DOCSLIB.ORG

JMEMS30.2-04.Herman

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
JMEMS30.2-04.Herman Rastell’s Pastyme of People: Monarchy and the Law in Early Modern Historiography Peter C. Herman San Diego State University San Diego, California . What law is there to take upp Armes against the prince in Case hee breakes his Covenant? . Though there bee no written law for it yet there is Custome which is the best Law of the Kingdome; for in England they have allwayes done it. —Selden, Table Talk The prevailing view among literary critics and historians is that early mod- ern historiographers wrote conservative texts, monarchist in orientation, which unreflectively supported the legitimating myths of the Tudor dynasty.1 Even though Annabel Patterson overturned this model in Reading Holin- shed’s “Chronicles” by providing copious evidence for reading the Chronicles as multivocal, ideologically capacious, and sympathetic to “instances of active social protest,” subsequent scholarship has, it seems, decided to remain unconvinced.2 In Engendering a Nation, Jean Howard and Phyllis Rackin still maintain that early modern historiographers provided “a traditional rationale for newly acquired power and privilege. Invoking the legendary names of Brute and Arthur, Tudor historians produced fables of ancient descent and providential purpose to validate a new dynasty’s claim to the English throne.”3 And in Historiography and Ideology in Stuart Drama, Ivo Kamps continues in this vein, arguing that early modern historiography is essentially “orthodox” and that it never “called for radical changes in the monarchy.”4 This refusal to accept Patterson’s conclusions about historiography in general and the Chronicles in particular certainly demonstrates how at times, not even overwhelming evidence can displace a deeply entrenched Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30:2, Spring 2000. Copyright © by Duke University Press / 2000 / $2.00. critical paradigm that provides a highly seductive straw argument. An addi- both issues, Rastell sided with the commoners.”12 Reed no doubt exaggerates tional reason, however, for the resistance to Patterson’s revisionary thesis when he writes that “Rastell emerged from these and like experiences a rad- might be her sense that contestatory historiography begins with the Chroni- ical reformer.” Like More, Rastell involved himself far too much with the cles, that this massive volume constitutes the exception rather than the rule.5 government to earn the epithet “radical.” Yet Reed rightly senses that “there One can find, however, similar positions to the ones Patterson rightly finds is little in the social criticism of his brother-in-law’s Utopia with which he constitutive of Holinshed’s Chronicles in much earlier texts, as in John would not find himself in hearty agreement.”13 Rastell’s important but neglected The Pastyme of People (1529).6 Like Once he left Coventry, Rastell very quickly established himself as a Thomas More’s History of King Richard III (ca. 1515) and anticipating lawyer and a printer catering to the legal trade, starting his press sometime Holinshed’s Chronicles, Rastell uses history as a vehicle for dissent, in partic- between 1510 and 1519,14 and while we will never know what exactly ular to register his distaste for the domestic results of Henry VIII’s French prompted Rastell to set up shop, it is clear that he regarded his publishing wars. Rastell’s Pastyme demonstrates that English historical writing did not ventures as something more than just a good business opportunity, as his always construct “its readers as hereditary subjects of the English kings legal texts clearly furthered his earlier politics. Rastell evidently envisioned whose narrative of dynastic succession it recounts.” Nor did it always endorse himself empowering the nonelite by making available England’s legal tradi- the proposition that “[t]o be English is to be a subject of the English king.”7 tions, and the Pastyme contributes to this project. Indeed, this text may be Quite the opposite, for Rastell’s history is more about the customary limits the first constitutional history of England as the Pastyme consistently insists on monarchical power and what happens when monarchs overstep the on the contractual nature of monarchy and the legitimacy of deposing a bounds set for them by English common law. monarch who rules by will rather than by law.15 It is possible that the source for Rastell’s ideological independence lies in his formative years in Coventry, as A. W. Reed suggests.8 Following I the family tradition (his father and grandfather were lawyers), Rastell attended the Middle Temple in London, and then returned home to Coven- Near the start of the Pastyme, Rastell includes an extraordinary passage: try to practice, where he succeeded his father as coroner. Rastell’s immersion Also after that there was a new order & dygnyte made among the in local affairs is significant, for Coventry was a town in serious economic romayns which was callyd a Dictator . [who] was chaungeable trouble due to the combined effects of the enclosure movement and the every half yere & sometyme after at every thryd yeere as some evaporation of the town’s textile industry. The rapidly deteriorating eco- wryters affyrme and some tyme at every .v. yere & when his yerys nomic decline led to an exodus of people seeking better opportunities else- was past and he dyschargyd of his auctoryte he shuld be answere- where, including John Rastell.9 But before he left, Rastell would have been able to all byllis & complayntis that any of the people could alegge fully exposed to the class and social tensions resulting from economic dislo- agayn hym and ponyshed for every thyng that he had done cation. The town had a history of enclosure riots (1421, ca. 1430, 1469, contrary to Justyce therefore there was ever so good & Indyfferent 1473, 1495, and 1509), and these led to “a general resentment under a sense Justice usyd and had among the romayns that all the world spake of oppression,” as Reed puts it.10 Yet while Coventry provided Rastell with of [the] honor and the executynge of which good and indefferent many examples of exploitation, it also provided instances of wealthier citi- Justyce cawsed them to grow in riches and to be of power & zens taking the side of the less fortunate, and Rastell seems to have taken strength above any people in the world therefore wold good it were these role models to heart, for in his Coventry legal work “Rastell’s sympa- so usyd at this day in the realme of England that every Jugge and thies appeared to be with the commoners and craftsmen against the ruling other offyciers having auctoryte to execute the lawis or to governe or to classes.”11 His practice “required him to participate in many chancery suits rule in any office should be removable at .iiii. or .v. yere or lesse & of which there are extant records. They show his interest in social reforms, then to answere to all complayntis that shuld be allegid agayns him particularly the dispute over the public grazing rights and the revolt of the and to be ponished for every offence that he had committid in his citizens who wanted public instead of religious supervision of schools. On 276 Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies / 30.2 / 2000 Herman / Rastell’s Pastyme of People 277 rome and then ther wold not be so mich extorcione and oppressione of rich merchants were not the only groups who considered the king’s demands the pore people nor so many injuries as is nowadays. (213–14, my outrageous. When Parliament prorogued after acquiescing to some of Henry’s emphasis)16 financial demands, “the common people saied to the Burgesses, sirs, we heare saie you will graunt iii.s. of the pound, we advise you to do so that you maie This section demonstrates that Rastell’s text does not fit any of the standard go home, with many evill woordes, and threatenynges” (657). In October, definitions of early modern historical writing. First, his attack on those who Wolsey sent out commissions to collect the subsidy before it was actually due, “rule in any office” shows that he has no interest in supporting the powers- and Hall makes clear both his and the people’s attitude toward this new pro- that-be or in validating the Tudors’ claim to the throne by praising the jus- cedure: “This payment was called an Anticipacion, which is to say, a thing tice they and their magistrates dispense. Second, Rastell’s overt condemnation taken or a thing comyng before his tyme or season: This terme was new to the of the oppression of the poor “nowadays” at the hands of those “having auc- cominaltie, but they payd wel for theyr learnyng, for their money was paied toryte to execute the lawis” demonstrates that the Pastyme in no way reflects out of hand without delay” (672). As a commissioner charged with collecting a “conservative ideology of obedience, duty and deference to social and yet another subsidy (this one for the maintenance of the king’s household), political hierarchy.”17 Far from exhibiting deference to hierarchy, Rastell uses Rastell probably witnessed, if not personally experienced, some of this anger history as an occasion to condemn abuses precisely by those the poor are against both the amount and the method of taxation. supposed to obey without question. Furthermore, despite Kamps’s assertion Wolsey exacerbated the ill will toward himself, the king, and the war that historiography never called for “radical changes” in the structure of gov- by announcing in 1524 that he required even more money so that Henry ernment, Rastell suggests that everyone charged with governing, in any himself could go to France in the appropriate style. Hall reports that “the office, a phrase that includes the monarchy (at the very least, Rastell does not poore curssed, the riche repugned, the light wittes railed, but in conclusion, exclude it from this formulation), ought to be answerable for their actions all people curssed the Cardinal, and his coadherentes as subversor of the and punished for all offences.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pride and Penitence in Some Tudor Histories of Thomas Wolsey
    HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 10 Original Research The conversion of the cardinal? Pride and penitence in some Tudor histories of Thomas Wolsey Author: The life of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey, lord chancellor of England from 1515 to 1529, has inspired 1,2 Patrick Hornbeck no small number of literary, historical, and dramatic retellings. A comprehensive study of Affiliations: these texts remains to be written, but this article seeks to make a start by examining how Tudor 1Chair, Department of writers portrayed the cardinal’s response to his deposition and subsequent disgrace. For some Theology, Fordham authors, Wolsey’s fall only made him more proud, and he began to act erratically and disloyally, University, United States confirming the wisdom of the king’s decision to relieve him of office. For others, deposition moved Wolsey to become philosophical and penitent, and some such writers depict a cardinal 2Research Associate, Faculty of Theology, University of who at the end of his life underwent nothing short of a conversion. This article traces both of Pretoria, South Africa these historiographical trajectories from their origins in writings of the late 1540s and 1550s through a range of late Tudor chronicle accounts. Elements of both narratives about the Corresponding author: cardinal appear, prominently if not always congruously, in one of the best-known theatrical Patrick Hornbeck, [email protected] works about the events of the reign of Henry VIII, the play King Henry VIII (All Is True) by William Shakespeare and John Fletcher. Understanding the interrelationships between Dates: the Tudor texts presented here is essential to grasping later portrayals of Wolsey and his Received: 07 July 2015 contemporaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Small Mid-Tudor Chronicles and Popular History: 1540-1560
    Quidditas Volume 37 Article 7 2016 Small Mid-Tudor Chronicles and Popular History: 1540-1560 Barrett L. Beer Kent State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, History Commons, Philosophy Commons, and the Renaissance Studies Commons Recommended Citation Beer, Barrett L. (2016) "Small Mid-Tudor Chronicles and Popular History: 1540-1560," Quidditas: Vol. 37 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra/vol37/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Quidditas by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Quidditas 37 (2016) 57 Small Mid-Tudor Chronicles and Popular History: 1540-1560 Barrett L. Beer Kent State University This essay examines twenty-two editions of little-studied small Mid-Tudor chroni- cles that were published by printers at Canterbury and London. They demonstrate the important role of printers in historical scholarship and offer a significantly dif- ferent perspective on English history than the better-known, larger contemporary works of Robert Fabyan, Edward Hall, and Thomas Cooper. The chronicles also shed light on the readership of historical works by non-elite readers who presum- ably could not afford larger and more expensive chronicles. The short chronicles present a simplified view of the past, avoid propagating the well-known Tudor myths including the tyranny of Richard III, and demonstrate a clear preference for recent history. Although overlooked in most accounts of Early Modern historiography, the small Mid-Tudor chronicles are clearly part of the historical culture of the era.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading History in Early Modern England
    READING HISTORY IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND D. R. WOOLF published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011–4211, USA www.cup.org 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia Ruiz de Alarco´n 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain © Cambridge University Press 2000 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2000 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeset in Sabon 10/12pt [vn] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Woolf, D. R. (Daniel R.) Reading History in early modern England / by D. R. Woolf. p. cm. (Cambridge studies in early modern British history) ISBN 0 521 78046 2 (hardback) 1. Great Britain – Historiography. 2. Great Britain – History – Tudors, 1485–1603 – Historiography. 3. Great Britain – History – Stuarts, 1603–1714 – Historiography. 4. Historiography – Great Britain – History – 16th century. 5. Historiography – Great Britain – History – 17th century. 6. Books and reading – England – History – 16th century. 7. Books and reading – England – History – 17th century. 8. History publishing – Great Britain – History. I. Title. II. Series. DA1.W665 2000 941'.007'2 – dc21 00-023593 ISBN 0 521 78046 2 hardback CONTENTS List of illustrations page vii Preface xi List of abbreviations and note on the text xv Introduction 1 1 The death of the chronicle 11 2 The contexts and purposes of history reading 79 3 The ownership of historical works 132 4 Borrowing and lending 168 5 Clio unbound and bound 203 6 Marketing history 255 7 Conclusion 318 Appendix A A bookseller’s inventory in history books, ca.
    [Show full text]
  • Christopher Marlowe and the Golden Age of England
    The Marlowe Society Christopher Marlowe and the Research Journal - Volume 05 - 2008 Golden Age of England Online Research Journal Article Michael J. Kelly Christopher Marlowe and the Golden Age of England Poet, spy and playwright, Christopher Marlowe was the embodiment of the Elizabethan Golden Age. Marlowe’s work was the product of his ‘Erasmian,’ or Christian humanist, education, the state of affairs in England and his own ability and readiness to satirize the world around him. Marlowe and his fellow contemporaries were a testament to the development of English drama, its pinnacle at the end of the English Renaissance and its eventual decline and suppression at the outbreak of the English Civil War. Their work is historically important because it illustrates, in addition to the development of English theatre, the dramatic political and social events of the time through the public medium of the playhouse. Specifically, the development of the theatre helps explain key features of the English Renaissance such as the creation of English self-identity, adoption of humanistic ideal, the advancement of English over Latin, the role of religion, the intellectual development of a people and parliament and their gradual alienation from the monarchy, the ultimate assertion of parliamentary power, and Civil War. Furthermore, the development of commercial playwriting, acting, stage management and private investment in theatres, an aspect of life today taken for granted, began during this Golden Age in English drama. The history of English playwriting and performance stretches back to at least the ninth century trope ‘Alle Luia’ sung at Easter masses. However, post-classical Christian ritual performance itself probably developed from the ritualistic repetitions of the Empirical Roman Senate.1 This tradition, established in the Church at some point during the early formation of Roman successor states, likely spread to England from Spain, via Ireland, through missionaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Theatricality and Historiography in Shakespeare's Richard
    H ISTRIONIC H ISTORY: Theatricality and Historiography in Shakespeare’s Richard III By David Hasberg Zirak-Schmidt This article focuses on Shakespeare’s history drama Richard III, and investigates the ambiguous intersections between early modern historiography and aesthetics expressed in the play’s use of theatrical and metatheatrical language. I examine how Shakespeare sought to address and question contemporary, ideologically charged representations of history with an analysis of the characters of Richard and Richmond, and the overarching theme of theatrical performance. By employing this strategy, it was possible for Shakespeare to represent the controversial character of Richard undogmatically while intervening in and questioning contemporary discussions of historical verisimilitude. Historians have long acknowledged the importance of the early modern history play in the development of popular historical consciousness.1 This is particularly true of England, where the history play achieved great commercial and artistic success throughout the 1590s. The Shakespearean history play has attracted by far the most attention from cultural and literary historians, and is often seen as the archetype of the genre. The tragedie of kinge RICHARD the THIRD with the death of the Duke of CLARENCE, or simply Richard III, is probably one of the most frequently performed of Shakespeare’s history plays. The play dramatizes the usurpation and short- lived reign of the infamous, hunchbacked Richard III – the last of the Plantagenet kings, who had ruled England since 1154 – his ultimate downfall, and the rise of Richmond, the future king Henry VII and founder of the Tudor dynasty. To the Elizabethan public, there was no monarch in recent history with such a dark reputation as Richard III: usurpation, tyranny, fratricide, and even incest were among his many alleged crimes, and a legacy of cunning dissimulation and cynical Machiavellianism had clung to him since his early biographers’ descriptions of him.
    [Show full text]
  • Lees and Moonshine: Remembering Richard III, 14851635
    ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Lees and Moonshine: Remembering Richard III, 1485-1635 AUTHORS Schwyzer, Philip JOURNAL Renaissance Quarterly DEPOSITED IN ORE 18 March 2013 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4490 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Lees and Moonshine: Remembering Richard III, 1485–1635 Author(s): Philip Schwyzer Reviewed work(s): Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 850-883 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/656930 . Accessed: 02/12/2011 08:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Renaissance Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Renaissance Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org Lees and Moonshine: Remembering Richard III, 1485–1635* by P HILIP S CHWYZER Not long after Shakespeare’s birth in 1564, the last witnesses to the reign of Richard III (1483–85) would have reached the end of their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyd and Shakespeare: Authorship, Influence, and Collaboration
    Kyd and Shakespeare: Authorship, Influence, and Collaboration Darren Anthony Freebury-Jones A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Cardiff University 2016 Abstract The aim of this thesis is to establish the canon of Thomas Kyd’s plays and to explore Shakespeare’s relationship with that oeuvre. Chapter One begins by examining Shakespeare’s verbal indebtedness to plays that have been attributed to Kyd for over two centuries, including The Spanish Tragedy (1587), Soliman and Perseda (1588), and The True Chronicle History of King Leir (1589). The first chapter argues that Shakespeare’s extensive knowledge of Kyd’s plays contributed towards the development of his dramatic language. The second chapter provides an overview of some of the complex methods for identifying authors utilized throughout the thesis. Chapter Three then seeks to establish a fuller account of Kyd’s dramatic canon through a variety of authorship tests, arguing that in addition to the three plays above Arden of Faversham (1590), Fair Em (1590), and Cornelia (1594) should be attributed to Kyd as sole authored texts. The fourth chapter examines the internal evidence for Kyd’s hand in Shakespeare’s Henry VI Part One (1592). The chapter contends that Shakespeare’s chronicle history play was originally written by Kyd and Thomas Nashe for the Lord Strange’s Men, and that Shakespeare subsequently added three scenes for the Lord Chamberlain’s Men. The fifth chapter argues that Shakespeare and Kyd collaborated on The Reign of King Edward III (1593) and that Kyd should thus be recognized as one of Shakespeare’s earliest co-authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Iowa State Journal of Research 56.1
    IOWA STATE JOURNAL OF RESEARCH I MAY, 1982 4'3 -439 Vol. 56, No. 4 IOWA STATE JOURNAL OF RESEARCH TABLE OF CONTENTS Volume 56 (August, 1981-May, 1982) No. 1, August, 1981 ASPECTS IN RENAISSANCE SCHOLARSHIP PAPERS PRESENTED AT "SHAKESPEARE AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES" SYMPOSIUM, 1981 From the Editors. 1 GALYON, L. R. Introduction...................... ...... 5 BEVINGTON, D. M. "Why Should Calamity Be Full of Words?" The Efficacy of Cursing in Richard III . 9 ANDERSON, D. K., Jr. The King's Two Rouses and Providential Revenge in Hamlet . 23 ONUSKA, J. T., Jr. Bringing Shakespeare's Characters Down to Earth: The Significance of Kneeling . 31 MULLIN, M. Catalogue-Index to Productions of the Shakespeare Memorial/Royal Shakespeare Theatre, 1879-1978 . 43 SCHAEFER, A. J. The Shape of the Supernatitral: Fuseli on Shakespeare. 49 POAGUE, L. "Reading" the Prince: Shakespeare, Welles, and Some Aspects of Chimes at Midnight . 57 KNIGHT, W. N. Equity in Shakespeare and His Contemporaries. 67 STATON, S. F. Female Transvestism in Renaissance Comedy: "A Natural Perspective, That Is and Is Not" . 79 IDE, R. S. Elizabethan Revenge Tragedy and the Providential Play-Within-a-Play. 91 STEIN, C.H. Justice and Revenge in The Spanish Tragedy... 97 * * * * * * * * * * No. 2, November, 1981 From the Editors.. ... 105 TABLE OF CONTENTS PUHL, J. Forearm liquid crystal thermograms during sustained and rhythmic handgrip contractions . 107 COUNTRYMAN, D. W. and D. P. KELLEY. Management of existing hardwood stands can be profitable for private woodland owners....... .... 119 MERTINS, C. T. and D. ISLEY. Charles E. Bessey: Botanist, educator, and protagonist . 131 HELSEL, D. B.
    [Show full text]
  • Lauren Morgan Richard III's Bestial Masculinity and the Rhetoric Of
    Morgan 1 Lauren Morgan Richard III’s Bestial Masculinity and the Rhetoric of Animality in Thomas More's The History of King Richard III and The True Tragedie of Richard the Third Due to more recent scholarship by feminist and queer theorists, the study of gender in the early modern period tends to shift its focus on the marginalized by allocating agency to those outside the apex of male-dominated power structures. Rather than analyzing those outside the center, I focus within the structure by exposing incongruities that existed inside male performances of masculinity in early modern patriarchy. More specifically, I aim to demonstrate how Richard III, through Tudor discourse, functions as a beast figure who disrupts order and traditional lines of succession due to his excessive masculine aggression and monstrous violence. The literary accounts which follow the death and history of Richard Duke of Gloucester offer rich complexity to the evolving discourse on his reign and character. During the Tudor Era, he was examined in “ballads and beast fables, riddles and prophecies, chronicles and histories, verse complaints, paradoxes and plays in both Latin and English” (Schwyzer 173), featured most prominently as a bestial character, a boar personified, akin to the beast he used as his badge. For Tudor writers, much of what is written surrounding Richard III’s reign colluded in the Tudor characterization of the fifteenth century monarch as the embodiment of war, bloodshed, and instability – a beast-fable figure who appears as a warning against masculine misrule. These characterizations feature most prominently in Thomas More’s History of King Richard III and the anonymous The True Tragedie of Richard the Third.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tragedy of King Richard the Third
    Dating Shakespeare’s Plays: Richard III The Tragedy of King Richard t he Third with the Landing of Earle Richmond and the Battel at Boſworth Field he earliest date for The Tragedy of King murther of his innocent Nephewes: his Richard III (Q1) is 1577, the first edition tyrannicall vsurpation: with the whole of Holinshed. The latest possible date is at course of his detested life, and most deserued Tthe publication of the First Quarto in 1597. death. As it hath beene lately Acted by the Right honourable the Lord Chamber laine his seruants. By William Shake-speare. London Publication Date Printed by Thomas Creede, for Andrew Wise, dwelling in Paules Church yard, at the signe of the Angell. 1598. The Tragedy of King Richard III was registered in 1597, three years after The Contention( 2 Henry The play went through four more quartos before VI) and three years before The True Tragedy of the First Folio in 1623: Richard Duke of York (3 Henry VI): [Q3 1602] The Tragedie of King Richard [SR 1597] 20 Octobris. Andrewe Wise. Entred the third. Conteining his treacherous Plots for his copie vnder thandes of master Barlowe, against his brother Clarence: the pittifull and master warden Man. The tragedie of murther of his innocent Nephewes: his kinge Richard the Third with the death of the tyrannical vsurpation: with the whole course Duke of Clarence. of his detested life, and most deserued death. As it hath bene lately Acted by the Right The play was published anonymously: Honourable the Lord Cham berlaine his seruants.
    [Show full text]
  • Lame Fingers Are Yet More Incapable Now). the Attire of the Head Is
    218 To RICHARD GOUGH 8 MAY 1788 lame fingers are yet more incapable now). The attire of the head is precisely the same with that of our fourth Henry.s Vertue's account I have transcribed too.6 I was very sure I had seen somewhere an account of Joan of Na­ varre? being suspected by Henry V. I looked into Stowe,8 Hollings- hedQ and Hall,10 but they mention no such thing.11 Nor can I recol­ lect where I found it—but Rapin does touch on it briefly in the place I have set down.12 Still I am positive I have seen rather a fuller ac­ count of it, though I cannot recall where. I hope, Sir, you received the letter13 in which I told you of my im­ perfect negotiation with Lord MonsonJ* about the pictures at Brox- 5. The head-dress is very similar to that put from her, was committed to the cus- in Vertue's engraving of Henry IV 'taken todie of J. Pellam, and by him sent to from a picture at Hampton Court, Here­ the Castle of Leeds in Kent.' HW's copy fordshire' (Paul de Rapin-Thoyras, The of Stow's Annates (now WSL) is Hazen, Cat. History of England, trans. Nicholas Tin- of HW's Lib., No. 610. dal, 3d edn, 1743-7, i. facing 484). HW 9. Holinshed's The Chronicles of En­ mentions this portrait of Henry IV in gland, Scotland, and Ireland, [1587], iii. Anecdotes of Painting, calling it 'an un­ 568, gives this account: 'In this sixt yeare doubted original' (Works iii.
    [Show full text]
  • Shakespeare's Bolingbroke: Rhetoric and Stylistics from Richard II to Henry IV, Part 2
    California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 2004 Shakespeare's Bolingbroke: Rhetoric and stylistics from Richard II to Henry IV, part 2 DeAnna Faye Jenson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Literature in English, British Isles Commons, and the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Jenson, DeAnna Faye, "Shakespeare's Bolingbroke: Rhetoric and stylistics from Richard II to Henry IV, part 2" (2004). Theses Digitization Project. 2536. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2536 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHAKESPEARE'S BOLINGBROKE: RHETORIC AND STYLISTICS FROM RICHARD II TO HENRY IV, PART 2 A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements to the Degree Master of Arts in English Composition by DeAnna Faye Jensen March 2004 SHAKESPEARE'S BOLINGBROKE: RHETORIC AND STYLISTICS FROM RICHARD II TO HENRY IV, PART 2 A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino by DeAnna Faye Jensen March 2004 Approved by: Bruce Golden, Chair, English Date on ABSTRACT Joseph A. Porter acknowledges in The Drama of Speech Acts: Shakespeare's Lancastrian Tetralogy that little is written on Henry Bolingbroke. Although scholarship has begun to change since Porter made this observation in 1979, Bolingbroke still remains ancillary to the more colorful characters in Richard.
    [Show full text]