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Jo Swinson: the New Liberal Democrat Leader
Jo Swinson: the new Liberal Democrat Leader 22 July 2019 Who is Jo Swinson? Jo Swinson was born in 1980, growing up and going to school in East Dunbartonshire, which she now represents in Parliament. Her mother was a primary school teacher while her father worked in economic development. She cites her earliest political experience as signing petitions against animal testing in the Body Shop. A Liberal Democrat supporter since she was at school, Jo joined the Liberal Democrats aged 17, while studying Management at the LSE. During her time at university, she worked as a Research Assistant for the Employers’ Forum on Disability. After graduating, Swinson moved to Hull, working as Viking FM’s Marketing & PR Manager. Aged 21, she stood against John Prescott at the 2001 general election in Hull East. Relocating back to Scotland, she worked as Marketing Manager for SpaceandPeople Plc and then as Communications Officer for the UK Public Health Association prior to her election as an MP. In 2011, she married Duncan Hames, who was the Liberal Democrat MP for Chippenham from 2010 to 2015, and is now an anti-corruption campaigner. The couple have two sons. What is Jo Swinson’s political background? Swinson was successfully elected to Parliament in 2005, winning East Dunbartonshire from Labour. In the Commons, she became a Lib Dem whip and spokesperson for culture, media and sport, before being promoted to Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland in 2006. Swinson gained additional responsibility in 2007 becoming Shadow Women and Equality Minister. She returned to the backbenches later that year, before becoming Shadow Minister for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs in 2008, retaining this role until the 2010 election. -
Recommendations on Energy for the Liberal Democrat
Recommendations on Energy for the Liberal Democrat 2015 Election Campaigning from the Green Lib Dem Policy Group The Liberal Democrats have done more to put sound environmental policies into practice than any other UK Party. As Green Liberal Democrats we wish to help maintain that status and help the Party exploit it in election campaigning. To do that we need to alert the general public to the importance of environmental issues and inform them of our policies and achievement in this area. A significant portion of our vote comes from the environmentally aware. It is therefore important that we give enough prominence to our green credentials, and that we defend ourselves from the efforts to detract from them, whether by the Green Party with the intention of taking our votes, or by the well-intentioned. The student fees fiasco illustrated the importance of publically addressing criticism with reasoned argument and of providing campaigners with the facts they need to counter doorstep criticism. The failure to give a timely explanation why our MPs voted as they did, and what the students gained as a result, not only lost us vast numbers of council seats, it also enabled our opponents to continue to portray us as untrustworthy. Introduction to our Energy Policy Combating Climate Change, while maintaining quality of life and the environment, is our overriding principle. Hence our policy aims are to Reduce Carbon dioxide emissions. Maintain a secure energy supply. Support a sustainable and a healthy economy. Target achieving a near Zero Carbon Economy by 2050, with Zero Carbon Electricity by 2020 as an intermediate target. -
From 'Greenest Government Ever' to 'Get Rid of All the Green Crap': David Cameron, the Conservatives and the Environment
This is a repository copy of From ‘greenest government ever’ to ‘get rid of all the green crap’: David Cameron, the Conservatives and the environment. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/85469/ Version: Submitted Version Article: Carter, Neil Thomas orcid.org/0000-0003-3378-8773 and Clements, Ben (2015) From ‘greenest government ever’ to ‘get rid of all the green crap’: David Cameron, the Conservatives and the environment. British Politics. 204–225. ISSN 1746-918X https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2015.16 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ From ‘Greenest government ever’ to ‘get rid of all the green crap’: David Cameron, the Conservatives and the Environment by Neil Carter (University of York) and Ben Clements (University of Leicester) Published in British Politics, early online April 2015. This is a post-peer-review, pre-copy-edit version of the paper. -
THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84. -
Ambitious for Our Country; Ambitious for Our Party
Ambitious for our country; ambitious for our party MY MANIFESTO I want to lead the Liberal Democrats because I am ambitious about our future. I believe we are the only party that can represent the millions of liberal-minded people alarmed by the direction this country is taking: people, whether they voted remain or leave, who hate the intolerance, xenophobia and division that the Brexit vote unleashed. I want the Liberal Democrats to be at the centre of political life: a credible, effective party of national and local government, and a voice of sanity on Europe. To achieve this, we will have to fight for every vote and every seat. It can be done: we have a record membership and the enormous energy that thousands of new members have brought to the party. I believe I have the ability to give that energy a lead, to hit the headlines and to put our party at the centre of political debate. Published by Tom Brake MP on behalf of Vince Cable MP at 49 Church Lane, Teddington, TW11 8PA. Designed by Graphical - www.graphicalagency.com Britain needs the Liberal Democrats There is much to be patriotic about in and competitiveness. These issues were beginning to be addressed by Britain today. It is a more tolerant and the Coalition government, but Brexit inclusive place than when my late wife and – pursued by Theresa May with full support from Jeremy Corbyn I started an inter-racial family a generation – is now starting to inflict further ago. It has great resources of creativity and economic damage. -
LGA and ALDC at the Liberal Democrat Virtual Autumn Conference
LGA and ALDC at the Liberal Democrat Virtual Autumn Conference Friday 25 September How can we revive our town centres? How can we help our town centres recover and what are the challenges? 5pm – 5.50pm Speakers include: Tim Farron, MP Councillor Emily Smith, Leader, Vale of White Horse DC Elected Mayor Dave Hodgson, Bedford Borough Council Kirsten Henly, ’Kingston First’ Business Improvement District Chair: Councillor Heather Kidd, Chair, LGA Liberal Democrat Group Saturday 26 September Working in coalition in local government – From York to Bournemouth, Christchurch and Poole What are the challenges and successes in working with other parties to run our councils? 9am – 9.50am Speakers include: Councillor Keith Aspden, Leader, City of York Councillor Darryl Smalley, City of York Councillor Vikki Slade, Bournemouth, Christchurch & Poole Council Chair: Councillor Alan Connett, Chief Whip, LGA Liberal Democrat Group Stop the power grab: How to oppose the government’s meddling in our planning system while delivering the homes we need 1pm – 1.50pm Speakers include: Sir Ed Davey MP, Leader of the Liberal Democrats Councillor Tumi Hawkins, South Cambridgeshire DC Baroness Olly Grender, Liberal Democrat Housing Spokesperson, House of Lords Giddon Amos, Former Chief Executive Town and Planning Association Chair: Councillor Howard Sykes, Leader, LGA Liberal Democrats Sunday 27 September You’ve declared a climate emergency, what next? Hear what steps Liberal Democrat Councils are taking 1pm – 1.50pm Speakers include: Wera Hobhouse MP Victoria Marsom, -
Letter from Ed Davey MP 11.03.21
Rt Hon Boris Johnson MP The Prime Minister 10 Downing Street London, SW1A 2AA 11th March 2021 Dear Prime Minister, I am writing to share my concerns about the draft resolution on Sri Lanka that the FCDO has tabled for approval by the UN Human Rights Council on 24th March. Time and again, the UK has played a vital role in leading collective action on international accountability in Sri Lanka. At the 46th session of the UN Human Rights Council, which is currently underway, the UK has a real opportunity to continue in this proud tradition. But unfortunately, the draft resolution completely fails to rise to this challenge. As it stands, the draft resolution is too vague and lacks robust commitment to international accountability mechanisms. It also fails to incorporate the recommendations laid out in the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ report on Sri Lanka that was published earlier this year. The High Commissioner portrayed a damning picture of the situation in Sri Lanka, making it clear that domestic mechanisms for reconciliation, accountability and human rights have drastically eroded in the past few years. Many Tamil groups across the UK have been calling on your Government to take urgent action to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council resolution is robust enough to ensure that those responsible are held accountable for crimes and human rights abuses committed against the Tamils. I am aware that the Sri Lanka Core Group will be meeting imminently, to discuss the draft resolution. As such, I am urging you to personally ensure that -
Thecoalition
The Coalition Voters, Parties and Institutions Welcome to this interactive pdf version of The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Please note that in order to view this pdf as intended and to take full advantage of the interactive functions, we strongly recommend you open this document in Adobe Acrobat. Adobe Acrobat Reader is free to download and you can do so from the Adobe website (click to open webpage). Navigation • Each page includes a navigation bar with buttons to view the previous and next pages, along with a button to return to the contents page at any time • You can click on any of the titles on the contents page to take you directly to each article Figures • To examine any of the figures in more detail, you can click on the + button beside each figure to open a magnified view. You can also click on the diagram itself. To return to the full page view, click on the - button Weblinks and email addresses • All web links and email addresses are live links - you can click on them to open a website or new email <>contents The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Edited by: Hussein Kassim Charles Clarke Catherine Haddon <>contents Published 2012 Commissioned by School of Political, Social and International Studies University of East Anglia Norwich Design by Woolf Designs (www.woolfdesigns.co.uk) <>contents Introduction 03 The Coalition: Voters, Parties and Institutions Introduction The formation of the Conservative-Liberal In his opening paper, Bob Worcester discusses Democratic administration in May 2010 was a public opinion and support for the parties in major political event. -
Where Next for the Liberal Democrats?
Where next for the Liberal Democrats? Tim Bale Aron Cheung Alan Wager It has, to put it mildly, been a difficult twelve months for the Liberal Democrats. A year ago this week, polling conducted by YouGov and Ipsos Mori showed their support at 20% – a level the party had not enjoyed since they’d entered their ill-fated coalition with the Conservatives in the spring of 2010. Nine long years later, they were daring to dream once again: could it be that, under Jo Swinson, we would soon see the UK’s electoral map coloured with the same amount of Lib Dem yellow that Charles Kennedy and, latterly, Nick Clegg had once achieved? The answer, of course, was no. The general election that followed was a not just an electoral disappointment but a disaster – so much so that Swinson herself lost her seat. Not only that, but the party’s main policy aim – to reverse the Brexit decision – lay in tatters. Yet, despite these setbacks, the new electoral geography of the post-Brexit era brings with it challenges but also opportunities for the Liberal Democrats – existential questions but also, if they can exploit their new electoral coalition, some potential answers. This short paper hopes to set all this out just as ballots open for the party’s new leader. Putting the 2019 result in historical context The eleven seats the Liberal Democrats won in December 2019 may have represented a slight decline on the dozen the party achieved in 2017 under Tim Farron; but they also represented a near-halving of the 21 which, following multiple defections, the party went into the general election defending. -
Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13
Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13 The first 100 days of Conservative energy policy Dieter Helm Professor of Energy Policy University of Oxford 20th August 2015 Amber Rudd, the Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, has had a very busy start. She has ended new subsidies for onshore wind, reined back the Green Deal, removed the exemption from tax for renewables, ended the zero- carbon homes plan, removed guaranteed subsidy for biomass, borne down on solar PV subsidies, speeded up the rules on fracking planning process, and at the same time fully come in behind the Paris climate negotiations and the UK’s commitment to tackling carbon emissions. For some in the green lobby, this smacks at best of inconsistency and at worst it is disingenuous – saying one thing, and doing another. Unsurprising Renewables UK, the powerful and vocal lobby group, has screamed about the scale back of the subsidies its members have to date so effectively campaigned for. It claimed that Rudd’s commitment to tacking climate change was “like saying you want to win the Tour de France on a bike without wheels”. So what can we learn from the first 100 days of Conservative energy policy? Does it add up to a coherent framework, or is it just ad hoc and made up as the new government has been going along? The case for the initial changes 1 Energy Futures Network Paper No. 13 The Conservatives inherited a mess, partly of their own making during the Coalition. Energy policy has for almost a decade been dominated by the framework laid down by Ed Milliband in 2008, and faithfully followed through by Chris Huhne and Ed Davey – what might be called MHD. -
The Liberal Democrat Journey to a LIB-Con Coalition and Where Next?
The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN aNd where NexT? Southbank house, Black Prince road, London Se1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 20 7463 0632 | [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk richard S Grayson The LiberaL Democrat Journey To a LIB-CoN CoaLITIoN – aNd where NexT? richard S Grayson 2 about the author Dr Richard Grayson is Head of Politics at Goldsmiths, University of London, and is one of three vice-chairs of the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy Committee, but writes here in a personal capacity. He was the party’s Director of Policy in 1999–2004 and stood for Parliament in Hemel Hempstead in 2005 and 2010, adding over 10% to the party’s vote. He was one of the founders of the Social Liberal Forum and was the first chair of its Executive. In September 2010 he takes up the post of Professor of Twentieth Century History at Goldsmiths. Published by Compass − Direction for the Democratic Left Ltd Southbank House, Black Prince Road, London SE1 7SJ T: +44 (0) 207 463 0632 [email protected] www.compassonline.org.uk Designed by SoapBox, www.soapboxcommunications.co.uk 3 The Liberal democrat ning both needs to be understood. Doing so begins with a story about how it is possible that a journey to a Lib–Con party which has often over the past decade been seen as ‘left of Labour’ on civil liberties, demo - coalition – and where cratic reform, taxation and public services is engaged quite so enthusiastically in reducing the next? size of the state. -
The Case of the Missing Marginals: How Big Will May's Majority
The case of the missing marginals: how big will May’s majority be? democraticaudit.com /2017/04/25/the-case-of-the-missing-marginals-how-big-will-mays-majority-be/ By Democratic Audit UK 2017-4-25 A little-reported result of the 2015 general election was a substantial reduction in the number of marginal seats, and a consequent increase in the number of very safe ones for both the Conservatives and Labour. Ron Johnston, Charles Pattie and David Rossiter explore the implications of those changes for the forthcoming election. Will May get the landslide the polls suggest? Lib Dem leader Tim Farron attempts to win over a future voter in Southwark, a Labour-Lib Dem marginal. Photo: Liberal Democrats via a CC-BY-ND 2.0 licence The snap general election called for 8 June has been presented, by the Prime Minister herself as well as many commentators, as an opportunity for the Conservative party to increase both its own majority in the House of Commons and also the majority there supporting the government’s policy on the Brexit negotiations. But how big might that majority be? Might she be disappointed, despite what the opinion polls are currently suggesting? The Conservatives won 330 seats at the 2015 general election, giving them a lead of 98 seats over Labour but an overall majority of just eleven (excluding the Speaker), although with Sinn Féin members not taking their seats and with support on many issues from the DUP, the situation was a little more comfortable. However, May clearly hopes for more – and she is unlikely to get much joy in Scotland where, despite the growth in support for the Conservatives under Ruth Davidson’s leadership, few seats are likely to be won; nevertheless, Labour’s continued travails there mean that it is unlikely to make many Scottish gains either.