DOCSLIB.ORG

Trade Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership for ASEAN and Other Asian Countries

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Trade Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership for ASEAN and Other Asian Countries Trade Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership for ASEAN and Other Asian Countries ∗ ALAN V. D EARDORFF Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/adev/article-pdf/31/2/1/1641915/adev_a_00035.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) aspires to become a state-of-the-art trade agreement linking 12 countries on both sides of the Pacific. In addition to establishing a free trade agreement (FTA) among these countries, negotiators are pursuing a long list of other issues, both trade-related and non-trade related. This paper examines the likely effects of the TPP on trade alone, taking into account the fact that all of the potential members of the TPP are already participants in other FTAs. Using information from the World Trade Organization (WTO) on the existence of these FTAs plus data on the identities of countries’ major trading partners for both exports and imports, I discuss the likely effects on a list of countries in terms of trade creation, trade diversion, preference erosion, and “trade reversion”—the reversal of trade diversion that has already occurred due to existing FTAs. The list of countries includes all of the members of the TPP as well as of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In addition it includes 10 additional Asian economies that are not part of either. Keywords: Trans-Pacific Partnership, free trade agreements JEL codes: F13 I. Introduction Negotiations have been underway for several years towards the formation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which aims to be a “next generation” or “21st century” trade agreement linking countries on both sides of the Pacific. Originating as the Pacific 4, or P-4 agreement among New Zealand, Singapore, Brunei Darus- salam, and Chile, which began in 2006, the TPP negotiations now include the 12 countries indicated in Table 1, with Japan the most recent to join, in 2013. My pur- pose in this paper is to explore the potential implications of the TPP for its members and for other economies of Asia, especially those who are members of ASEAN and ∗The author ([email protected]) is Associate Dean and Professor of International Economics at the Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. I have benefited in writing this paper from conversations with, and other inputs from, two students, both of whom volunteered their assistance. Mindy Shaw helped me to track down data about the economies and their FTAs. Dani Litovsky shared with me much that she had learned studying the TPP when working with William Krist at the Wilson Center, and she also directed me to a number of other valuable sources of information. I am also grateful to an anonymous referee whose suggestions greatly improved the paper. Asian Development Review, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 1–20 C 2014 Asian Development Bank and Asian Development Bank Institute 2 ASIAN DEVELOPMENT REVIEW Table 1. Economies Considered Likely Member of Actual Member of TPP AFTA Australia yes Bangladesh Brunei Darussalam yes yes Cambodia yes Canada yes Chile yes People’s Republic of China Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/adev/article-pdf/31/2/1/1641915/adev_a_00035.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 Hong Kong, China India Indonesia yes Japan yes Lao PDR yes Macau, China Malaysia yes yes Mexico yes Myanmar yes Nepal New Zealand yes Pakistan Peru yes Philippines yes Singapore yes yes Republic of Korea Sri Lanka Taipei,China Thailand yes United States yes Viet Nam yes yes AFTA = ASEAN Free Trade Agreement, TPP = Trans-Pacific Partnership. Sources: WTO and USTR websites. the ASEAN FTA (AFTA). Table 1 lists the economies I will consider, including their membership in AFTA as well as their potential membership in the TPP.1 The TPP is of interest in part because it is large, mainly due to the presence of the United States (US) and Japan. It is of interest also, however, for two other reasons. First, as a free trade agreement (FTA), it will overlap numerous other FTAs, so that its economic effects are not just the effects that have long been studied for trade agreements that are freestanding, without such overlaps. The economic effects therefore go beyond the simple trade creation and trade diversion introduced by Viner (1950). The TPP is also of interest because of its ambition to extend well beyond the limits of trade and trade policy, including a host of other issues. Some of these, such as trade in services, technical barriers to trade, and intellectual property, have 1Their membership is potential, since it is possible that the TPP may never be completed, or if it is, that some economies may not then ratify their membership. TRADE IMPLICATIONS OF THE TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP 3 been included previously both in the World Trade Organization and in other regional agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), but the TPP intends to go further in these directions than ever before. At the same time, the TPP negotiators are addressing new issues that have never, or hardly ever, been part of trade agreements, such as competition policy, regulatory coherence, and standards for labor and environment. All of these issues will take most of the included Asian countries well beyond what they have included previously in their existing trade agreements.2 Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/adev/article-pdf/31/2/1/1641915/adev_a_00035.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 One might object that the TPP is not the most important trade agreement on the horizon that will matter for Asian economies. In 2013, negotiations began between the US and the European Union (EU) on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, or TTIP.Although TTIP includes only two partners, the US and the EU, it will encompass a larger part of the world economy than currently envisioned for the TPP. Therefore, while the TTIP will not include any economies of Asia, it will surely matter a great deal for them. That, however, is a topic for another paper. And in some ways, the TPP’s overlap with both Asian economies and various existing Asian trade agreements makes it a more interesting case. I will divide this discussion into three parts. First, in section II, I will provide some description of the TPP itself, including a list of the many issues that are being discussed in addition to tariffs and that may become part of an agreement if and when it is reached. Since my focus in the rest of the paper will be only on the trade effects of the TPP, and since these are influenced by the presence of trade agreements that already exist, I will then, in section III, provide a picture of the relevant agreements involving ASEAN and other Asian economies. Finally, in Section IV,I will use this information together with data on the bilateral patterns of trade to discuss how the TPP might be expected to benefit or harm the countries of the TPP, of ASEAN, and other selected Asian economies. II. TPP, AFTA, and Other Asia3 Both the TPP and AFTA are, or propose to be, FTAs—that is, the member countries reduce to zero all tariffs on imports from other member countries of all, or almost all, products. Their agreements do not involve any commitments about external tariffs—that is, the tariffs on imports from economies outside the FTA. These typically remain at the levels that they were prior to the FTA, although economies are free to, and often do, negotiate additional FTAs with other economies. To varying degrees, member countries of FTAs also identify “sensitive sectors” in 2Exceptions are Australia and Singapore, whose FTAs with the US do include these issues. 3A referee asks about the purpose of including the economies I’ve called “Other Asia.” This was done at the request of the journal editors, who wanted implications for the PRC and India, not just ASEAN. 4 ASIAN DEVELOPMENT REVIEW which they do not fully and/or immediately eliminate tariffs. The more trade is covered by these sensitive sectors, the smaller are the economic benefits, and the larger are the economic costs of the FTA, but the smaller also are the internal dislocations that the FTA is likely to cause. The 10 countries of AFTA include six—Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand—that have already reduced tariffs among themselves to almost zero. The remaining four—Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), Myanmar, and Viet Nam—because of Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/adev/article-pdf/31/2/1/1641915/adev_a_00035.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 their lower per capita incomes, were granted a slower schedule for reducing tariffs to below 5%, but they are on track to do so. However, both sets of countries are allowed to exempt sensitive sectors—most significantly rice—from these tariff reductions, so that the fraction of potential trade covered by the FTA is well below what it could have been.4 The TPP will also be an FTA, and it seems likely that the tariff reductions among the TPP countries will be more complete and more general than those of AFTA, although that of course remains to be seen. The TPP will also exempt some sensitive sectors, and the negotiations on which sectors those will be, and how many, are already contentious. In addition to tariffs, both trade agreements include some restrictions on the use of nontariff barriers (NTBs). These are, by their nature, harder to identify and even harder in most cases to quantify, which makes including them in a trade agreement difficult.5 The AFTA aspires to eliminate NTBs, but to my knowledge it has not so far made much progress in doing so.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sustainable Growth Based on Export-Oriented Economic Strategy : the Bulgarian Case in an International Comparison
    ECONOMIC POLICY ANALYSES Sustainable Growth Based on Export-Oriented Economic Strategy The Bulgarian Case in an International Comparison Prof. András Inotai This paper aims at identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the Bulgarian economy’s transformation to a more dynamic and export-oriented growth model. By referring to two groups of countries – Central European EU member states as well as the Western Balkans, the study puts an emphasis on the impact the EU membership and the 2009 crisis year have on the Bulgarian foreign trade and export performance in particular. The first chapter gathers arguments in favour of the export-oriented growth model but also addresses potential risk factors of such long-term policy. Despite some drawbacks as increasing vulnerability and de- pendence on external factors, this development path is justified as the better way for achieving sustainable economic growth of small economies like Bulgaria. The second chapter deals with the global financial crisis and its influence on the exports and foreign trade in general. Then, the author focuses on Bulgaria’s export performance in the EU and on a regional compari- son by stressing on the role of foreign direct investments in the export orientation of the country. Finally, the paper concludes by summarizing measures and instruments for catching-up export-driven economic development and by formulating policy recommendations supporting the successful implementa- tion of such an export-led growth model. April 2013 Imprint Orders All texts are available online Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Economic www.fes.bg Office Bulgaria Policy Institute 97, Knjaz Boris I St. Yasen Georgiev The views expressed in this publication 1000 Sofia, Bulgaria are not necessarily those of the Responsible: e-mail: [email protected] Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or of the Regine Schubert, Director Fax: (+359 2) 9522693 organization for which the author works.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Political Economy Theory and Practice Seventh Edition THEODORE H. COM IM R Routledge Taylor & Francis Grou P NEW YORK
    Global Political Economy Theory and Practice Seventh Edition THEODORE H. COM IM Routledge R Taylor & Francis Grou p NEW YORK AND LONDON DETAILED CONTENTS Preface xiii Acknowledgments xvii Acronyms and Abbreviations xix PART I Introduction and Overview 1 CHARTER 1 Introduction 2 What is International Political Economy? 3 The IPE Theoretical Perspectives 4 Purposes and Themes ofThis Book 6 Globalization 6 • North-North Relations 8 • North-South Relations 10 Focus of this Book 12 Questions 13 * Key Terms 14 • Further Reading 14 • Notes 14 CHARTER 2 Managing the Global Economy Since World War II: The Institutional Framework 17 Global Economic Relations Before World War II 18 The Mercantilist Period 18 • The Industrial Revolution and British Hegemony 29 • The Decline of British Hegemony and World War I 20 • The Interwar Period 20 • The Institutional Framework Before World War II 21 The Functions of the IM F, World Bank, and GATT 21 The KIEOs and the United Nations 22 The Postwar Economic Institutions and Changing North-South Relations 23 The IMF, World Bank, and WTO 26 • The OECD 28 •The G5, G7, G8, andG20 29 The Postwar Economic Institutions and International Development 31 The KIEOs and the Centrally Planned Economies 39 IMonstate Actors 42 The 2008 Global Financial Crisis: A Turning Point? 43 Questions 44 • Key Terms 45 • Further Reading 45 • Notes 46 vi DETAILED CONTENTS VÜ PART II Theoretical Perspectives 51 CHARTERS Neomercantilism 55 BasicTenets of Neomercantilism 55 The Role of the Individual, the State, and Societal Groups 55 • The Nature and Purpose of International Economic Relations 56 • The Relationship Between Politics and Economics 56 • The Causes and Effects of Globalization 57 The Mercantilists 57 Neomercantilism and the Industrial Revolution 58 Neomercantilism in the Interwar Period 59 Neomercantilism After World War II 60 The Revival of Neomercantilist IRE 60 Hegemonie Stability Theory and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union's Trade Policies and Their Economics Effects
    Summary Already the Treaty Forty years ago, external protection was high in most of Rome called for countries and Europe was comprised of many “trade for- internal and tresses”. The founders of the Community shared a coherent external economic policy view, with the Treaty of Rome calling for an liberalisation internal market with no obstacles to trade and strong com- petition, as well as for multilateral liberalisation. This publi- cation retraces the external liberalisation efforts, discusses the current trade regime in international comparison, and sets out the Community’s future trade agenda. A key aim of the study will be to clarify and, where feasible, to quantify the economic effects of the European Union’s (EU) trade policies. Decision-making Partly by necessity, partly by design, the EU’s trade policy on foreign trade has been “walking on two legs” since its early days: multilateral policy is largely liberalisation and regional integration. The long-standing centralised at the pursuit of deeper integration and enlargement, and the EU level involvement in regional preferential agreements makes the EU’s experience unique. Another unique feature is the insti- tutional set-up. While largely prepared by the Commission, major decisions are taken by the Council (for trade in goods and part of services). Some competencies are shared between the Union and the Member States. However, the negotiation and decision making process is not different between the areas of mixed or exclusive competence. Cen- tralisation of most decisions on foreign trade policy at the EU level is necessary to ensure the functioning of the inter- nal market.
    [Show full text]
  • In Lieu of MIL (Political Science) Politics of Globalization Study Material : Unit I-V
    B.Com. (Prog.) Semester-III/IV In Lieu of MIL (Political Science) Politics of Globalization Study Material : Unit I-V SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING UNIVERSITY OF DELHI Department of Political Science Editor : Prof. Tapal Biswal Dr. Mangal Deo Graduate Course In Lieu of MIL B.Com Semester III/IV POLITICS OF GLOBALIZATION CONTENTS Unit-I : The Concept of Globalization and its Debate Dr. Rukmani Unit-II : Approaches to Understanding Globalization Lesson-1 : Liberal Approach Anwita Lesson-2 : Radical Approach Anwita Unit-III : Issues in Globalization : Alternative Perspectives on Globalization: Nature and Character Inder Sekhar Yadav Unit-IV : Globalization and Politics in Developing Countries Lesson-1 : Globalization and the Social Movements Dr. Abhishek Nath Lesson-2 : Globalization and the Demise of Nation-State Nishant Yadav Lesson-3 : Globalization and Human Migration Nishant Yadav Unit-V : The Inevitability of Globalization: Domestic and Deepika Global Responses Edited by: Prof. Tapan Biswal Dr. Mangal Deo SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING UNIVERSITY OF DELHI 5, Cavalry Lane, Delhi-110007 Unit-I The Concept of Globalization and its Debate Outline Student Learning Outcomes Introduction Understanding of Globalization- Globalists, Sceptics, and Transformationalists Dimensions of Globalization – Economic, Political, Cultural The Globalization Debate – Argument in Favor and Against Conclusion Summary Probable Questions Suggested Readings Student Learning Outcomes Student will be able to define the Concept of Globalization Student will be able
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Trade Agreements: a Tool for Development?
    An Evaluation of Trade Capacity Building Programs Regional Trade Agreements: A Tool for Development? Bureau for Policy and Program Coordination October 2004 PPC EVALUATION WORKING PAPER NO. PAPER WORKING 15 PPC EVALUATION PN-ACT-170 RELATED PUBLICATIONS The analysis in this paper is based on the following documents: An Evaluation of Trade Capacity Building: Overview (PN-ACT-167) USAID Support for WTO/FTA Accession and Implementation (PN-ACT-168) USAID Behind-the-Border Trade Capacity Building (PN-ACT-169) Other relevant documents include Building Trade Capacity in the Developing World (PD-ABX-241) U.S. Contributions to Trade Capacity Building: Improving Lives through Aid and Trade (PD-ABY-500) An Evaluation of Trade Capacity Building Programs Regional Trade Agreements: A Tool for Development? James W. Fox The Louis Berger Group, Inc. October 2004 Abstract Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM) and the Organization of East n the past, regional trade arrangements (RTAs) Caribbean States (OECS). Several large African among developing countries have not lived up groupings emerged: the Common Market for East Ito the hopes of proponents as vehicles for pro- and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Southern moting efficient industrialization. Newer approach- Africa Development Community (SADC), and the es, notably including low tariffs for countries out- Economic Community of West African States side the RTA, have more promise. RTAs with devel- (ECOWAS). Most sought to achieve an “open oped countries also are more likely to produce regionalism,” with lower external tariffs than the favorable results. Therefore, USAID should earlier efforts.1 approach supporting RTAs among developing countries with care. There are at least four ways to evaluate the impact of RTAs.
    [Show full text]
  • Topic 9: Preferential Trade Agreements (Ptas)
    Topic 9: Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) Introduction One of the most important elements of trade policy in the world is the rapid growth of various forms of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), more generally referred to as PTAs or Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). They have been in existence for many centuries in various forms, such as the Hanseatic League among northern German principalities and parts of Scandinavia in the 13th to 17th centuries and various trade agreements among Italian republics during the Renaissance. The first major FTA after World War II was the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), which eventually became the European Community and now the European Union. The first major agreement involving the United States was the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico in 1994, which succeeded the Canada-US FTA. PTAs really began to grow in number and scope after NAFTA and as of January 2018 there were 455 such agreements in place involving nearly all countries in the WTO (Chart). US PTAs In recent decades PTAs have become the primary way that the US and the EU try to manage their trade relations with specific countries or groups of countries. In addition to NAFTA the US has the following agreements (20 countries in total): • Central America (CAFTA); • Several nations in the Caribbean (CARICOM); • Agreements in South America (Chile, Peru, Colombia); • Australia; • South Korea; • Israel, Jordan, and numerous other small countries. Other PTAs The EU itself is a massive FTA with 28 current members (actually a Customs Union; see below). The EU also has an FTA with the members of the European Free Trade Agreement (EFTA; Switzerland, Norway and Iceland) and a customs union with Turkey and some smaller states.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Diversion and Trade Deficits: the Case of the Korea-U.S
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES TRADE DIVERSION AND TRADE DEFICITS: THE CASE OF THE KOREA-U.S. FREE TRADE AGREEMENT Katheryn N. Russ Deborah L. Swenson Working Paper 25613 http://www.nber.org/papers/w25613 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 February 2019 We thank Kelly Stangl for excellent research assistance. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2019 by Katheryn N. Russ and Deborah L. Swenson. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Trade Diversion and Trade Deficits: The case of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement Katheryn N. Russ and Deborah L. Swenson NBER Working Paper No. 25613 February 2019 JEL No. F10,F40 ABSTRACT We study whether tariff preferences conferred on South Korean goods through the implementation of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS) drew U.S. import demand away from other U.S. trading partners through the phenomenon known as trade diversion. In the two years following the implementation of KORUS, trade diversion was particularly strong for U.S. imports of consumption goods and for trade partners who already had free trade agreements with the U.S. Our estimates of trade diversion sum to $13.1 billion in 2013 and $13.8 billion in 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix a Notes on Trade Creation, Diversion, and Economic Efficiency
    Appendix A Notes on Trade Creation, Diversion, and Economic Efficiency The mere fact that an FTA between two countries would increase bilateral trade flows does not necessarily mean that it would yield an economic efficiency gain. The increase in bilateral trade is achieved at the expense of domestically produced goods, in a process known as ‘‘trade creation,’’ at the expense of imports from other countries outside the FTA bloc, known as ‘‘trade diversion,’’ or both. As Jacob Viner pointed out in his classic analysis (Viner 1950), trade creation improves economic efficiency because the FTA partner country turns out to be a lower-cost producer, compared with producers at home, of the product that is imported more as a result of an FTA. However, trade diversion might be detrimental not only to the welfare of the world as a whole but also to the importing country because the increased imports may not be the best choice due to the price discrimination against the third-country product. In other words, the increase in imports from the FTA partner country might not have occurred if there had been no price discrimination applied to the third party, which actually may have been a cheaper source of supply but was not able to compete with the FTA countries because of tariff discrimina- tion. In reality, an FTA is likely to have both trade creation and trade diver- sion effects. Thus the question of the economic efficiency impact of an FTA would depend on which effect dominates. In practice, however, it is extremely difficult to accurately measure the magnitude of trade-creat- ing and trade-diverting effects.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of the Asean Plus Six Free Trade Area
    Bulletin of Monetary Economics and Banking, Vol. 24 No. 1, 2021, pp. 93 - 118 p-ISSN: 1410 8046, e-ISSN: 2460 9196 TRADE CREATION AND TRADE DIVERSION EFFECTS: THE CASE OF THE ASEAN PLUS SIX FREE TRADE AREA Rossanto Dwi Handoyo*, Lilik Sugiharti*, Miguel Angel Esquivias** *Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia **Corresponding author. Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study examines whether trade agreements promoted under the ASEAN+6 over the period 2007-2017 supported trade creation and/or trade diversion effects within three export product groups, namely, manufactured goods, primary products, and natural resources-based goods. Using a gravity model, we note that primary products offer pure trade creation (greater intra-bloc and extra-bloc trade). Manufactured products experienced trade creation in intra-bloc and extra- bloc exports, while natural resources-based goods show trade creation in intra- regional exports and trade creation in imports from extra-bloc. Keywords: Gravity model; Panel data; Trade creation and trade diversion effects; PMML; Technology intensity; Food; Manufacturing. JEL Classifications: C23; F10; F14. Article history: Received : October 10, 2019 Revised : August 14, 2020 Accepted : October 29, 2020 Available Online : March 31, 2021 https://doi.ord/10.21098/bemp.v24i1.1163. 94 Bulletin of Monetary Economics and Banking, Volume 24, Number 1, 2021 I. INTRODUCTION This study applies the gravity model to analyze whether the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) promoted by the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Countries (ASEAN) and the six strategic members (China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zeeland), which we refer to as ASEAN+6, have led to trade creation and/or to trade diversion effects across three groups of products, namely, manufactured goods, natural resource-based goods, and primary products.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Liberalization, Export Orientation and Employment in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico
    Employment Strategy Papers Trade liberalization, export orientation and employment in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico By Christoph Ernst Employment Analysis Unit Employment Strategy Department 2005/15 Employment Strategy Papers Trade liberalization, export orientation and employment in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico By Christoph Ernst Employment Analysis Unit Employment Strategy Department 2005/15 Foreword In the 1990s, Latin America was characterized by drastic changes in its development model. Inspired by the Washington Consensus, Argentina, Brazil and Mexico opted – albeit in varying degrees – in favour of a more liberal system. One major policy shift occurred from import-substitution policies involving trade barriers and capital controls, towards export- oriented growth strategies involving elimination of trade barriers and open capital markets. Export orientation was also accompanied by efforts at regional integration: Argentina and Brazil created the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) with their neighbouring countries Paraguay and Uruguay, while Mexico reinforced its trade links with the United States and Canada through its membership in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). According to traditional trade theory, economic liberalization is meant to result in increased trade, accelerated technological change, efficiency gains and growth. It is argued that a more efficient allocation of resources will, in the long run, lead to increased welfare and will have a positive impact on employment as well as on poverty and inequality, even though negative employment effects in specific sectors may occur in the short run. Since these countries had a comparative advantage of abundant labour, one of the selling points for trade liberalization was the belief that labour would benefit, as production for export was believed to be more labour-intensive than production for the internal market.
    [Show full text]
  • And Regional Trade Blocs a Case of Anti-Dumping Policies
    Lecture 23 Economics 181: International Trade Dumping (Continued) and Regional Trade Blocs I. A Case of Anti-dumping policies: Mexican Tomatoes II. Regional Trading Blocs: An Introduction Definitions * Free Trade Area (FTA): Internal tariffs and quotas eliminated but keep original tariffs against the rest of the world. NAFTA is an example of an FTA. * Customs Union: Internal barriers are removed, and a common external tariff is agreed upon (CARICOM, MERCOSUR) * Common market: This goes beyond a customs union to also remove barriers on factor movements (ie labor and capital). The EEC is an example of a common market. III. Data on Regional Trading Blocs IV. Economic Analysis The basic economic analysis of regional trading agreements is based on the concept of trade creation and trade diversion. The intuition is as follows: these agreements are welfare enhancing if they encourage more trade with the least cost producers of the good. These arrangements are welfare worsening if they divert trade to members of the union who are less efficient than those outside the union. In both cases, there will be more trade within the region once the union is formed. However, with trade diversion, this is "bad". See the diagrams below. Country A starts out with initial tariff to against countries B and C. It forms a union with B and they agree on a common tariff against C given by t1. (I). Case PB < Pc. Then PB(1+t0) < Pc(1+t0) and PB < Pc(1+t1), i.e., B is this supplier before and after union. Trade expands and can occur at true opportunity cost.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Creation Effects of Regional Trade Agreements: Tariff Reduction
    ERIA-DP-2015-35 ERIA Discussion Paper Series Trade Creation Effects of Regional Trade Agreements: Tariff Reduction versus Non-tariff Barrier Removal Kazunobu HAYAKAWA§ Bangkok Research Center, Institute of Developing Economies, Thailand Tadashi ITO Inter-disciplinary Studies Center, Institute of Developing Economies, Japan Fukunari KIMURA# Faculty of Economics, Keio University, Japan Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, Indonesia April 2015 Abstract: This paper empirically decomposes trade creation effects of regional trade agreements (RTAs) into those due to the tariff reduction effects and due to non-tariff barrier (NTB) removal by using the most disaggregated tariff-line level trade data in a large number of countries in the world. Specifically, making the full use of the fineness of our dataset, we employ the standard gravity equation and identify those effects by estimating trade creation effects of RTAs for products ineligible and eligible to RTA preferential schemes separately. Our major findings are as follows. First, for the whole samples, there are significantly positive trade creation effects due to tariff reduction while weak effects are detected for NTB removal. Second, effects of tariff reduction and NTB removal are smaller for differentiated products than for non-differentiated products. Third, trade creation effects of tariff reduction and NTB removal are substantially large in cases of trade between low-income countries while weak in cases of trade including high-income countries. Fourth, although larger
    [Show full text]