used various strategies (retraining themselves in other skilled fields, using their knowledge of migration to help other migrants or returning to their home country to their pre-migration professional identity) to avoid such a situation” (Liversage, 2009: 130). In part, the fact that the Mexican women interviewed were able to choose not to perform paid work in Australia reflects their partners’ capacity to generate a high income. Again Alejandra’s case exemplifies the cases of a number of middle-class Mexican women in Australia. She talked about her minimum economic requirement and of stability to have children:

That is why I had my kid much older because I always thought that if I couldn’t stay at home to look after my kids I was not going to have kids. I was going to have none. But if I was going to have the economic possibilities to stay at home and look after my child… well, then I would have children.

71 Same person as in previous footnote who arrived in Australia as a child.

264 Alejandra’s quote illustrates how for those women with traditionally gendered views it was imperative for them to stay at home to raise their children. It also shows the control over her fertility – which is commonly present among the middle classes – to have children only at the “right” stage of life (Banerjee & Duflo, 2007; Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; McDonald, 2001).

However, some of the other women I interviewed had different views. Isabel, Anita and Rocío talked about feeling liberated from the traditional social pressures to conform to gender roles in Mexico after migrating to Australia. Many scholars have focused on studies of migration and the redefinition of gender roles and subsequent changes in power relations (Dion & Dion, 1993; Fouron & Glick Schiller; Ho, 2006; Maciel, Van Putten, & Knudson-Martin, 2009). An advantage derived from migration that has been identified in the literature is migration as a liberating experience for women (Ho, 2006). For example, Isabel, a university academic in her mid-thirties, talked about feeling relieved about no longer having family and friends’ expectations and pressures back in Mexico to conform to the traditional role of a woman.

A lot is related to the expectations of the family. […] They have expectations of me. I just got married but before, without being married, I used to say “What would I do in Mexico? Now I’m 35. What would I do there? I won’t find anyone, no boyfriend.” Me in Mexico, they would think I’m a bit crazy. With a doctoral degree, 30 something years of age and without a boyfriend? I said to myself, “No. Forget about it!”

She then went on to talk about the way in Mexican society people have expectations of what things people should be doing at the “right” stages of life.

In Mexico, depending on your age, you kind of have to be at a certain position in your life. You have to be married and with kids at a certain age and if not, they view you like “Why?” People start thinking, “What is going on with this person that he/she has not followed the natural course?” At 20-something you already have a boyfriend, nearly reaching 30 you get married and at 30 something

265 you have kids. And if not, “what’s going on?” I think that that is one of the main reasons why I would not go back to Mexico.

Both Anita and Rocío shared similar stories to that of Isabel in terms of feeling stifled in Mexico, but liberated in Australia. A similar situation could occur for men, particularly for Mexican gay men, who as mentioned by a respondent, feel “it is impossible to live a normal life with [a] same-sex partner”. His perception was that in Mexico they experienced much more pressure than in Australia to be married, to start a family and to conform to traditional gender roles; being out of Mexico freed him from these pressures.

9.5 Conclusion In this chapter I have explored two topics, namely, family and gender roles. The first section of this chapter looked at the profiles of Mexican households in Australia and found a strong emphasis on the importance of family. When asked “What aspects of Mexican life that you value cannot be found in Australia?” most respondents talked about “la familia”. Interestingly, this group of migrants moved to Australia voluntarily. That is, these are not individuals displaced by strong economic, political or social upheavals, but motivated and enabled by their middle-class identity – particularly their English language proficiency and their formal tertiary qualifications – to either enjoy a better quality of life, to seek an adventure or to form intercultural marriages. Despite this ability to break from their country of origin, ironically, their migration experience is often characterised by the “agony of family separation”. Very few Mexicans had family members living in Australia at the time they decided to migrate. This absence of family and social support was often accompanied by feelings of loneliness.

The survey revealed that most survey respondents continued to have a strong attachment to Mexico, regardless of their length of residence in Australia. One way in which this strong attachment was illustrated was by the extremely regular contact with family and friends back home – 80 per cent of respondents are in touch at least once a week. Following Mexican news, keeping very regular phone contact and contact through internet with family and friends, exchanging correspondence, gifts and goods, making regular trips home and/or hosting family members for short stays were among the many ways in which these Mexicans keep in touch with “home”. The use of the Internet in general and, in particular of social media, was very common among participants – reflecting their strong

266 literacy and capacity to stay on top of technological advances enabled by their middle-class circumstances. A further relevant aspect which illustrates both their substantial economic capital and their attachment to family was the frequency with which migrants make trips to the homeland. As mentioned, 73 per cent of respondents go back to Mexico at least every three years. When considering the travel cost of making trips to Mexico this high frequency of visits would suggest that many respondents are on high-earning incomes.

Of interest was that half of respondents considered Mexico “home” and only a quarter considered Australia home. A further noteworthy point is the high proportion of respondents who desire to go back home; being with family is the most important reason behind this desire. As many as 28 per cent of respondents had given serious considerations to permanently leaving Australia in order to be with family and friends, and a higher incidence was found among females.

Parents talked about the strong emphasis on their children’s education. The importance placed on good education is likely to be a reflection of their middle-class identity which emphasises education as one necessary way of social distinction and class difference legitimisation (Butler & Hamnett, 2007; Butler & Robson, 2003).

In terms of gender roles, there was a range of views. Some families had very traditional views and patterns of gender roles with the male spouse as sole financial provider and women as home-makers. Other respondents, however, particularly women, spoke of migration as a liberating experience. For those households with more traditional views, Mexican women were perceived as the caring gender that is loving and affectionate and spends more time child-rearing and home-making. This gendered national narrative has been identified in the literature as certain groups of women – particularly from Latin American, East European, Asian and Caribbean countries – form part of a global imaginary that casts them as subservient and docile (Pyke, 2010; Wulfhorst, 2011; Zevallos, 2005). On the other hand, those women with more progressive gender views, talked about feeling relieved after migration from no longer having to conform to family and social expectations on how to live their life. Although only three interviewees spoke of this and all three were females, further research into gender roles among Mexican migrants could shed light on the liberating features of migration, not only for women, but also for gays and lesbians.

267 Chapter 10 – Leisure and Friendships

10.1 Introduction This chapter’s main aim is to examine the patterns of leisure and friendship among Mexicans in Australia. The study found that Mexicans placed particular emphasis on friendship. When interviewees were asked to talk about leisure, they mainly talked about their friendships and, to a lesser extent, leisure activities such as domestic and overseas trips, outdoor physical activities and cultural activities. Most of those interviewed perceived friendships and spending time with their friends as an important part of their leisure. In this section I first explore some general trends of the social life of respondents. Then I examine the types of friendships Mexicans have established post-migration and later I discuss some of the difficulties they have encountered when making friends in Australia.

Researchers in the field of migration studies have long recognised the importance of friendship formation (Boyd, 1990; Gill & Bialski, 2011; Gurak & Caces, 1992; Valenta, 2008). Research suggests that immediately after arrival in the destination country, immigrants tend to form rapid, yet weak, associational ties (Gill & Bialski, 2011). Those initial ties with new friends often have a “utility” nature, that is, new friends can help with finding accommodation, jobs, information, emotional support and general aspects of settling into a new country (Gill & Bialski, 2011; Ryan et al., 2008). However, these initial ties do not necessarily lead to deeper friendship characterised by ongoing social support and emotional closeness which usually develop over a long period of time.

10.2 Feelings of loneliness With migration, people become spatially separated from family and their old friends. In Chapter Nine I explored feelings of loneliness associated with family separation. In this section, I look into loneliness and friends. The literature acknowledges that migration often has a rupturing effect on friendship because friends are no longer co-present (Pahl & Pevalin, 2005), and as a consequence people often experience social isolation and feelings of loneliness following migration (Beitin, 2012; Kennedy, 2007). For example, Beitin’s

268 (2012) study of well-educated Syrian migrants, specifically of “self-initiated expatriates”72, found that many felt lonely during the initial period post-migration. For this study, respondents were asked to rate how often they felt lonely. Figure 10.1 illustrates their responses.

Figure 10.1: Do you feel lonely? (n = 282)

% 40 38 35 30 24 25 25 20 15 10 10 5 3 0 Almost Often Sometimes Seldom Never always

As shown above, respondents were most likely to “sometimes” feel lonely (38 per cent). When combining the first two columns and the final two columns and comparing them, 13 per cent of respondents experienced loneliness either “almost always” or “often” and 49 per cent “seldom” or “never”. The study of Franklin (2012) reviews contemporary studies of loneliness and makes an assessment of today’s experiences of loneliness in Australia using Bauman’s concept of fewer binding social bonds in liquid modern societies. Franklin reports on the findings of an Australian national survey conducted in 2007 among 2,672 Australians in which they found that “only 44 per cent said they never felt lonely; 20 per cent said they were lonely at least once a year, 17 per cent said they were lonely at least once a month, 13 per cent once a week and six per cent at least once a day (Franklin, 2012: 21-22)”. Franklin and other researchers’ studies (Franklin, 2012; Mellor, Stokes, Firth, Hayashi, & Cummins, 2008) provide empirical evidence that many people in Australia suffer from gloomy and lonely scenarios and suggest that the reasons “may be less about the quantum of social relationships per se than the quality of these relationships” (Franklin, 2012: 22). It is evident that compared to the Australian population, Mexican migrants in Australia do not appear to be any more isolated.

72 Beitin (2012) recruited Syrian expatriates at an Expatriates Conference in 2007 in Damascus, Syria. These expatriates had migrated to countries such as the USA, Germany, France and Canada.

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In terms of loneliness and its experience in men and women, Franklin (2012) and Flood (2005 in Franklin, 2012) identified a gender gap in which men tend to be lonelier than women. These studies suggest that this finding is unusual compared to international studies. In terms of the Mexicans in Australia of this study and contrary to the findings among Australians, when analysed by gender, data in Table 10.1 revealed that Mexican women were more susceptible to loneliness than men. When adding up “almost always”, “often” and “sometimes”, women overall feel more lonely than men (61 vs. 38 per cent).

Table 10.1: Experience of loneliness by gender

Female Male (n= 157) (n= 125) % % Almost always 2 4 Often 14 6 Sometimes 45 29 Seldom 21 28 Never 18 34 Total 100% 100%

The reasons for Australian men experiencing higher levels of loneliness compared to women are less clear. However, in an attempt to understand this gender gap, Flood suggests that men “have a narrower range of sources of primary emotional support than women; they have fewer close persons in their primary social networks and are more likely to nominate their spouse or partner as the person to whom they feel closest” (2005: 18 in Franklin, 2012: 24). Flood (2005 in Franklin, 2012) also suggests that women in contemporary Western societies are the main organisers of men’s social lives and women are also better at creating and maintaining enduring ties. Therefore when spouses separate, men are less supported than women. It is possible to speculate that a higher incidence of loneliness among Mexican women in Australia is linked to the separation due to migration from those strong ties that they formed when in Mexico. However, to reach a stronger conclusion and better understand the experience of loneliness, further research is required.

If people’s feelings of loneliness were analysed by length of stay in the destination country, one would expect that people’s experiences of loneliness would decrease with

270 time, as this would give them a greater chance of making close friends. However, as shown in Table 10.2 below, the survey data do not show a clear pattern and therefore do not allow for a conclusive interpretation.

Table 10.2: Experience of loneliness by length of stay in Australia

Does not feel Feels lonely Sometimes lonely Years in Australia Total 0 - 2 y (n = 94), % 12 43 46 100% 3 - 5 y (n = 84), % 8 36 56 100% 6 - 10 y (n = 60), % 18 42 40 100% 10+ y (n = 44), % 18 25 57 100% no answer (n = 7), % 14 43 43 100%

However, the interview material provided rich data about feelings of loneliness experienced by some migrants in the initial stage post-migration. For instance, Venustiano, 30, who migrated in 2003, talked about the difficulties associated with migration:

People are not conscious of what it means to be a migrant. […] Those feelings of missing my family struck me much stronger than what I would have ever imagined. [...] One cries tears of blood. […] One suffers a lot. And you suffer alone.

Ignacio’s observations were very similar:

The difficulty was the emotional or social side. I felt as if I didn’t have enough friends, or people on whom to rely on, or people with whom to chat.

10.3 Satisfaction with social life Overall, the survey results point towards a good level of social satisfaction among Mexicans in Australia; 69 per cent of respondents said that they were very satisfied or satisfied with their social life in Australia (no gender difference found); 20 per cent said neither (58 per cent females, 42 per cent males) and 11 per cent said they were dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with their social life (four out of every five were women). Similar results were found when respondents were asked, “Do you feel that you have friends in

271 Australia that you can rely on?” Nearly two thirds of respondents said yes; over one quarter said they had “very few” friends they could rely on; and only eight per cent responded negatively. This information is captured in Table 10.3.

Table 10.3: Social life satisfaction and friends to rely on

Satisfaction with social life % (n = 282) Satisfied 69% Neither 20% Dissatisfied 11%

Friends you can rely on % (n = 282) Yes 64% Very few 28%

No 8%

Of those who were satisfied with their social life, over three quarters were married or in de facto relationships, 18 per cent were single and six per cent either divorced or separated. Of those satisfied and in a relationship, no significant difference was found when analysed by partner’s country of origin. The literature on life satisfaction, among various other factors (i.e. work, leisure, marriage, standard of living, sex life, health, etc.) considers social life to be an important domain of people’s life (Headey & Wearing, 1992; International Wellbeing Group, 2013)73. However, the relative importance of social life in the overall life satisfaction of people varies according to different areas of life and individual characteristics (Headey & Wearing, 1992; Rojas, 2006). For instance, working individuals with a spouse and children tend to consider their family life “crucial” for their life overall satisfaction, while friendships and community domains tend to be relegated as less important or even irrelevant (Rojas, 2006).

The number of years an individual had been settled in Australia appeared to have some bearing on social life satisfaction. Respondents who had spent more than two years in Australia were more likely to be satisfied with their social life than those who had been in Australia for less than two years (60 per cent for 0 – 2 years vs. 71, 78, and 68 per cent for 3 – 5 years, 6 – 10 years and 10 or more years, respectively). This finding was expected because as people spend more time in the destination country, the more they get used to the

73 The Personal Wellbeing Index (International Wellbeing Group, 2013) refers to this domain of life as “personal relationships”.

272 country, the more they feel settled and the more opportunities they have to make friends. As Table 10.4 shows, an overall satisfaction with social life is common among Mexicans in Australia.

Table 10.4: Social life satisfaction by number of years living in Australia

years in Australia dissatisfied neither satisfied % 0 - 2 y (n = 94) 15 26 60 100% 3 - 5 y (n = 84) 8 20 71 100% 6 - 10 y (n = 60) 10 12 78 100% 10+ y (n = 44) 11 20 68 100%

* 7 respondents did not state the number of years they had been living in Australia

years dissatisfied neither satisfied average years in 4.68 4.96 6.22 Australia* range of years [0 - 20] [0 - 29] [0 - 35] * Average years in Australia for the entire sample was 5.79.

This finding is explained by the existing literature on friendship and migration which suggests that in most cases deep and meaningful friendships tend to develop over a long period of time and recently arrived migrants tend to encounter difficulties. For instance, Beaverstock (2012), who looked at transferred employees of transnational companies from Europe to New York, found that skilled migrants experienced transient friendships following migration. Migrants found it hard to break into existing social circles, and new friendships were often characterized by a lack of intimacy. The common experience among skilled migrants was that it took a longer time, and a lot more effort to fill the role of old friends. The immediate period after migration is widely shown to be marked by loneliness, a topic rarely acknowledged in the literature, despite the prevalence and intensity of the experience (Beaverstock, 2012; Pahl & Pevalin, 2005).

10.4 Socialising with various nationalities When Mexicans in Australia were asked, “Who do you mainly socialise with?” more than half (nearly 60 per cent) said they socialise with people from a range of nationalities, including Australians (see Figure 10.2 below). Only 18 per cent reported that they socialise mainly with Australians (60 per cent females, 40 per cent males), a surprisingly small number, considering that over a third are married to Australians. Another 11 per cent said

273 they mainly socialise with Mexicans and other Latin Americans (45 per cent females and 55 per cent males), and only 4 per cent reported that they socialise with Mexicans only74.

Figure 10.2: Who do Mexicans in Australia socialise with?

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 % A mixture of people from diverse 60.3 nationalities

Mainly with Australians 17.7

Mainly with Mexicans and other Latin 10.6 Americans

Mainly with Mexicans 4.3

Other migrant groups 3.5

Other* 3.5

An interesting finding is that a similar proportion of respondents socialise mainly with Australians than with Latin Americans (18 vs. 15 per cent). The very small number that mainly socialises with Mexicans and other Latin Americans might be explained by the fact that there are a small number of Latin Americans in Australia and they do not cluster geographically.

An important consideration is to outline the various ways in which the terms “friend” and “friendship” are understood, given the complexity and ambiguity of such terms. Because the term “friend” can have different meanings to different people and in different times (Spencer & Pahl, 2006), it is argued that the term is historically and culturally situated, particularly nowadays with the technological innovations brought about through the internet and the increased interactions between different cultural groups. Of particular interest is to recognise that what is meant by “friend” is culturally situated. The ways in which people from different cultures give meaning to the term friend – roles, expectations, friendship rules – varies (Pahl, 2000). When exploring the ways migrants experience friendship, it is important to consider these cultural complexities, because migrants from

74 3.5 per cent of respondents said they mainly socialise with “other migrant groups” and another 3.5 per cent responded “other”. * “Other” included responses such as: “I don’t consider myself a social person”, “mostly with family members and religious community” and “do not have time nor do I drive”.

274 different cultures and with different values and beliefs to those in the destination country will experience friendship differently.

Because there is no one unique correct or absolute definition of the term “friend”, it is argued that a friend may equally be a chosen relationship, meaning someone who is picked voluntarily, or a given relationship such as a family member who is viewed as being a friend because they are considered to be as emotionally close as kin (Pahl, 2000; Spencer & Pahl, 2006). The capacity to make friends with people from a variety of backgrounds reflects strongly on the middle class and cosmopolitan aspects of the interviewees’ identity. For instance, Kennedy argues that “certain kinds of skilled migrants and overseas professionals may find themselves both able and perhaps compelled to construct new social spaces and interpersonal relations that cross primordial cultural borders” (2007: 355). As many as one third of interviewees spoke during their interviews of the way they make friends with people from all over the world. Some of them made explicit statements about their socialising patterns being mainly with people from various nationalities; others put it in the context of Australian universities being multicultural, while others were not quite aware of their varied friendships until they reflected on it at the time of the interview. For instance, Gabriel, a 38 year old single male who arrived in Australia in 2005, said plainly, “Nearly all my friends have been foreigners.” Likewise, Francisco, Rocío and Nayeli spoke of having a varied group of friends and of having an open disposition:

Most of my friends are European. With them we [he and his Spanish partner] celebrate Christmas and we also go on holidays with them. (Francisco)

I do not have a preference, as long as … If I like them, then I am open. I love it [befriending people from all over the world], yes, I love it. (Rocío)

You do open yourself to the possibility of having friends of all nationalities. That is cool. (Nayeli)

The comments display an openness to engage with and establish friendships with people from other nationalities because of the cosmopolitan aspect. Both Rocío and Nayeli showed delight in the opportunity to mingle with people from diverse backgrounds.

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Another interviewee, Zoraya, a 26 year old female, also talked about initiating friendships with people from various countries when she first came to Australia as an international student:

For example, the first time I came [to Australia] I hardly had any friends that spoke Spanish. I had German friends. Well, I lived in [a coastal Sydney suburb] and I guess it was also the area where there were more people [of other nationalities]. I had Swedish and Norwegian friends.

Later Zoraya decided to come back to Australia to do her Masters degree and to continue her relationship with her Latin American (naturalised Australian) boyfriend. In this second phase in Australia, although this time acknowledging she has many more friends who speak Spanish, she again mentioned mixing with people from various backgrounds:

[I mainly hang out] with people from [a music and dance association] […] They are the ones that make music from all over the world. I know everybody there.

Santiago, aged in his mid-thirties and married to an Australian, talked about his diverse friendships:

I have a very varied gamut of friends. From those who are Australians, [I have friends that are] from different racial origins: Italian-Australian, Greek-Australian, Anglo-Australian, Serb- Australian. […] Also Mexicans or Latinos.

Isabel and Paloma spoke of the multicultural character of the academic environment in which they both circulate (Kennedy, 2007). Both aged in their mid-thirties and married to neither Mexicans nor Australians, they talked about their friends:

You know, at the university the atmosphere is really multicultural so my friends are the ones I made while I was doing the doctorate: Indian, Chinese, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese. Of many

276 nationalities. But the one thing that is common among us is that we are all academics. We are all in the same [academic] area. (Isabel)

[I make friends] with everybody! […] In general it is people from the university, with a certain degree of education. It is not because I am discriminatory or anything, it is just that that’s my environment, that is where I am and it is where I find friends with whom to “click”. My friends… one is from Mauritius Island in Africa. […] Another one is from Lebanon. Two other friends are Muslim. […] So in general I do not choose from a particular ethnic group, so what unites us is the academic level and that we like each other and have common interests. (Paloma)

This capacity to engage with people from a different background to one’s own is not exhibited by all migrant groups in Australia, nor among Mexicans who migrate to the United States (Jiménez, 2010). For example, studies of Vietnamese migrants to Australia indicate they have a low preference for socialising with friends from various ethnicities. A study on Vietnamese international students in Australia found that they are mainly friendly with fellow Vietnamese (Tran, 2011). Tran (2011) suggests that this preference for fellow Vietnamese friends is related to sharing the same culture and language. Two other possible key issues which help to explain these intra-cultural friendships are the large number of Vietnamese in Australia and their propensity to cluster spatially. Valenta (2008) also found that many migrants experience cultural and social isolation and disqualification in relation to the mainstream host society. In the case of Mexicans who migrate to the United States, the majority of them tend to cluster geographically and socially, and also tend to establish friendships mainly with other Mexicans (Jiménez, 2010). Meanwhile, Conradson and Latham, who researched qualified professional migrants from New Zealand in London, found that their social life tended to be defined by closely knit and very supportive friendship networks with other New Zealanders who shared many similarities, not only in terms of country of origin, but also in terms of identity, personal biographies and the experiential dimension of their mobility endeavors (Conradson & Latham, 2005a).

In contrast, Mexicans in Australia do not cluster and do not form a subculture. Claude Fischer’s subcultural theory of urbanism suggest that a subculture can only develop when a certain number of people of similar origin are present in a geographical space (Fischer,

277 1995). The lack of spatial clustering and the small number of Mexicans in Australia precludes them from forming a strong subculture and it forces them to socialise outside of their group. Willmott discusses the extent to which friends are similar, that is, the assumption that “in general middle-class people’s friends are middle-class, working-class people’s friends are working-class” (1987: 26). The fact that nearly two thirds of respondents socialise with people from various nationalities makes this group distinctive. Many of the Mexicans in Australia possess the social and cultural capital necessary to allow them to adapt and develop friendships with people from different cultures. Furthermore, as the interview material points out, many Mexicans have, at least in the initial stage of their migration experience, a curiosity-fed interest in forming associations with people from cultures different from their own and their education contributes to affording them feeling comfortable in a range of circumstances.

The types of friendships individuals form is often revealing of their particular identity. In their discussion of identity, Hall and Du Gay (1996) point out that one of the mechanisms which operates among migrants is to reach for that which is familiar and constant. Furthermore, as Coronado (2003) explains, in alien environments migrants try to find people and places with whom they share meanings in order to feel they belong. While these authors suggest there is a tendency among people to associate with those who share similar values and interests, this does not imply that people are incapable of associating with people from different nationalities.

Many Mexicans in Australia have the social, economic and cultural capital to thrive in the Australian Anglo-Celtic culture just as much as among European cultures. The reasons appear less attributable to national identity and commonality and seem to have more to do with their middle-class attributes and considerations such as profession, occupation, income, level of education, English proficiency and leisure activities (explored in Chapters Four, Five and Six). In her study of Chilean economic immigrants in Australia (as opposed to those immigrants who were asylum seekers who escaped the military coup), Collin found that they are able to leave Chile and settle in Australia with relative ease because “they have the cultural and economic capital to do so and they do not have quite so much at stake in the moving [...] in geographic, cultural and ideological terms” (Collin, 2006: 19).

278 10.5 Having very good Mexican friends Despite the survey showing that only a small proportion of respondents socialise exclusively with Latin Americans75, eight interviewees spoke of “mainly socialising with Mexicans”, “achieving a better level of communication with Mexicans”, or “finding a source of support in friendships with other Mexicans”. Of those eight interviewees, five were married to Australians and three to Mexicans; five were male and three were female; the length of stay in Australia varied from two to 35 years.

Five interviewees talked about mainly socialising with Mexicans. For instance, Catalina, Xóchitl and José, who migrated to Australia in 2006, 1975 and 1995 respectively, said:

We socialise a lot with Mexicans. A kind of group of Mexicans formed and we normally socialise with them. (Catalina)

The majority of my friends are Mexicans and I met them through the [Mexican] association. (Xóchitl)

I must confess that I socialise a lot with Mexicans despite the many years I have been here. I have friends from all over the world, but I think that my best friends and the ones that I see most often are Mexicans or Latinos, but the majority are Mexicans. (José)

José’s candid remark of “I must confess” is interesting. When he talked about how much he socialises with other Mexicans, it seemed as if he considered others might think it wrong to socialise a lot with people from his own nationality. Such a confession (bordering on an apology) might be explained by the fact that so many Mexicans socialise with people from various backgrounds and perhaps socialising “too much” with Mexicans is considered “ethnic”, “wrong” and somewhat parochial. In the section below on Mexicans who avoid mixing with other Mexicans I explore some of their reasons which support the “ethnic” and perhaps “wrong” perception.

Santiago, 36, moved to Australia in 2004 for the double purpose of doing his Masters degree and to continue his relationship with his now Australian wife. They met in the U.S. when Santiago was doing graduate studies. Although Santiago was married to an

75 The diverse nationalities response in the survey would incorporate Mexicans.

279 Australian, had been living in Australia for six years and was proficient in English, he talked about his preference for making friends with Mexicans because he experienced better communication with them:

I feel that initially it is easier to make friends with Mexicans. […] It is a different level of communication. When you have a Mexican friend, he or she can perfectly understand in many ways what you are saying. The level of friendship with a good Australian friend … he probably won’t understand many things related to your history, to your context. When you speak about Mexican things it is very difficult, because, even when you can explain things, they cannot be communicated the same way as when you are talking to someone that is from there. Definitely.

Santiago represents one of those migrants for whom his Mexican identity is much stronger, and finding people with whom he has an affinity and can share meanings provides him the medium to bond. In various parts of his interview, Santiago spoke strongly of his Mexican roots and his desire for his kids to experience Mexican life (see Chapter Seven on Mexican identity). Subsequent to the interview, Santiago moved back to Mexico with his Australian wife and family after living in Sydney for six years.

For Esteban and his Mexican wife, having lived in Australia for six years, their Mexican group of friends in Australia provided a great source of support, particularly as a migrant deprived of other family members.

[Our Mexican friends] have been there simply to support us. It could just be a shoulder to rely on when you need it, or when you do not know what to do, or when you are depressed and you are thinking of going back. […] They are in exactly the same situation as you. Today, I can … from something as simple as “I’m going to leave you my kids while I go out to dinner with my wife”. It is having that support that in Mexico would only be through the family. So they are like a substitute family.

280 It is likely that Esteban and his wife found affinity and support in other Mexicans because they have the shared experience of migration, and this shared experience engenders greater empathy (Conradson & Latham, 2005a). As highlighted earlier, Conradson and Latham found that in London New Zealanders have friendship networks with other New Zealander migrants with whom they find substantial levels of support that are particularly useful for people in similar migration situations. The type of support newly arrived New Zealanders draw from such networks is information about accommodation, job opportunities and ways to get around (Conradson & Latham, 2005a).

Research also suggests that friendship can play different roles. In the case of Esteban, friends functioned as family members in the absence of his Mexican family. Depending on the circumstances, researchers have identified that friends can become “like family”; for example, when no family support is present, which is overwhelmingly the case among skilled migrants who migrate alone (Spencer & Pahl, 2006). Researching the gay community, Weeks, Heaphy and Donovan (2001) explored the ways that friends can perform the role of family when people do not have family support.

10.6 Avoiding mixing with other Mexicans Having explored how several Mexicans formed strong bonds and friendships with their compatriots in Australia – as pointed out earlier, 15 per cent of survey respondents said they socialised only with Mexicans and with other Latin-Americans – it was interesting to hear from six interviewees that at some point they intentionally avoided mixing with Mexicans (some interviewees included Latin Americans in general). The two main reasons given were to make the most of the international experience of being in Australia, or to a lesser extent not having much in common with “rich spoilt” Mexicans.

This quote from a male respondent represents those respondents for whom the main reason for not wanting to mix with Mexicans was to make the most of their international experience.

Here in Brisbane I don’t know any Mexicans. Don’t think I’m a racist, but I decided to move to a new place [originally settled in Sydney] where I did not know anybody [Mexican], to have a 100% Australian experience. All the friends I have made so far, not too

281 many, are Australian. I don’t even have Latin friends (excerpt from survey respondent’s email received on the 8th of February 2010).

This respondent represents the adventurous middle-class Mexicans who come to Australia to meet Australians76, to “take the plunge” into Australian society and do not want to be caught in a “Mexican bubble”. In fact, this specific pattern of Mexican socialising flies in the face of stereotypes about some migrants forming ghettoes, as socialising with Australians, particularly Anglo-Australians, was seen as a deliberate decision and conscious achievement by many interviewees. Being able to establish friendships with Australians was also seen as proof of sufficient social and cultural skills interviewees had in order to socialise with the “locals”. This finding resonates with a study by Colic-Peisker (2000) in which she argued that making friends with Anglo-Celtic Australians signified a gateway into the white mainstream Australian society for middle-class Croatian migrants:

It appeared that socialising with the Australian-born, and especially with those of Anglo-Celtic origin was regarded as advantageous. […] Having Australian friends proved that one had high English competence and was successfully acculturated and thus accepted into the company of “real friends” (Colic-Peisker, 2000: 200).

Juan, aged in his mid-thirties, talked about his efforts to avoid mixing exclusively with Mexicans. He settled in Australia in 2008:

I have tried to be more multicultural, much more than many Mexicans that only hang out with the group of Mexicans. I do not do that. I am more general and I hang out with other nationalities. I try to meet different types of people. I try to ask them questions about themselves. I do not just sit tight with the story that I am Mexican, otherwise I would isolate myself. Let’s say, I am a bit more “multiculturalised”.

From Juan’s statement, it appears that socialising with “the group of Mexicans” means that one is “isolating” oneself, and that having a cosmopolitan (or in Juan’s words,

76 As already mentioned earlier, throughout this study the term “Australian” used by respondents often referred to “Anglo-Australian” or “white Australian”.

282 “multicultural”) open disposition to mixing with various nationalities is highly regarded. It seems that several interviewees thought it impossible to have both Mexican friends and friends from other nationalities, almost as if the two were mutually exclusive; as having the former created a ghetto attitude and thus automatically barred them having from the latter.

Another interviewee, Braulio, had a similar approach to Juan’s:

I have not looked [to make friends with Mexicans] because part of this [the international experience] is to adapt. Not to be speaking with people in Spanish all the time because that also stops you from perfecting the English language. For example, I know some Mexicans that are in the hospitality school and they all live together in the residences. […] They listen to Spanish all the time. […] Then they go back to Mexico, and how much English did they speak? Less than half of the time because they are all together like sticky lollies [como muéganos] all the time.

For Braulio, being able to mix with people from various backgrounds is part of the proof of being a true cosmopolitan who adapts to new and unknown circumstances. In his opinion, however, language played a crucial role in a practical way. Braulio considered that a significant part of making the most out of the international experience was to improve his English skills, despite the fact that his English was already excellent, demonstrated by his acquisition of a Masters degree at an Australian university.

Another type of conscious effort not to mix with Mexicans was articulated by two interviewees – Isabel and Zoraya – however, their reason was different from the people quoted above. Both of them talked about a lack of commonality between them and what they identified as the “type of Mexicans that are coming to Australia”. Isabel, a 35 year old female who works as an academic at an Australian university, said:

I never searched for Mexicans. In fact, it is kind of, “I’m better off without them!” […] In general I have never sought to hang out with Mexicans. […] The Mexicans that are coming here, well, they are people with money in Mexico. In fact, it is not the fact that they are Mexicans, but I think that they will turn out to be rich spoiled kids

283 [fresitas] and I don’t like that. That’s really the thing. That they are going to be niños fresas and I don’t like that stuff. And that is why I think I didn’t want to hang out with Mexicans because I think they have a different perspective on the situation in Mexico.

Zoraya, a 26 year old female, expressed a similar opinion:

I feel that I don’t fit well in the profile of Mexicans that are in Australia and maybe that’s the reason why I have not met them. […] The Mexicans I have met here, I find them at a party, I listen to their ideas and I’m not into that, I don’t want to … “The truth is I don’t really have an interest in being your friend” … That’s probably why I’m not that linked to them. […] Los fresitas, the ones from Puebla, a couple of poblanos pipopes … They invite me to something and I say, “No, I’m busy”.

Although Isabel and Zoraya are also middle class, somehow they saw themselves as not being “like all the other Mexican fresas” in Australia. In Mexico, the term fresa is used to identify a person for having a particular attitude and behaviour that strives to distinguish oneself from the masses while at the same time discrediting those who are not fresas. In order to be able to display attitudes and behaviours according to fresas, one often needs some economic resources and cultural capital which both allow the person to have expensive and “classy” tastes, such as brand and fashionable clothing, expensive cars, fine dining, lavish travelling, etc. Being fresa often involves several of the following characteristics: having or appearing to have money, behaving pretentiously, modulating the tone of voice, and not being concerned about serious issues. Perhaps it is because Isabel (a university academic) and Zoraya (an anthropologist who does work with indigenous groups) have interests in topics of social justice that they find it too confronting to socialise with people whom they consider to be apolitical and materialistic.

10.7 Difficulty making friends with Australians A recurrent topic among some of the migrants interviewed was that they find it difficult to establish friendships with Australians. Previous research (Clarke, 2005; Gill & Bialski, 2011; Ryan et al., 2008; Valenta, 2008) has highlighted that making friends following

284 migration can be difficult for reasons as varied as the initial lack of intimacy, the long time it takes to establish friendships and the intense “work” involved in replacing old friends. Other structural barriers such as language and culture also have an impact on the difficulty/ease in making new friends after migration. As many as 13 interviewees commented on the difficulties they encountered making friends with Australians. Of those 13, four were married to (or coupled with) Australians, three to Mexicans, two to neither Mexicans nor Australians and four were single.

Mauricio, single and an IT consultant who arrived from Mexico City in 2006, when asked to talk about his social life, said:

It is difficult to enter social circles here. They are very “closed” [...] For example, someone could be the friend of your work’s friend, but that someone is not your friend […] Also, they don’t invite you to a lot of things. It is a very cold atmosphere. That is how they are. They are not like the Mexicans […] Here everything is with an invitation and they even tell you “you can bring someone along but you can’t bring more than one”. That is “I invite YOU”. It is not like it is in Mexico [...] So, yes, it is hard to make good friendships here.

Mauricio expressed his difficulty about making friends in Australia and the frustrations he has dealt with when trying to enter social groups. Mauricio’s stark juxtaposition of social life in Australia as “cold” and “closed” compared to Mexico’s, is an expression not only of how hard it can be to make friends in a new and foreign place, but also of his feelings of nostalgia for an idealised social life that he had left behind. Given that skilled migrants often have little or no social contacts at their destination (as opposed to other types of migrants who often move through migration networks and many times have some immediate support upon arrival), research has identified that the initial period following migration can be a very lonely and difficult period (Kennedy, 2007).

While Mauricio is talking about the difficulty of making friends with Australians, he is also alluding to a second point about Mexicans and Australians having different approaches to friendship. When he says “everything here is with an invitation” he refers to a common frustration shared by some of the interviewees. They feel that there is a certain

285 social rigidity among Australians. Some of the interviewees expressed varying degrees of disenchantment with what they perceived was a lack of social spontaneity in Australia. They argued that Mexicans place great value on social events which come together at the last minute, as somehow adding to the authenticity of an occasion or celebration. By comparison they find themselves inhibited in a milieu where social plans need to be organised in advance. In a similar way to Mauricio, Ignacio, an engineer coupled with an American, who migrated in 2008, also commented on the social reserve he perceived to be prevalent among Australians:

I think that people in Australia are more reserved [...] We [Mexicans] enjoy randomness; we enjoy chance; the unexpected ... And I think in Australia people like to have things more under control. When you go to a party in Australia, it seems like people that have been invited have been chosen meticulously [...] throwing all the marbles at the same time is what works in Mexico; then you see where they have landed. Here, it is, like, “let’s organise all the marbles in line, one after the other and then they start queuing up neatly”.

Ignacio’s words suggest frustration at the ways he believes many Australians attempt to keep things “under control” (Vazquez Maggio & Westcott, 2012). Hall (1983) makes the distinction between monochronic and polychronic cultures, which are different cultural orientations to time. Many European cultures are monochronic: their approach to social arrangements emphasises being on time, doing one thing at a time, and not condoning rescheduling. Polychronic cultures, for example those in Latin America, approach time and social arrangements more flexibly; changes in plans can occur more often and easily, and it is common to be involved in many things at once. Santiago, who is married to an Australian and has been living in Australia since 2004 comments on his impression of this monochronic approach to time:

Anglo-Saxon people are more restrained, more discreet, less effusive, more organised. He/she is: “I’ve come to see you for two hours and then, see you later.”

286 Many interviewees expressed notions of what it means to be Australian and Mexican which mirrored stereotypical viewpoints. Australian culture was often recounted as being closed, reserved, organised, and friendly yet not conducive to making friends, whereas Mexican culture was repeatedly presented as being open, giving and passionate. Ignacio’s comment about the friendliness of Mexicans seems to be drawing on a stereotypical view of his own culture, and therein essentialising the Australian type by contrast as “closed” and “reserved”. Drawing on Benedict Anderson’s notion of imagined communities (Anderson, 1991), Bryceson and Vuorela (2002) contend that nations can be seen as both imagined and real communities and that the very concept of nationhood can have its own foundations of both political and emotional natures. The very words chosen by the interviewees revealed in themselves how Mexicans grappled with stereotypes as to what is “Mexicanness”, a thematic tension that could be seen as an attempt to carve their own distinct place in Australian society. In her study of Brazilians in Australia, Wulfhorst argues that “national identity inform[s] the characteristics [migrants] use to explain processes of identification, and produce a reification of differences” (2011: 173) and analyses the ways in which migrants either question or appropriate stereotypes of national identity in their everyday lives.

A survey respondent left a similar comment in the last open-ended question of the survey77 on her impression of Australians and friendliness:

I haven't had bad experiences with Australians; however I feel they are very racist and closed to engaging with people from other countries. They're definitely friendly but never as friendly as people from other parts of the world (Europe, South America, SE Asia). (female survey respondent, settled in 2007, lives in Melbourne)

This repeated observation of (Anglo-)Australians as “closed” and “reserved” appears to contradict the ways Australians often think they are perceived by foreigners. For example, in Europe, Australians are seen as particularly friendly and outgoing. While no interviewee explicitly contrasted perceptions other than between Mexicans and Australians, there remained an underlying gradation in the levels of friendliness experienced in the

77 This question was phrased as: “Other aspects of Mexican migration. Please elaborate on aspects of your migration experience not covered in this questionnaire”.

287 imagination of Mexicans. On their perceived continuum, Mexicans and other Latin Americans would be placed at the top, followed by southern Europeans (Italians and Spanish) with northern Europeans (including British) at the bottom and considered the most aloof. It was not possible to know if there is a common stereotype of Australians in Mexico itself because Australia rarely figures in the mind of even the more cosmopolitan Mexicans. It is only in very recent years that Australia has started to slowly enter into the public consciousness.

Another interviewee who mentioned that he predominantly socialises with people from diverse nationalities, Gabriel, has enlisted himself in an array of Australian sporting codes, not just because he loves sport but because he wants to involve himself more with activities that inspire passion among many Australians. Gabriel migrated in 2005 and has remained single. Despite Gabriel describing himself as gregarious and extroverted, he says he has found it difficult to make friends with Australians, which he attributes to their preference for maintaining full agendas and very organised schedules rather than a certain open-endedness which he felt was more aligned with the Mexican way of doing social things. Again, Hall’s conceptualisation of different approaches to time, monochronic vs. polychronic (1983) is useful to understand the cultural clash experienced by Gabriel and hence the difficulty experienced by him in making friends with the locals:

I started playing OzTag […] In the OzTag team I play with Australians only. […] They [Australians] are good people, but there is no further relationship with them beyond the team. You go, you see them, “Hi, how are you? How have you been?” and end of story. […] I wish it was possible to make more of a friendship.

Several other interviewees used words such as “closed”, “reserved” and “cold” to refer to making friends with Australians. Catalina, a 33 year old female from Mexico City who migrated in 2006 with her Mexican partner, expressed her frustration with the difficulty she recurrently had encountered trying to socialise with Australians:

I do feel that the Australian [social] circle is very closed. I have been in parties where there are Mexicans and Australians, and both [groups] are separated. There is the group of Australians and there is the group of Mexicans. They don’t mix. Why? I don’t know.

288 Who does not like to mix? I feel that it is them [Australians]; because us Mexicans, honestly, we are ajonjolí de todos los moles [a culinary expression that is used to signify that we fit well in any scenario]. We talk to whomever. We joke with whomever. But I do feel that they’re the ones that don’t open up.

Similarly to previously quoted interviewees, Catalina constructed Mexicans as very sociable and warm which contrasted with what she perceived as the “closed” Australians. Although Australians were perceived as cold and reserved, at least at first, especially in their body language (not kissing “hello” but shaking hands; not hugging “hello” among male friends; not regularly inviting people over to their houses) and their tendency to fill up their schedules, interviewees also observed that Australians tend to have enduring friendships. Several interviewees commented on Australians investing a lot of time in the people they do consider their friends, particularly those who they grew up with and who they have known for a long time. This is a possible reason why Mexicans find it difficult to make “new” friends because it implies a lot of time, whereas Mexicans consider themselves to be gregarious, seeking to be friends with everyone even if it is at an initially less deep level.

10.8 Conclusion In this final analysis chapter I have discussed the domains of leisure and friendships and found that most Mexicans in Australia place a strong emphasis on having friends. The survey revealed that nearly 70 per cent of respondents were satisfied with their social life. Not surprisingly, the number of years an individual had been settled in Australia appeared to have some bearing on social life satisfaction: the longer the individual had been in Australia the more he or she had an opportunity to develop and maintain new friendships, hence higher levels of social life satisfaction compared to those who had recently arrived. Noteworthy is that in terms of the type of friendships Mexicans form in Australia, as many as 60 per cent of respondents socialise with people of diverse backgrounds and not just with other Mexicans. This might be explained by the fact that there are still few Latin Americans in Australia and they do not cluster geographically. Yet, on the other hand, the interviews revealed that Mexicans thrive in and seek the opportunity to socialise with people from various backgrounds. This capacity to make friends with people from a variety of backgrounds reflects strongly on the middle class and cosmopolitan aspects of the

289 interviewees’ identity. This ability to engage with people from a different background to one’s own is not exhibited by all migrant groups to Australia nor among Mexicans who migrate to the United States (Jiménez, 2010) and is something that makes these Mexican migrants distinctive. Further, this sociable capacity reflects that many of them possess the middle-class, linguistic and cultural capital required to develop culturally diverse friendships.

However, the formation of new friendships in Australia was not free from tribulations and quandaries. On the one hand, one fifth of interviewees talked about their intentions to avoid mixing with other Mexicans while another fifth talked about maintaining very strong friendships with other Mexicans. Many of the interviewees spoke about the difficulty they had establishing friendships with Australians. Although Mexicans tried to explain this difficulty by drawing upon a significant degree of stereotyping the “Australians” as “cold” and “reserved”, this study suggests that the apparent impasse Mexicans experienced when socialising with Australians might be related to two factors: to the difficulty of establishing new friendships after migration as highlighted in previous literature (Clarke, 2005; Gill & Bialski, 2011; Ryan et al., 2008) and also with the frustration when dealing with the culturally different approaches to friendship and leisure. Despite some episodes of bewilderment, however, overall – and particularly after a period of residence in the new country – the majority of participants seem to have established satisfactory friendships in Australia.

290 Chapter 11 – Conclusion

A major feature of contemporary globalisation is the emergence of new patterns of international migration and mobility which has led to people – particularly the middle class – moving for non-traditional reasons. The experience of Mexican migration to Australia strikingly distinguishes this group from traditional Mexican migration, which has been analysed in great detail.

This research is important for two primary reasons. Firstly, the migration of Mexicans to Australia is a new phenomenon which has not been researched. Thus, this is a pioneering study. Secondly, the study identifies a significant gap in the study of middle-class migration and provides a comprehensive analysis as to what makes the migration of individuals belonging to the middle classes a distinct phenomenon. Their socio-economic characteristics and cosmopolitan middle-class identity gave the Mexican population in Australia the possibility to navigate the Australian mainstream society with relative ease.

This study explored the reasons for migration of Mexicans in Australia, their experiences as they incorporated themselves into the realms of work, family and friendship after resettlement, and the ways in which they continued to be connected to their country of origin. I identified the main demographic characteristics of this group, their reasons for migrating, and why they chose Australia. My examination of their experiences addressed complex questions of their national and social class identity, which forged their incorporation in the Australian work place, and their formation of family patterns and of friendships.

Major socio-economic changes in Mexico starting in the 1980s and intensifying in the 1990s have had a significant impact on the lives of middle-class Mexicans. These changes set the background for this study by showing how the current globalisation trends shaped the migration of this group. Since the implementation of a new economic model in the 1980s and the changes associated with contemporary globalisation processes, the structure of Mexican society has been reshaped. There have been substantial increases in income inequality, higher concentrations of wealth, and major social disruption, often associated with crime and violence that have encouraged many members of the middle class to look for better opportunities abroad. The rapid increase in the flow of information,

291 communication, finance, commerce and population, have increased global possibilities for the educated middle classes and made international migration an attractive option.

This concluding chapter is divided into three sections. The first section presents a summary of the key findings of the research. This is followed by a second section which explores the theoretical contributions of the thesis. A third and final section addresses some of the possible paths in which future research may be conducted.

Summary of main findings The demographic profiling of Mexicans in Australia, based on the online survey information and on the 2011 Australian Census data, indicates that Mexican migrants in Australia differ from the more traditional Mexican emigrants in significant ways. Unlike many generations of Mexican immigrants in the United States, the study group were not mainly labourers or farmers from rural backgrounds, nor were they impoverished economic migrants. The vast majority originated from Mexico City, were tertiary educated and skilled and had a strong command of English. Most of these migrants came to Australia in the last decade, most were under 40, married, and nearly half were childless. The 2011 Census indicated that the gender composition was slightly skewed towards women: 52 per cent female and 48 per cent male. A significant proportion of Mexicans in Australia are married not to fellow Mexicans, but to either Australians or people from other nationalities. In terms of ethnic background, nearly half of respondents identified themselves as mestizos and a quarter considered themselves as purely descendants of European background. All these demographic characteristics point towards a different type of Mexican migrant who is best described as belonging to the middle class or upper-middle class.

Noteworthy is that a significant proportion of Mexicans arrived in Australia with no firm intentions of settling permanently. Two thirds of the sample arrived on temporary visas and later sought permanent residency, while only one third saw their move as permanent. Of the participants who from the outset intended to settle permanently in Australia, the majority had accumulated substantial amounts of economic capital and had applied for Australian permanent residence while still in Mexico. Many arrived on student visas – mainly to acquire Masters or Doctoral degrees – either with intentions of returning to Mexico, hoping to settle or keeping their options open to either returning or settling in

292 Australia. The biggest group of these temporary migrants were those whose aspirations were to keep an open mind, that is, they were middle-class migrants drawing upon their cultural and economic capital to allow their futures to be flexible and unrestricted, or in Bauman’s words, “malleable” and “fluid” (2000). The group which arrived with clear intentions of returning to Mexico after their Australian sojourn saw their personal and employment circumstances changed, which later led them to stay permanently. A considerable number of these migrants viewed their international study experience as a pathway to eventually becoming permanent settlers. These participants resembled many contemporary international students around the world who use their initially temporary stay abroad as a strategy for more permanent forms of migration (Hazen & Alberts, 2006; Li et al., 1996).

Chapter Six addressed the question of why Mexicans move to Australia, exploring the four most prominent motives among participants for remaining in this country: the quest for better quality of life, fear of violence and insecurity in Mexico, seeking an international adventure, and re-joining a partner. The search for a better quality of life was largely associated with the balance between work and leisure. Respondents expressed dissatisfaction with working conditions in Mexico – mainly in terms of long hours and inadequate remuneration – and many found the work-life balance in Australia more aligned with their life expectations. Another key motivation was concern about personal security and that of their children, a concern which derived from the upsurge of crime and violence in Mexico since the 1980s and the dramatic spike in the mid-2000s. The Mexican situation illustrated that the existing theories of international migration fail to adequately address important variables such as crime and insecurity as propellers of new migration flows. With the exception of studies on the South African diaspora (Dodson, 2002; Louw & Mersham, 2001; Lucas et al., 2006), very few studies have looked at the new middle-class mobility and its connection to security concerns in the homeland.

Despite Mexico’s unfavourable economic conditions for over two decades and Australia’s strong labour demands, the decision to move to Australia was, in most cases, not prompted by economic reasons. Rather, amid a multiplicity of factors, a strong adventure and wanderlust motif was evident, as was the importance of cross-cultural marriages in steering participants’ decisions for migration. What participants termed the “adventure factor” appeared to be another common reason for migration. The actual achievements of these more epicurean desires to explore the world are a concrete reflection of the agency,

293 affluence and cultural capital of the Mexican middle class in Australia. Intercultural relationships and marriages were another important reason for migration. Participants’ middle-class identity proved a conducive medium for becoming cross-cultural, a characteristic that expressed itself in the intimate realm by allowing marital associations regardless of ethnic background.

Another important aim of this study was to examine the multiple experiences of Mexicanness among participants. Chapter Seven demonstrated that the majority of respondents showed a strong affiliation to their national and cultural identity and their desire for their children to also retain their Mexican identity. There was no unique version among participants of what “Mexicanness” is. Nevertheless, a strong association with history, culture, food and language was apparent and viewed with pride. Their identities were found to be dynamic and existed in juxtaposition to a constructed “other” (S. Hall, 1996). Their “national narratives” permitted them to justify and understand who they were and to contrast themselves with the “other” (S. Hall, 1996). The uprooting effects of migration provoked questioning of these national identities, which led to some participants developing a desire to learn more about their culture in order to retain their identity. Yet, while most appeared to retain their culture of origin, they also successfully interacted with the Australian culture, suggesting that most Mexicans in Australia followed an integrationist strategy (Berry, 2003).

Their strong attachment to their identity was also evident in respondents’ views towards their Mexican passport. Although in fact a hypothetical question, the number of participants who were not willing to surrender their Mexican passport was significant. Pragmatism, expressed in ease of travel, dominated the reasons for Australian citizenship uptake. One third of participants were naturalised Australians and regarded themselves as Mexican-Australian. Beyond taking up Australian citizenship, the sense of belonging to Australia for these individuals also derived from their gratefulness towards Australia for the opportunities afforded to them, particularly in terms of quality of life. An important additional point to make is that almost no participants perceived themselves as fully Australian and they also felt that “others” did not view them as Australian. These perceptions were derived mainly from their non-Australian accent and from their “non- white” skin pigmentation. Although most of them were fluent in the English language and faced very few practical everyday language barriers, for some respondents and

294 interviewees their English accent influenced their sense of belonging and their confidence, particularly in the workplace.

An important aim was to identify the ways in which Mexicans entered into the work sphere of their host country. The vast majority of participants were professionals or held managerial positions in Mexico; once in Australia, most respondents continued to hold managerial and professional jobs, suggesting that their professional identities were de- territorialisable and mobile. Considering this group’s short length of residence in Australia and their virtually non-existent networks prior to migration, the degree to which many Mexicans in Australia were able to gain adequate employment, not only in terms of income but also commensurate with their level of qualifications, is remarkable.

While the majority of respondents who were active labour market participants had been successful at gaining adequate employment post-migration, finding employment did not appear to be an easy task, at least in the early stages of resettlement. The obstacles faced were similar to the ones faced by other migrant groups, particularly those from non- English speaking backgrounds: needing Australian experience to find their first job in Australia, not having their skills recognised and overcoming barriers associated with the English language. These barriers had significant impacts on the expressed levels of frustration, and some of these migrants were faced with the psychological challenge of having to at least temporarily accept any available job, often below their qualification and social status levels.

One of the main arguments of this thesis is that their formal qualifications, professional occupations and their social, cultural, economic and symbolic capital associated with their middle-class and upper-middle class positioning in Mexico, enabled them to migrate to Australia and to gain access into mainstream middle-class Australian society. The apparent downward mobility found among this group appeared not to be related to occupational mobility. As already stated, most respondents were able to find adequate work after migration, but the downward mobility was related to different social class structures in both countries. There is a greater social distance between the lifestyle of the upper-middle class and some middle-class Mexicans and their corresponding status is very different to other social classes in Mexico, most especially because of the great extremes in income and wealth among classes. Once in Australia, Mexicans have been incorporated into the

295 local social structure, shifted and aligned their identity to integrate locally into the Australian mainstream society.

My study revealed that family matters a great deal for these migrants and many interviewees spoke about “the agony of separation from family”. Very few Mexicans had family members living in Australia when they decided to migrate, and such an absence of family and social support was often accompanied by feelings of loneliness. The vast majority had frequent contact with family and friends back home, not only through regular telephone calls and the use of the internet, but also through frequent trips to Mexico. This ability to be highly mobile across two geographically distant countries exhibited both their substantial economic capital and their attachment to the family.

In terms of gender roles, both conservative and progressive views were identified. For those families which clang to traditional views and patterns of gender roles, the male spouses were usually the sole financial providers and women acted as home-makers. Interestingly, some of the women with more traditional views had adopted the stereotypical imagery of Latin American females as being motherly and caring, in contrast to the Western women who were seen as driven and more independent. Other women who had more progressive gender views found migration a liberating experience, particularly from a stifling Mexican society in which women were expected to be passive and primarily wives and mothers.

Socially, most Mexicans in Australia displayed a great capacity to associate with people from various nationalities, and to form cross cultural friendships. They sought the opportunity to socialise with people from various backgrounds. This capacity to make friendships with people from different backgrounds reflects the cosmopolitanism of this group. Although for those who had recently arrived in Australia the initial period proved to be isolating, and experiences of loneliness and nostalgia for an idealised social life left behind were not uncommon, the longer the individual had been living in Australia, the greater the opportunities to develop and maintain friendships.

In terms of developing friendships with fellow Mexicans in Australia, I found mixed outcomes. Some talked about their desires to avoid associating with other Mexicans while others maintained strong bonds with their fellow compatriots. For those who tried to avoid Mexicans, I found two perspectives: some viewed socialising with people similar to them

296 as parochial, while others did not want to socialise with those Mexicans who they considered to be conservative, apolitical and materialistic.

In spite of a strong desire to socialise with locals, several Mexicans had difficulty establishing friendships with Australians. They felt that there was a certain social rigidity among Australians and some interviewees expressed varying degrees of disenchantment. As a response to their need for carving their own space in their new society, many Mexicans drew on a stereotypical view of the Mexican culture as warm, open and giving, and essentialised Australians as closed and reserved. Overall though, once they had “found their feet” most appeared to establish satisfactory friendships with “locals”. It is important to note that a substantial proportion of respondents in my sample were married to Australians.

Theoretical contributions to the field of migration In addition to providing a pioneering in-depth review of the experience of migration for this new group of Mexican migrants in Australia, this thesis has contributed to the existing body of literature on migration studies through adopting a social class perspective and offering additional sociological perspectives to gain a better understanding of contemporary forms of migration. This section provides a summary of the theoretical contributions the thesis has made through adopting a social class approach in two areas: identification of substantive reasons for migration not previously acknowledged in the literature – fear of crime and the thirst for “adventure” – and the mobility of young people from less-developed countries.

By focusing on the middle-class aspect of this migrant group, the study has allowed for identification and examination of the motivations behind migration of Mexicans to Australia. In particular, it has adopted Sen’s (2001) “positive freedom” approach which highlights people’s real “life chances” and Bourdieu’s (1984) argument that the middle classes have better access to various forms of capital. By cementing the analysis in these two notions, the uniqueness of the migration experience of the middle classes was acknowledged and examined. Through the analysis, it became evident that the migration of middle-class individuals is very different to that of the working class and that many non- economic factors lie behind their mobility.

297 Whilst most theories of international migration focus on the economic aspects propelling the phenomenon, there have also been some studies conducted which analyse non- economic migration factors such as fear of crime (Dodson, 2002; Lucas et al., 2006; Wood et al., 2010) and the thirst for “adventure” (Collins, 2014 in press; Conradson & Latham, 2005a). Drawing on these notions, it has been possible to explore little acknowledged migration motivations which make this Mexican group unique. Hence, this thesis contributes to the body of literature on migration studies by making theoretical advances on the migration of the middle classes through the identification of factors driving new mobility options.

This study has shown that young middle-class Mexicans also participate in the type of mobility previously associated exclusively with Western and more developed populations (Collins, 2014 in press; Conradson & Latham, 2005a); both their desire for an overseas adventure and their ability to set out on one, linked to their life chances (Sen, 2001) and agency (Giddens, 1984), allowed this to become possible. This finding expands the scholarship on the international mobility of young people by highlighting the middle-class participation of people from less-developed countries and revealing that such movement is not exclusive to young middle-class populations in the developed world.

Directions for future research Although the survey and in-depth interviews yielded an extensive amount of data, the fact that the survey was not random does limit the generalisability of the findings. For this reason, further research would be beneficial to determine whether other Mexicans in Australia share similar migration experiences to those presented in this thesis. Of particular interest would be to examine those Mexicans in Australia who completely disassociate themselves from Mexican networks, which was the way in which many of the participants in this study were found. Similarly, the voices of “almost migrants” – those who have not yet “crossed borders” (or perhaps will never cross borders), but which engage in an extended migration journey – were not included in this study and would be an interesting group for further study. All those experiences of “almost migrants” would be important to revisit.

Another topic worthy of further investigation would be a comparative analysis of the migration experiences of the middle class. Some of the benefits from comparative analysis

298 are in relation to revealing the way in which processes and structures impact unevenly across space and groups (Dunn, 2013). Comparisons of the experience of middle-class migrants could be done on a number of different levels: between Australian cities, between global cities, and between different national groups in Australia.

A key finding of this study is the cosmopolitan identity exhibited by many of these migrants. This meant that Mexican migrants were able to engage with a plurality of cultures (Waldron, 1992). Their cosmopolitanism allowed Mexicans to simultaneously experience a sense of familiarity and strangeness with their culture and with other cultures in Australia while still “fitting in”. Yet, this “fitting in” did not necessarily mean permanent settlement. Insofar as it matched their sojourn in Australia, and Australia afforded them the benefits of ease of travel through citizenship, many of them were willing to move on to their next destination. Due to constraints of time and resources, this research was based on a one-time cross-sectional study. Therefore, a follow-up longitudinal study in five or ten years time, of the same people, after they have obtained citizenship, would throw further light on their cosmopolitan identities and their migration experience. This issue brings migration into a “meta” concept as migration is no longer as definitive a concept as it has traditionally been understood to be, particularly in the Australian context78. This study revealed that many Mexicans viewed Australia and the Australian passport as an opportunity to access the rest of the world. As soon as they were naturalised, a significant number of participants considered moving to their next adventure, as discussed in Chapter Seven.

Advances in methodology would also allow for new ways of examining the spaces in which migrants discuss their experiences and sense of belonging. Technological advances, in particular the Internet, provide cyber-spaces (i.e. Facebook group on Mexicanos en Australia) in which migrants discuss their migration experiences. In particular, further study of the role of social networks, both quantitative and qualitatively, would shed more light on the way in which Mexicans are connected at home and abroad (Ackland, 2013).

Finally, the experiences of Mexican migrant children were absent in this study and would represent a fruitful area for further research. Previous research on children and migration (De Casanova, 2011; Jones Díaz, 2011; Marks et al., 2007; Mummert, 2009) indicates that

78 With the exception of a few recent studies such as Robertson’s (2013).

299 the migration experiences of children are often different to those of adults. How children integrate and their views on migration would be noteworthy questions to pursue.

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331 Xiang, B., & Shen, W. (2009). International student migration and social stratification in China. International Journal of Educational Development, 29(5), 513-522. Young, C., Diep, M., & Drabble, S. (2006). Living with Difference? The 'Cosmopolitan City' and Urban Reimaging in Manchester, UK. Urban Studies, 43(10), 1687-1714. Yusuf, F., & Siedlecky, S. (1996). Family formation patterns among migrant women in Sydney. Journal of Biosocial Science, 28(1), 89-99. Zevallos, Z. (2005). "Todos somos Latinos": Ethnic identity constructions of second generation Latin-Australian women. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, 11(1), 141-150. Zevallos, Z. (2007). Because We Live in a Multicultural World: Multiculturalism as a Lived Ideology. Paper presented at the Everyday Multiculturalism Conference, Macquarie University. http://www.crsi.mq.edu.au/news_and_events/documents/zuleykazevallos_000.pdf

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Appendix A 1. This survey contains questions regarding your migration experience to Australia and about your lifestyle, work, and family / social life. With this study we are hoping to get a better understanding of your experience as a Mexican in Australia - your participation is fundamental to this goal.

The survey will take about 25 minutes to complete. Please allow yourself the time to answer it in one sitting. Thank you!

2. Are you:  Male  Female 3. Where were you born?  City / town: ______ State: ______

4. Are you:  Working full-time  Working part-time  Studying only (double invalidation)  Working and studying  Job seeking  I’m not employed nor looking for a job (i.e. stay-at-home mum/dad)  Studying and actively looking for a job

5. What is your current visa/migration status in Australia? (IF Q5.A1 → 96; IF NOT Q5.A2 → Q7) 1. Visitor / Tourist visa 2. Student visa 3. Skilled Independent Regional visa (SRS visa) 4. Other skilled migration visa 5. Business migration visa 6. Bridging visa 7. Family migration visa 8. Working holiday maker visa 9. Other temporary residence visa 10. Permanent resident 11. Australian citizen 12. Other:______

6. Do you intend to stay in Australia at the end of your studies?  Yes  No (→ Q96)  Undecided

Section 1

7. How much did the following factors influence your decision to migrate from Mexico to Australia:

Strong Some No influence Unsure / influence influence Don’t know/ Not Applicable 1. To avoid unemployment in Mexico □ □ □ □ To work in a specific field for which 2. opportunities in Mexico are limited □ □ □ □ 3. To secure a better job □ □ □ □ 4. To obtain international experience □ □ □ □ 5. To improve my English □ □ □ □ Concerns about personal security 6. (e.g. violence) in Mexico □ □ □ □ 7. To give my children a better future □ □ □ □

333 8. To enjoy a better quality of life □ □ □ □ To seek a new life / to do something 9. different □ □ □ □ To gain independence from my 10. family □ □ □ □ To be with my family who migrated 11. before me □ □ □ □ 12. To join my partner / spouse □ □ □ □ To broaden my cultural & travel 13. experience □ □ □ □

8. Are there any other significant factors that influenced your decision? Additional comments? ______

9. Did you originally plan to come to Australia:  Temporarily with a view to returning to Mexico  Temporarily with an open mind to either settling in Australia or returning to Mexico  Temporarily hoping to settle in Australia if possible  Permanently  Other: ______

10. What year did you settle in / migrate to Australia? (dropdown menu with years)

11. Under what visa category did you first arrive in Australia? 13. Visitor / Tourist visa 14. Student visa 15. Skilled Independent Regional visa (SRS visa) 16. Other skilled migration visa 17. Business migration visa 18. Bridging visa 19. Family migration visa 20. Working holiday maker visa 21. Other temporary residence visa 22. Permanent resident 23. Australian citizen 24. Other:______

12. How many Mexicans did you know living in Australia at the time you decided to migrate? (IF Q12.A1 → Q14)  0  4  1  5  2  5+  3

13. Were any of them family members?  Yes, please specify (sister, uncle, cousin, etc): ______ No

334

Section 2

14. Did you ever seriously consider migrating to another country besides Australia? If so, please indicate all of the countries you considered.  United States of America  Spain  Canada  United Kingdom  Other: ______ I only considered Australia

15. Why did you choose Australia (choose as many as appropriate)?  Better quality lifestyle  Better quality of education  Lower cost of education  Better employment opportunities  Higher migration opportunities  Better climate  Social networks in Australia  Social / political / economic stability  Other: ______

16. Would you say that the following statements are better or worse than what you expected before coming to Australia? Much worse Slightly worse About the Slightly better Much better Don’t know same Housing costs □ □ □ □ □ □ Employment opportunities □ □ □ □ □ □ Living expenses □ □ □ □ □ □ Crime rate □ □ □ □ □ □ Quality of life □ □ □ □ □ □

Section 3 17. Which of the following statements apply to your decision to STAY in Australia?

Strongly Slightly Does not Unsure / apply apply apply at all Don’t know I have a good job / career 1. prospects □ □ □ □ 2. I feel safe in Australia □ □ □ □ 3. I have plenty of leisure time □ □ □ □ 4. I enjoy a better quality of life □ □ □ □ I want to become a permanent 5. resident / Australian citizen □ □ □ □

335 I have good friends and 6. support networks in Australia □ □ □ □ 7. I have family in Australia □ □ □ □ I wish to acquire specific 8. (work) skills □ □ □ □ I want to improve my English 9. language skills □ □ □ □

18. Are there any other significant factors that influenced your decision to remain in Australia? Additional comments? ______

19. How would you describe your overall quality of living in Australia compared to Mexico?  Significantly higher  Slightly higher  About the same  Slightly lower  Significantly lower

20. If everyone’s income in Australia was arranged in order from lowest to highest, where do you think your income would be on this scale?  Towards the bottom  Below the middle  In the middle  Above the middle  Towards the top  Don’t know

21. How would you describe your social class in Mexico?  Upper class  Middle - upper class  Middle class  Lower - middle class  Lower class  Other: ______ Prefer not to say

22. How would you describe your social class in Australia?  Upper class  Middle - upper class  Middle class  Lower - middle class  Lower class  Other: ______ Prefer not to say

23. Generally, how settled do you feel in Australia?  Completely settled  Very well settled  Fairly well settled  Somewhat unsettled  Very unsettled  Unsure

336 24. Generally, how happy do you feel about living in Australia?  Very happy  Quite happy  Neither happy nor unhappy  Quite unhappy  Very unhappy

25. What aspects of Mexican life that you value cannot be found in Australia? ______

26. If you knew prior to migrating what you now know about life in Australia would you still have migrated?  Yes  No, why? ______

Section 4

27. What was your profession / occupation in Mexico? ______

28. How would you rate your job satisfaction in your last job before you left Mexico?  Completely satisfied  Very satisfied  Fairly satisfied  Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied  Fairly dissatisfied  Very dissatisfied  Completely dissatisfied  Prefer not to say  Not applicable

29. Did you have a job offer in Australia before leaving Mexico?  Yes  No

30. NOTE: The following questions relate to your work experience IN AUSTRALIA ONLY.

31. Which of the following best describes your employment circumstances: 1. I am not / have not been looking for a job in Australia (→ Q42) 2. I am not looking for a stable full-time job, just casual work 3. I have not found a stable full-time job in Australia yet, but I hold / have held casual/temporary work 4. I have not found a stable full-time job in Australia and have not held any job since I arrived 5. I have held stable full-time jobs in the past in Australia but I’m currently unemployed 6. None of the above 7. I found a stable full-time job after these total number of months: (please specify) _____

32. Was it difficult to find a job in Australia? (IF Q31.A4→ Q40)  Very difficult  Somewhat difficult  Neither difficult nor easy  Somewhat easy  Very easy

337

33. How did you find your current or most recent job?  Through internet employment services  Through an employment agency  Through the newspaper  Through the company I worked with in Mexico  Through a Mexican friend in Australia  Through an Australian friend in Australia  Applied directly to employer  Through word of mouth/referral  Other: ______

34. How long have you been /were you in this job? Years: ______Months: ______

35. What is/was your job title in your current or most recent job: ______

36. What are (or were) the 3 main tasks that you perform (or performed) in your job? Please give full details: ______

37. Which of the following best describes the main position that you hold (or held)?  Non-supervisory  Supervisory  Managerial  Freelance / Self-employed  Other

38. What industry do you (or did you) work in? By industry, we mean the type of business or service performed where you work or worked (e.g. public service, hairdressing, construction, retail sales): ______

39. How would you rate your job satisfaction in your current job (or most recent job) in Australia?  Completely satisfied  Very satisfied  Fairly satisfied  Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied  Fairly dissatisfied  Very dissatisfied  Completely dissatisfied  Prefer not to say  Not applicable

40. Were your Mexican qualifications recognised in Australia? (IF Q31.A1 OR Q31.A4 → Q42)  Were recognised immediately  Were recognised subject to further assessment  Were not recognised  Not applicable  Other / Comments: ______

338

41. What was the main reason that you left your last job in Australia?  I got a better job opportunity  Redundancy  The company I worked for went out of business  I was dismissed / laid off  Job dissatisfaction  My term of employment / contract ended  Family responsibilities / I got married  I retired early by choice  Disability  Not applicable  Other (please specify): ______

42. Would you say that your economic situation in Australia, compared with Mexico, is:  Significantly better  Slightly better  About the same  Slightly worse  Significantly worse

Section 5 43. What is your marital status?  Single, never Married  Cohabiting / de facto partnership  Married  Divorced  Separated  Widowed  Prefer not to say

44. Was your partner / spouse born in:  Mexico  Australia  I don’t have a partner / spouse →Q46  My partner / spouse is from: ______

45. What is your partner /spouse’s citizenship? (select all that apply): a. Mexico b. Australia c. Other (please specify): ______

46. Do you have children?  Yes, some or all of them are still living with me  Yes, but they live on their own  No  Prefer not to say

47. How many close Mexican relatives do you have living in Australia (specify relationship)? ______

48. Who do you socialise with?  Mainly with Mexicans  Mainly with Australians  Mainly with Mexicans and other Latin Americans  Other migrant groups  A mixture of people from diverse nationalities  Other: ______

49. Are you satisfied with your social life?  Very satisfied

339  Satisfied  Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied  Dissatisfied  Very dissatisfied

50. Do you feel lonely?  Almost always  Often  Sometimes  Seldom  Never

51. How strongly do you agree with the following statement ‘I feel part of a community’?  Strongly agree  Agree  Neither  Disagree  Strongly disagree

52. Do you feel that you have friends in Australia that you can rely on?  Yes  Very few  No

53. Overall, how would you assess your migration experience?  Very successful  Successful  Average  Not successful  Very unsuccessful

Section 6

54. What do you regard yourself as:  Mexican  Australian  Mexican-Australian  Other: ______55. Which language do you speak at home (in Australia)? (IF NOT Q46.A1 OR Q46.A2 → Q58)  Mainly Spanish  Mainly English  Combination of English and Spanish  Other: ______

56. What do your children regard themselves as? (only ask to those who have children)  Mexican  Australian  Mexican-Australian  Other: ______

57. In what language do you speak to your children:  Mainly in Spanish  Mainly in English  Other: ______

58. In which ways do you try to retain your Mexican identity? (choose as many as you like)  I don’t make a conscious effort to retain it  I speak Spanish as much as I can  I get involved in Mexican activities  I socialise with Mexicans  I try to cook / prepare or eat as much Mexican food as I can

340  I follow Mexican traditions / celebrations / feasts  I decorate my house with Mexican decorations / arts&crafts / colours  I work providing goods / services for the Mexican community in Australia  Other: ______

59. How closely do you follow news from Mexico?  Daily  Once or twice a week  Once or twice a month  Every other month  Do not follow the news at all

60. How often do you keep in touch with family or friends in Mexico (skype, phone, mail, email, etc)  Daily  Once or twice a week  Once or twice a month  A few times a year  We are not in touch anymore → Q63  Other: ______

61. Please choose the 3 main ways you communicate with family and friends in Mexico? (1 = most important; 2 = second most important; 3 = least important. Please use each number only ONCE). ∟ Phone ∟ Skype ∟ Email ∟ Internet social networks (i.e. Facebook) ∟ Regular mail ∟ Blog ∟ You visit them / They visit you

62. What other ways do you use to communicate?

63. Which Mexican traditions do you celebrate? (choose as many as apply)  Día de la Independencia – El grito  Día de la Virgen de Guadalupe  Rosca de reyes  El día de la candelaria - tamales 2 de feb  Semana Santa  Día de las madres  Día de muertos - ofrenda  Posadas  Cumpleaños con piñatas  Others: ______ None

64. In which ways have you tried to “fit in” better to the Australian community? (choose as many as apply) (IF NOT Q5.11 → Q66)  I socialise with as many Australians as I can  I try to practice and improve my English as much as possible  I try to improve my understanding of Australian history and culture  I try to acquire an Australian accent  I follow an Australian life style (BBQs, beach activities, go to pubs, etc)  I eat/drink Australian food/drinks  I follow Australian sports  I have joined sports clubs  I am seeking Australian Permanent Residence  I am seeking Australian citizenship  Other: ______

65. What was your main reason for becoming an Australian citizen (only ask to those who have answered that they are citizens)?

341  To secure a stable lifestyle  To travel internationally with fewer difficulties  To be able to vote  To be able to stay in the country, leave and come back whenever I want  To be a part of the Australian nation  Other: ______

66. If you had to, would you surrender your Mexican passport to secure Australian citizenship?  Yes  No  Unsure  Prefer not to say

67. Which country do you most strongly consider “home”?  Mexico  Australia  Other: ______ Can’t say / decide

Section 7

68. Have you ever felt discriminated against in Australia for being Mexican?  Yes  No  Prefer not to say

69. How often do you feel disadvantaged because of your accent (e.g. on phone calls)?  Always  Often  Sometimes  Rarely  Never  Prefer not to say

70. Have you ever felt disadvantaged in Australia specifically for being Mexican?  Yes  No  Prefer not to say

71. Do you think people in Australia regard Mexicans as in any way inferior?  Yes  No  Prefer not to say

342

Section 8

72. How often do you go back to Mexico? (choose only 1)  At least once a year  Every 2 years  Every 3-5 years  I haven’t been in Mexico in a long time  Never  Other: ______

73. Do you ever seriously consider permanently leaving Australia?  Yes  Sometimes  No → Q76

74. If you have considered leaving Australia, in what country would you resettle? ______

75. What would be your principal reasons to leave Australia permanently? (choose as many as apply)  To be with family and friends  To be in a place where you feel you belong more  To be in a place where the main language is Spanish  Job opportunity  Other: ______

76. What would be the main obstacle to settling back in Mexico? (choose only 1)  Finding a job  Getting used again to the way things work in Mexico (bureaucracy, corruption, etc) and compare them to the way things are in Australia  Getting used to the pollution  Having a desirable income  Being concerned about violence / personal safety  Having to worry about your family’s wellbeing / safety  Other: ______ Don’t know

77. Where do you think you are most likely to retire?  Australia  Mexico  Elsewhere: ______ I have not thought about it

Demographics

78. What is your age?  Less than 18  50-54  18-19  55-59  20-24  60-64  25-29  65-69  30-34  70-74  35-39  75-79  40-44  80 years and over  45-49  Prefer not to say

79. In total, how many years have you lived in: a. Australia? ______b. Mexico? ______c. Elsewhere? ______

80. Where in Mexico did you live most of your time?

343  Mexico City  Monterrey  Guadalajara  Other: ______

81. Where in Australia do you live? Postcode: ______

82. Did you choose your place of residence because fellows Mexicans were living in that area?  Yes  Not really  Not at all

83. Do you own outright, are you buying or renting the dwelling in which you now live?  Own outright → Q85  Own, paying off mortgage → Q85  Rent from private landlord  Rent from public housing authority  Other (boarding, living at home, etc.)

84. Do you intend to buy a house/flat in Australia?  Yes  No

85. What is your annual total income, before tax and other deductions? (if living with family please answer the household’s income; if living alone or with flatmates, please consider your individual income only)

 Below $30,000  $100,000 - $149,999  $30,000-$44,999  $150,000 - $199,999  $45,000-$54,999  $200,000 or over  $55,000-$74,999  Prefer not to say  $75,000-$99,999  Don't know

86. The previous figure refers to:  My personal / Individual income  My household’s income

87. Do you send money back to support relatives in Mexico?  Yes  No  Prefer not to say

88. How many dependants do you support? ______ Prefer not to say

89. How would you describe your ethnicity?  100% Spanish descendant  100% European descendant (other than only Spanish)  Descendant of both European and Indigenous  Mostly indigenous  I don’t really know  Other: ______ Prefer not to say

90. What is your level of English?  Fluent

344  Proficient  Basic

91. What is the highest level of education you have completed?  Elementary education  High School  Technical accreditation (Certificate, Diploma)  Undergraduate Degree (BA, BSc, Licenciate)  Master’s Degree  Doctoral Degree  Professional Degree (MD, JD)

92. Where did you acquire your highest level of education?  Mexico  United States of America  Australia  United Kingdom  Spain  Other Western European countries  Other: ______

93. Other aspects of Mexican migration Please elaborate on aspects of your migration experience not covered in this questionnaire:

94. Interview: You are invited to participate in the interview stage of this research, if you are open to being considered for this please leave your contact details below. All information remains strictly confidential.

Given name: Family name: Email: Phone number:

95. Thank you for participating! With your help, we hope to understand better your experience as a Mexican in Australia. We would really appreciate if you forwarded the link to this survey to all the Mexicans you know living in Australia.

If you need to contact the researcher, please email Laura at [email protected] or call 0433 968 077.

96. Thank you for participating!

However, based on the information you have provided, you do not meet the criteria to answer this survey since we are looking for Mexicans who are in Australia on a permanent basis We would really appreciate if you forwarded the link to this survey to all the Mexicans you know living in Australia. Thanks again!

Please do not hesitate to contact the researcher for any comments, questions or suggestions: email Laura at [email protected] or call 0433 968 077.

345

Appendix B The University of New South Wales - Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Mexicans in Australia

QUERIDO MEXICANO EN AUSTRALIA, ¡TE NECESITAMOS!

Queremos conocer tus experiencias. Haz que tu voz se escuche al participar en una encuesta nacional que nos ayudará a entender mejor tu experiencia en este país.

Nos interesa saber la opinión de mexicanos viviendo en Australia.

La información proporcionada será parte de un proyecto de investigación de doctorado. Teléfono: Para participar en la encuesta, haz clic aquí: 0433 968 077

Email: https://www.surveys.unsw.edu.au/survey/154766/1dcd/ [email protected]

(Si tienes problemas para abrir el enlace, por favor Ayúdanos a llegar al copia y pega la dirección anterior en tu buscador para tener acceso a la encuesta) mayor número posible de Mexicanos en Australia re-enviando esta invitación. Gracias!

La encuesta tiene una duración aproximada de 30 minutos.

Por favor tómate el tiempo para contestarla con calma, así tus respuestas serán relevantes para nuestro estudio. De antemano, te agradecemos el tiempo y el esfuerzo invertido. GRACIAS.

Para mayor información del cuestionario, de la investigación en general y/o de la confidencialidad de la información, por favor revisa el documento anexo. Toda la información recabada es anónima y será manejada con estricta confidencialidad.

Cualquier duda, antes, durante y/o después de llenar el cuestionario, por favor dirígete a Laura Vázquez Maggio por correo electrónico a [email protected] o por teléfono al 0433 968 077.

Aprobación del comité de Ética de UNSW No. 09 2 199, fecha 1º de diciembre de 2009.

Appendix C The University of New South Wales - Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

Mexicans in Australia

QUERIDO MEXICANO: Necesitamos tu ayuda para una encuesta que nos permitirá entender mejor tus experiencias como mexicano en Australia. ¡Haz que tu voz se escuche! Sólo te tomará unos 20 minutos.

Haz clic en el siguiente link:

https://www.surveys.unsw.edu.au/survey/154766/1dcd/

Si ya participaste, ¡muchas gracias!

Ayúdanos a llegar a más mexicanos – necesitamos más participantes para obtener una muestra representativa. Por favor reenvía este recordatorio y anima a tus amigos a participar.

Fecha límite: 24 mayo 2010

Cualquier duda, por favor dirígete a Laura Vázquez Maggio por correo electrónico a [email protected] o por teléfono al 0433 968 077.

Y tú, ¿ya participaste?

(Toda la información recabada es anónima y es manejada con estricta confidencialidad - Aprobación del comité de Ética de UNSW No. 09 2 199).

Appendix D

Interview Schedule

Themes:

1. Reasons for migrating to Australia - What motivated you to leave Mexico?

2. EXPERIENCE OF MIGRATION

3. Initial experience – the first couple of years – yourself, your partner, your children.

4. Situation now – neighbourhood/ accommodation, work and leisure.

5. Identity – cultural activities, links with Mexico, Australian activities, your children, language spoken at home.

6. Prejudice and discrimination

7. Plans for the future

348

Appendix E 3.2(a) Approval

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

Arts, Humanities & Law Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel

Date: 30/11/2009

School: School of Social Sciences and International Studies

Supervisors: Associate Professor Peter Kriesler and Dr Alan Morris

Title of Project: Contemporary migration of middle class Mexicans to Australia

Reference Number: 09 2 199

Investigator: Ms Monica Laura Vasquez Maggio

The Arts, Humanities & Law Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel has recommended to your Head of School/Unit/Centre and the Human Research Ethics Committee that this project, being of minimal ethical impact, may proceed. This approval is valid for 12 months from this date.

………………………………………… Associate Professor Leong Chan Convenor Arts, Humanities & Law Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel

(27 February 2010) ………………………………………… Associate Professor Rogelia Pe-Pua Head School of Social Sciences and International Studies

Appendix F

Approval No (09 2 199)

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT AND CONSENT FORM

Contemporary migration of Mexicans to Australia

You are invited to participate in a study investigating the contemporary migration experience of Mexicans in Australia. Through this study we hope to learn what factors contributed to your decision to migrate (temporarily or permanently) and how has your overall living experience been as a Mexican in Australia.

When you very kindly responded to the online questionnaire survey, you indicated that you are willing to take part in the second phase of this study. If you decide to be part of this stage of the research, you will expect to participate in an in-depth interview conducted in a mutually convenient location. The interview should not take longer than 60 minutes to complete. The interviews will be audio-recorded (with your permission) for later analysis. We cannot guarantee or promise that you will receive any benefits from this study.

Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or except as required by law. If you give us your permission by signing this document (you will be given a copy of this form to keep), it is planned to use these data for research purposes only. In any publication, information will be provided in such a way that you cannot be identified.

Any complaints may be directed to the Ethics Secretariat, The University of New South Wales, SYDNEY 2052 AUSTRALIA, phone 9385 4234, fax 9385 6648, email [email protected].

Your decision whether or not to participate will not prejudice your future relations with The University of New South Wales or myself. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and to discontinue participation at any time without prejudice.

If you have any questions, please feel free to ask me. Also, if you have any additional questions later, please do not hesitate to contact me, Laura Vázquez Maggio at [email protected] or at 04 3396 8077. I will be happy to answer them. Alternatively, you can contact my PhD supervisor, Dr Alan Morris, Senior Lecturer in the School of Social Sciences and International Studies at 93853541; [email protected].

Many thanks for your assistance with this project!

Laura Vázquez Maggio

Page 1 of 3 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT AND CONSENT FORM (continued)

Contemporary migration of Mexicans to Australia

You are making a decision whether or not to participate. Your signature indicates that, having read the information provided above, you have decided to participate.

…………………………………………………… …………………………………………………… Signature of Research Participant Signature(s) of Investigator(s)

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. (Please PRINT name) Please PRINT Name

…………………………………………………… Date

Page 2 of 3

REVOCATION OF CONSENT Contemporary migration of Mexicans to Australia

I hereby wish to WITHDRAW my consent to participate in the research proposal described above and understand that such withdrawal WILL NOT jeopardise any treatment or my relationship with The University of New South Wales, (other participating organisation[s] or other professional[s]).

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Signature Date

…………………………………………………… Please PRINT Name

The section for Revocation of Consent should be forwarded to Laura Vázquez Maggio, [email protected], School of Social Science and Policy, University of New South Wales, UNSW, Sydney, NSW 2052.

Page 3 of 3