New Leader, New Book

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

New Leader, New Book I loved every minute of the nine vote, even if a second preference, to months of the mayoral campaign. I support a Liberal Democrat for the was blessed with a small but amazing first time. We won four seats in the team, from Ashley Lumsden, who was Greater London Assembly and born to be a campaign manager, to because of the calibre of our candi- Charlotte Barraclough, who had dates they are influencing events well never done media until she aban- beyond their numbers, effectively doned a round-the-world trip to run holding the balance of power. my press operation. My son Jonathan There will never be an election like dropped out of university (temporar- this again. Next time it will be a short ily) to be my minder, and student campaign with limited appearances, interns became the backbone of our more conventional and, I suspect, less operations. Brian Orrell and the filled with surprises. Livingstone will London Region Liberal Democrats, try to remain Mayor until he is carried MPs and peers led by Ed Davey and out feet first. Norris and I will almost Conrad Russell, were stalwarts. The certainly both run again. I doubt that Assembly candidates were dedicated next time anyone will bother to write and we owe a lot to those who a book about the campaign. flogged their guts out knowing that But as the events of last year fade in they themselves would not win. We the memory, I confess I am glad used the campaign to build a London- Nightmare was written, to remind me resources to advertise and get around wide awareness of Liberal Democrats that it really did happen and was not the press focus on the other parties and and our policies. Local parties turned just a dream. their scandals. At the end of the out across the capital and we did campaign, the May Day riots, with no indeed cover every one of its high Susan Kramer was the Liberal Democrat effort on the Tories’ part, had the effect streets. Many Londoners used their candidate in the first London mayoral race. of pushing anti-Livingstone votes into the Norris camp on an implied ‘law and order’ association. I believe that those events finally settled the out- come of the election. New leader, new book If there was one surprise above others in the mayoral campaign, it was the emergence of a London political Charles Kennedy: The Future of Politics identity. When I began on the cam- (HarperCollins, 2000; 255pp.) paign trail in August, the hustings Reviewed by Duncan Brack showed candidates to be all over the place, both in defining the problems and the solutions. Candidates behaved ow times change. Paddy was full of ideas, some half-baked, pretty true to party. By May, the core Ashdown had to struggle to find many sensible, some already party manifestos looked amazingly similar H a publisher for his first book as leader, policy, some not. In policy terms and indeed quite clearly recognisable Citizen’s Britain. Twelve years later, (though not in strategy), it described to anyone following the policies of the Charles Kennedy’s first book is an agenda which Ashdown stuck to, London Region Liberal Democrats as produced by a mainstream publisher pretty much, for the following ten far back as . The pressure of the in glossy hardback – tribute, of course, years of his leadership. hustings, sometimes three or four a day, to the strength and relevance of the The Future of Politics does not need to had forced common sense and conver- party that Ashdown built and establish the party in the public mind. It gence and in terms of the policy Kennedy inherited. is aimed instead to define Kennedy as a debate it was a clear Liberal Democrat Ye the purpose of these two books man with a policy prospectus, some- win. A strange bonding also developed was and is rather different. Citizen’s thing which neither his own back- among the candidates, with the Britain was a (reasonably successful) ground as TV light entertainment’s possible exception of Dobson. No-one attempt to put the third party, at the favourite politician, nor his uninspiring was naive, but it must have been close time disappearing in the opinion polls leadership campaign, managed to do. to the sense of shared suffering experi- to within the statistical margin of error Does it succeed? Yes and no. enced by hostages. Certainly we could of zero, and its leader, on the policy Unlike Citizen’s Britain, it contains give each other’s set speeches and map – to reassert the Liberal strength as almost no new ideas. It is an explana- Norris to this day claims that he once a party of imagination and invention. It tion, mostly coherent and lucid, of the gave mine and I his. 28 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 29 Winter 2000–01 communicate a message, and what this law in (not , as the book book does is to put over the Liberal says); not paying enough attention to Democrat agenda in a well-written and the environment as a major campaign- accessible way. The policy proposals are ing issue for the Alliance; and not interspersed with personal anecdotes protesting enough at the British and reminiscences which make them police’s suppression of demonstrations enjoyable to read, and Kennedy’s turn of against Chinese President Jiang phrase is occasionally brilliant (as in ‘the Zemin’s visit in ). What other political map is like a water bed – apply party leader would approach his task pressure in one area and you will get a with such humility? reaction somewhere else’). Some Charles Kennedy, of course, still has sections – particularly the case for the much to prove. Next year’s anticipated Euro – are excellent. election campaign, and particularly the My favourite part of all is the TV debates between the leaders, will opening paragraphs of the conclusion, put to the test the extent to which he where Kennedy lists the four things he really believes and understands every- has got most seriously wrong since thing that’s in this book, as well as his entering parliament in (for your ability to communicate it. But The information: not opposing the estab- Future of Politics is not a bad start at all. lishment of the Child Support Agency; party’s existing policy position; indeed, trying to minimise attention to the Duncan Brack was Policy Director of the those of us more familiar than we conference vote in favour of a Royal Liberal Democrats –, and is Editor of would like to be with party policy Commission on the reform of drugs the Journal of Liberal Democrat History. papers will recognise many proposals and even, on occasion, entire para- graphs lifted verbatim from other sources. There’s nothing necessarily wrong with this – after all, it would be rather alarming to find that your new More mirage than vision leader didn’t go along with the vast bulk of party policy – but it would be Garry Tregidga: The Liberal Party in South-West nice to find the occasional new idea. Britain since 1918: Political Decline, Dormancy and The only one I could spot in the Rebirth (University of Exeter Press, 2000; 281pp.) entire book was a commitment to all- women shortlists and ‘zipping’ for Reviewed by John Howe parliamentary selections, a position which I was certainly not aware Kennedy held, and one that it would o those who joined the Liberal limited – but only a limited – recovery be quite nice seeing him do some- TParty in the s or s, the in ? Why did the party decline for thing about. There are also, unfortu- West Country was the promised land, two decades thereafter but not die? And nately, too many mistakes – carbon or rather the land of promise. Fading why did the series of revivals from monoxide, for example, is not the memories of triumphs in the twenties onwards achieve no significant parlia- main global greenhouse gas (it’s were reinforced by the contemporary mentary success until ? carbon dioxide, an entirely different view of the Liberals as the party of the To answer these questions substance), and the UK’s target under Celtic fringe; then Torrington in Tregidga has amassed impressive the Kyoto Protocol is a .% reduc- and North Devon in created the evidence. He has read extensively in tion in greenhouse emissions, not vision of a Liberal heartland from which the local press, which continued to .%. The logic is not always coherent, the party might expand. But the vision provide good reports of meetings, for example over fuel taxes, a point proved a mirage, and even in fewer speeches and party events with picked up when the launch of the than half of the West Country seats fell editorial comment reflecting local book coincided with the first wave of to the Liberal Democrats. opinions. The personal papers of the fuel tax protests; and overall the book Garry Tregidga’s book examines the regional party leaders, notably the has not been well edited. background to these events with four Aclands and the Foots, have been But on the other hand… no-one successive questions. Why did the thoroughly reviewed, and the rel- expected Kennedy to be an ideas man, Liberal Party achieve a triumph in the evant national collections are cited – and there are other qualities which south-west in almost equalling the for example Sir Archibald Sinclair’s party leaders can display. Kennedy’s landslide? Why was it wiped out papers seem particularly useful for great strength lies in his ability to only ten months later yet then made a the years just before when Journal of Liberal Democrat History 29 Winter 2000–01 29.
Recommended publications
  • Jo Swinson: the New Liberal Democrat Leader
    Jo Swinson: the new Liberal Democrat Leader 22 July 2019 Who is Jo Swinson? Jo Swinson was born in 1980, growing up and going to school in East Dunbartonshire, which she now represents in Parliament. Her mother was a primary school teacher while her father worked in economic development. She cites her earliest political experience as signing petitions against animal testing in the Body Shop. A Liberal Democrat supporter since she was at school, Jo joined the Liberal Democrats aged 17, while studying Management at the LSE. During her time at university, she worked as a Research Assistant for the Employers’ Forum on Disability. After graduating, Swinson moved to Hull, working as Viking FM’s Marketing & PR Manager. Aged 21, she stood against John Prescott at the 2001 general election in Hull East. Relocating back to Scotland, she worked as Marketing Manager for SpaceandPeople Plc and then as Communications Officer for the UK Public Health Association prior to her election as an MP. In 2011, she married Duncan Hames, who was the Liberal Democrat MP for Chippenham from 2010 to 2015, and is now an anti-corruption campaigner. The couple have two sons. What is Jo Swinson’s political background? Swinson was successfully elected to Parliament in 2005, winning East Dunbartonshire from Labour. In the Commons, she became a Lib Dem whip and spokesperson for culture, media and sport, before being promoted to Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland in 2006. Swinson gained additional responsibility in 2007 becoming Shadow Women and Equality Minister. She returned to the backbenches later that year, before becoming Shadow Minister for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs in 2008, retaining this role until the 2010 election.
    [Show full text]
  • Cornishness and Englishness: Nested Identities Or Incompatible Ideologies?
    CORNISHNESS AND ENGLISHNESS: NESTED IDENTITIES OR INCOMPATIBLE IDEOLOGIES? Bernard Deacon (International Journal of Regional and Local History 5.2 (2009), pp.9-29) In 2007 I suggested in the pages of this journal that the history of English regional identities may prove to be ‘in practice elusive and insubstantial’.1 Not long after those words were written a history of the north east of England was published by its Centre for Regional History. Pursuing the question of whether the north east was a coherent and self-conscious region over the longue durée, the editors found a ‘very fragile history of an incoherent and barely self-conscious region’ with a sense of regional identity that only really appeared in the second half of the twentieth century.2 If the north east, widely regarded as the most coherent English region, lacks a historical identity then it is likely to be even more illusory in other regions. Although rigorously testing the past existence of a regional discourse and finding it wanting, Green and Pollard’s book also reminds us that history is not just about scientific accounts of the past. They recognise that history itself is ‘an important element in the construction of the region … Memory of the past is deployed, selectively and creatively, as one means of imagining it … We choose the history we want, to show the kind of region we want to be’.3 In the north east that choice has seemingly crystallised around a narrative of industrialization focused on the coalfield and the gradual imposition of a Tyneside hegemony over the centuries following 1650.
    [Show full text]
  • Recommendations on Energy for the Liberal Democrat
    Recommendations on Energy for the Liberal Democrat 2015 Election Campaigning from the Green Lib Dem Policy Group The Liberal Democrats have done more to put sound environmental policies into practice than any other UK Party. As Green Liberal Democrats we wish to help maintain that status and help the Party exploit it in election campaigning. To do that we need to alert the general public to the importance of environmental issues and inform them of our policies and achievement in this area. A significant portion of our vote comes from the environmentally aware. It is therefore important that we give enough prominence to our green credentials, and that we defend ourselves from the efforts to detract from them, whether by the Green Party with the intention of taking our votes, or by the well-intentioned. The student fees fiasco illustrated the importance of publically addressing criticism with reasoned argument and of providing campaigners with the facts they need to counter doorstep criticism. The failure to give a timely explanation why our MPs voted as they did, and what the students gained as a result, not only lost us vast numbers of council seats, it also enabled our opponents to continue to portray us as untrustworthy. Introduction to our Energy Policy Combating Climate Change, while maintaining quality of life and the environment, is our overriding principle. Hence our policy aims are to Reduce Carbon dioxide emissions. Maintain a secure energy supply. Support a sustainable and a healthy economy. Target achieving a near Zero Carbon Economy by 2050, with Zero Carbon Electricity by 2020 as an intermediate target.
    [Show full text]
  • THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
    THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84.
    [Show full text]
  • The Andrew Marr Show” Must Be Credited If Any Part of This Transcript Is Used
    PLEASE NOTE “THE ANDREW MARR SHOW” MUST BE CREDITED IF ANY PART OF THIS TRANSCRIPT IS USED THE ANDREW MARR SHOW INTERVIEW: TIM FARRON, MP PRESIDENT, LIBERAL DEMOCRATS FEBRUARY 5th 2012 ANDREW MARR: The Liberal Democrats have a direct role in government of course for the first time since … well since the party was founded. However, their individual identity and their separate policies have been, I think it’s fair to say, rather overshadowed by the Conservatives who form the larger part of the coalition. The most outspoken Lib Dem sitting at the cabinet table, a man quite prepared to lock horns with the Prime Minister or the Chancellor, was the Energy Secretary Chris Huhne, so what does his departure to prepare for his court appearance mean for his party and the government? The President of the Lib Dems, Tim Farron, is in Cumbria. Good morning, Tim. It looks formidably cold there, so thank you for coming out. TIM FARRON: Oh this is normal, Andrew. ANDREW MARR: Okay. Let me start with some politics as normal. A lot of hostility building up for instance to wind farms at the moment, one of Chris Huhne’s key policies. Do you think that his departure from government is going to blunt the climate change agenda that the Liberal Democrats have been so enthusiastic about? 1 TIM FARRON: Well no, it definitely isn’t. Ed Davey is an outstanding environmentalist and one with years track record in fighting on green issues - absolutely the right person to take over in the job. That doesn’t mean we won’t miss Chris Huhne.
    [Show full text]
  • Letter from Ed Davey MP 11.03.21
    Rt Hon Boris Johnson MP The Prime Minister 10 Downing Street London, SW1A 2AA 11th March 2021 Dear Prime Minister, I am writing to share my concerns about the draft resolution on Sri Lanka that the FCDO has tabled for approval by the UN Human Rights Council on 24th March. Time and again, the UK has played a vital role in leading collective action on international accountability in Sri Lanka. At the 46th session of the UN Human Rights Council, which is currently underway, the UK has a real opportunity to continue in this proud tradition. But unfortunately, the draft resolution completely fails to rise to this challenge. As it stands, the draft resolution is too vague and lacks robust commitment to international accountability mechanisms. It also fails to incorporate the recommendations laid out in the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ report on Sri Lanka that was published earlier this year. The High Commissioner portrayed a damning picture of the situation in Sri Lanka, making it clear that domestic mechanisms for reconciliation, accountability and human rights have drastically eroded in the past few years. Many Tamil groups across the UK have been calling on your Government to take urgent action to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council resolution is robust enough to ensure that those responsible are held accountable for crimes and human rights abuses committed against the Tamils. I am aware that the Sri Lanka Core Group will be meeting imminently, to discuss the draft resolution. As such, I am urging you to personally ensure that
    [Show full text]
  • Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
    Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13
    Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13 The first 100 days of Conservative energy policy Dieter Helm Professor of Energy Policy University of Oxford 20th August 2015 Amber Rudd, the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, has had a very busy start. She has ended new subsidies for onshore wind, reined back the Green Deal, removed the exemption from tax for renewables, ended the zero- carbon homes plan, removed guaranteed subsidy for biomass, borne down on solar PV subsidies, speeded up the rules on fracking planning process, and at the same time fully come in behind the Paris climate negotiations and the UK’s commitment to tackling carbon emissions. For some in the green lobby, this smacks at best of inconsistency and at worst it is disingenuous – saying one thing, and doing another. Unsurprising Renewables UK, the powerful and vocal lobby group, has screamed about the scale back of the subsidies its members have to date so effectively campaigned for. It claimed that Rudd’s commitment to tacking climate change was “like saying you want to win the Tour de France on a bike without wheels”. So what can we learn from the first 100 days of Conservative energy policy? Does it add up to a coherent framework, or is it just ad hoc and made up as the new government has been going along? The case for the initial changes 1 Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13 The Conservatives inherited a mess, partly of their own making during the Coalition. Energy policy has for almost a decade been dominated by the framework laid down by Ed Milliband in 2008, and faithfully followed through by Chris Huhne and Ed Davey – what might be called MHD.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberal Democrat Journey to a LIB-Con Coalition and Where Next?
    The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN aNd where NexT? Southbank house, Black Prince road, London Se1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 20 7463 0632 | [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk richard S Grayson The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN – aNd where NexT? richard S Grayson 2 about the author Dr Richard Grayson is Head of Politics at Goldsmiths, University of London, and is one of three vice-chairs of the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy Committee, but writes here in a personal capacity. He was the party’s Director of Policy in 1999–2004 and stood for Parliament in Hemel Hempstead in 2005 and 2010, adding over 10% to the party’s vote. He was one of the founders of the Social Liberal Forum and was the first chair of its Executive. In September 2010 he takes up the post of Professor of Twentieth Century History at Goldsmiths. Published by Compass − Direction for the Democratic Left Ltd Southbank House, Black Prince Road, London SE1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 207 463 0632 [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk Designed by SoapBox, www.soapboxcommunications.co.uk 3 The Liberal democrat ning both needs to be understood. Doing so begins with a story about how it is possible that a journey to a Lib–Con party which has often over the past decade been seen as ‘left of Labour’ on civil liberties, demo - coalition – and where cratic reform, taxation and public services is engaged quite so enthusiastically in reducing the next? size of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • London Cornish Newsletter
    Cowethas Kernewek Loundres www.londoncornish.co.uk As I sat down to prepare this newsletter, I ‘younger’ audience, we need to make use realised that this was number 45 for me! My of the social media which are so much a first issue was Spring 2005 which means part of life today. that I am now entering my 12th year as Over the years, we have been confronted editor! Where has the time gone? Of with several challenges – but the Cornish course, it would not be possible to produce spirit lives on and we are constantly looking a newsletter without the support of many for innovative ways of adapting. The rise in 130th Anniversary people. I rely on your input, and am finding the costs of renting venues in London has Dining Event it more challenging now as the amount of encouraged us to review our social pro- Saturday 12th March ‘copy’ being sent in has dropped substan- gramme and we now include more outings. 12pm for 1pm tially. That said, I have to thank those who Some are more structured, and include a have sent in items and reports over the talk or a tour – such as the recent visit to the years – but please don’t stop. We really AGM and Trelawny Foundling Museum - whereas others are Lecture want to hear from you. Articles do not have more about visiting places with like-minded to be long and could include something you people and being free to roam at our own Saturday 16th April have seen or done in Cornwall, a place or pace.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberal Democrat Manifesto
    The Real Alternative Manifesto Text Applicability note: Liberal Democrats have championed the devolution of powers to Scotland and Wales, and many decisions made in Westminster now apply to England only. That means that policies in those nations are increasingly different from those in England – reflecting different choices, priorities and circumstances, and often the influence of Liberal Democrats in government. Our Scottish and Welsh Parties will publish their own manifestos, based on this document but reflecting those differences. This manifesto sets out our plans for a Liberal Democrat government in Westminster. Promoted and published by Chris Rennard on behalf of the Liberal Democrats, both at 4 Cowley Street, London, SW1P 3NB. 2 Introduction by Charles Kennedy I believe that the 2001 – 2005 parliament will be remembered as the period during which the Liberal Democrats came of age, ushering in a new era of truly three-party politics. That is why we enter this General Election campaign with such optimism, unity of purpose and public goodwill. We have been tested – inside and outside parliament – as never before. We have stuck to our principles: from our opposition to the war in Iraq to our defence of fundamental civil liberties over control orders. Again and again, we have been the real opposition to Tony Blair’s increasingly discredited Government – over Council Tax, top-up and tuition fees, and ID cards. The challenge – and the opportunity – is now to provide the real alternative at this election. That is what this manifesto is all about – detailing our analysis and policy ambitions; and all of it is underpinned by costed and credible pledges.
    [Show full text]
  • 27 Brack Leaders and Leaders
    Interview Duncan Brack and Mark Pack interview Jeremy Thorpe, leader of the Liberal Party 1967–76. LeadersLeaders andand LeadershipLeadership eremy Thorpe was elected as leader of the Liberal Party only three MPs, two Scottish and one Welsh. Fortu- Jin January . When he took over from Jo Grimond, nately, Charles Kennedy appears unlikely to have to the party’s support seemed stuck at no more than %, as face this kind of challenge – but if he does, he needs the country swung away from Labour towards Ted Heath’s the ‘courage and determination that Paddy displayed Conservatives; in the election, the Liberals polled just in ’ in the face of the devastating Euro election .% and lost half their seats. Yet in the following four results, where, Thorpe believed, if the Greens had years, Thorpe took the party into its second great post-war been able to capitalise on the result, ‘they could have revival, winning five by-elections and seeing the Liberal broken us’. vote rise, in February , to more than six million, over But there could be too much concentration on % of the total vote. internal matters. ‘If he finds in the organisation a In the light of growing allegations about his personal standing committee charged with constitutional is- life, Jeremy Thorpe stood down as leader in May , and sues – abolish it’. There have been clear differences lost his seat in the general election. Soon after the elec- in leadership styles here. Jo Grimond, for example, tion he was tried at the High Court for conspiracy to mur- had ‘no idea what was going on in organisation.
    [Show full text]