Nigeria's Bumpy Road to Democracy
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International Journal of Arts and Humanities (IJAH) Bahir Dar- Ethiopia Vol
IJAH VOL 4 (3) SEPTEMBER, 2015 55 International Journal of Arts and Humanities (IJAH) Bahir Dar- Ethiopia Vol. 4(3), S/No 15, September, 2015:55-63 ISSN: 2225-8590 (Print) ISSN 2227-5452 (Online) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v4i3.5 The Metamorphosis of Bourgeoisie Politics in a Modern Nigerian Capitalist State Uji, Wilfred Terlumun, PhD Department of History Federal University Lafia Nasarawa State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] or [email protected] Tel: +2347031870998 or +2348094009857 & Uhembe, Ahar Clement Department of Political Science Federal University Lafia, Nasarawa State-Nigeria Abstract The Nigerian military class turned into Bourgeoisie class has credibility problems in the Nigerian state and politics. The paper interrogates their metamorphosis and masquerading character as ploy to delay the people-oriented revolution. The just- concluded PDP party primaries and secondary elections are evidence that demands a verdict. By way of qualitative analysis of relevant secondary sources, predicated on the Marxian political approach, the paper posits that the capitalist palliatives to block the Nigerian people from freeing themselves from the shackles of poverty will soon be a Copyright ©IAARR 2015: www.afrrevjo.net Indexed African Journals Online: www.ajol.info IJAH VOL 4 (3) SEPTEMBER, 2015 56 thing of the past. It is our argument that this situation left unchecked would create problem for Nigeria’s nascent democracy which is not allowed to go through normal party polity and electoral process. The argument of this paper is that the on-going recycling of the Nigerian military class into a bourgeois class as messiahs has a huge possibility for revolution. -
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
BIAFRAN GHOSTS. the MASOB Ethnic Militia
Biafran Ghosts DISCUSSION PAPER 73 BIAFRAN GHOSTS The MASSOB Ethnic Militia and Nigeria’s Democratisation Process IKE OKONTA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UPPSALA 2012 Indexing terms: Nigeria Biafra Democratization Political development Ethnicity Ethnic groups Interethnic relations Social movements Nationalism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-716-6 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2012 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Contents Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1. ‘Tribesmen,’ Democrats and the Persistence of the Past ................................ 10 Explaining Democratisation in ‘Deeply-divided’ Societies ............................................ 13 ‘Tribesmen’ and Generals: ‘Shadow’ Democratisation and its Ethnic Double ............. 16 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2. MASSOB: The Civic Origins of an Ethnic Militia ............................................... 23 Chapter 3. Reimagining Biafra, Remobilising for Secession .............................................. 33 ‘Go Down, -
Nigeria's 2019 Elections
ARI 23/2019 22 February 2019 Nigeria’s 2019 elections: so many choices, so difficult to choose Ojobo Ode Atuluku | Head, Africa 2 Region, Federation Development Cluster, ActionAid (Burundi, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somaliland, The Gambia and Zambia) | @ojoboa Theme This paper looks at the two most visible candidates in the Nigerian presidential elections, highlighting issues regarding conflicts, political parties, the electoral commission and the changes in institutions like the Police. Summary The 2019 Nigerian elections comes at a time of great challenges for the nation, in economic, security and other terms. With 73 candidates competing, only two seem to be serious contenders for the role. However, both seem to lack aspects of leadership that Nigeria needs at this time in its history. This paper looks at the two leading candidates and the situation in Nigeria, describing the context in which the elections are being held among ongoing controversies. Analysis Nigeria is a strategic partner to many countries and a recognised global actor. With South Africa, it is among the largest economies in Africa. The country is its fourth Republic, having gained independence from the UK on 1 October 1960. The first Republic was proclaimed in 1963 with the adoption of a republican constitution, but came to an end in 1966 following a military coup. Six months later a counter coup led to a bitter civil war between 6 July 1967 and 15 January 1970 to prevent the secession of the country’s south-eastern portion, known as Biafra. Tension in Nigeria had been caused by a complex mix of political, religious, ethnic and economic factors affecting its 200 million peoples and over 300 ethnic groups. -
Challenges of Citizen Elections Observation in Nigeria: a Historical Perspective
European Scientific Journal October 2019 edition Vol.15, No.29 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 Challenges of Citizen Elections Observation in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective Greene Ifeanyichukwu Eleagu, Ph.D Political Science Department, Gregory University, Uturu, Abia State, Nigeria Gloria Obiageri Eleagu, Department of Social Studies, Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n29p51 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n29p51 Abstract The near six decades of Nigeria as an independent nation has been fraught with instability arising essentially from attempts at democracy through periodic elections. These elections have been largely chacterized by hooliganism, ballot-snatching, theft of election materials, kidnapping of political opponents, assassination of political rivals, arson, assault and physical destruction of election materials and even intimidation and outright molestation or killing of election officials. This paper therefore went down the memory lane to establish and, using the Marxist theory of state attempt to explain, the pattern of elections that have characterized democracy in Nigeria and locate the place of citizen observers in Nigerian elections. Keywords: Election, Democracy, Citizen observation, Opposition, Violence Introduction Periodic elections have, generally, become a major index for measuring democratic compliance and soundness across the globe. According to Bratton and Posner (1999:378) elections provide the best criterion for orderly leadership succession, entailing popular participation. They ensure responsibility and responsiveness on the part of government. According to the United Nations (cited in Wanyonyi, 1997: 21), “… the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of government. This shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections…”. -
The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17
The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. -
NIGERIA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy
NIGERIA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE Home Office, United Kingdom Nigeria Country Report - April 2004 CONTENTS 1. Scope of the document 1.1 – 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 3. Economy 3.1 – 3.3 4. History 4.1 – 4.7 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 – 5.3 Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 – 5.5 Political System 5.6 – 5.12 Judiciary 5.13 – 5.16 - Shari'a law 5.18 – 5.23 - Anti-Drug Legislation 5.24 – 5.25 Legal Rights/Detention 5.26 – 5.28 Death Penalty 5.29 – 5.36 Internal Security 5.37 – 5.38 Prison and Prison Conditions 5.39 – 5.41 Military 5.42 – 5.45 Military Service 5.46 Police 5.47 – 5.51 Medical Services 5.52 – 5.56 HIV/AIDS 5.57 – 5.58 Mental Health 5.59 – 5.60 People with disabilities 5.61 Educational System 5.62 Student cults 5.63 – 5.64 6. Human Rights 6A. Human Rights issues Overview 6.1 – 6.2 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.3 – 6.12 Journalists 6.13 – 6.15 Freedom of Religion 6.16 – 6.19 Religious groups 6.20 – 6.22 - Islam 6.23 – 6.26 - Christians 6.27 - Traditional Faiths 6.28 – 6.32 Freedom of Assembly and Association 6.33 Employment Rights 6.34 – 6.36 People Trafficking 6.37 – 6.40 Freedom of Movement 6.41 – 6.43 6B. Human rights – Specific Groups Ethnic Groups 6.44 – 6.47 O'odua People's Congress (OPC) 6.48 – 6.54 Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) 6.55 – 6.56 The Ogoni 6.57 – 6.63 The Niger Delta 6.64 – 6.99 Women 6.100 – 6.107 Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) 6.108 – 6.112 Children 6.113 – 6.115 Child Care Arrangements 6.116 Homosexuals 6.117 – 6.119 6C. -
Ex-Military Leaders in Nigerian Electoral Politics
Democratization ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fdem20 Above politics? Ex-military leaders in Nigerian electoral politics Henrik Angerbrandt & Anders Themnér To cite this article: Henrik Angerbrandt & Anders Themnér (2021): Above politics? Ex-military leaders in Nigerian electoral politics, Democratization, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2020.1866552 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2020.1866552 © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 05 Jan 2021. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 333 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fdem20 DEMOCRATIZATION https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2020.1866552 Above politics? Ex-military leaders in Nigerian electoral politics Henrik Angerbrandt and Anders Themnér Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Sweden ABSTRACT In countries transitioning from military to democratic rule, authoritarian legacies often continue to influence politics. Whereas previous research has focused on the institutional causes of such deficiencies, there is a lack of studies examining the role ex-military leaders who re-emerge as civilian presidents have in sustaining authoritarian tendencies. In this article, we begin to fill this lacuna by investigating the question: how and under which conditions do ex-military leaders’ political identity constructions affect their tendency to place themselves above politics (i.e. expressing the attitude and behaviour of being superior to democratic rules)? The literature on neo-patrimonialism and post-civil war politics points to the importance of the political identities of ex-militaries, and we propose a theory that highlights the role identity construction plays in shaping elites’ decision-making processes. -
Federalism and Contending Issues in Contemporary Nigeria: Mapping Alternative Perspectives for a Neo-Federalist Paradigm
Asian Social Science; Vol. 14, No. 10; 2018 ISSN 1911-2017 E-ISSN 1911-2025 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Federalism and Contending Issues in Contemporary Nigeria: Mapping Alternative Perspectives for a Neo-Federalist Paradigm Joseph Okwesili Nkwede1, Kazeem Oluwaseun Dauda2 & Olanrewaju A. Orija3 1 Department of Political Science, Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki, Ebonyi State, Nigeria 2 Department of Political Science, Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ogun State, Nigeria 3 Department of Political Science, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria Correspondance: Kazeem Oluwaseun Dauda. Tel: 234-80-5466-9156. E-mail: [email protected] Received: September 11, 2018 Accepted: September 22, 2018 Online Published: September 28, 2018 doi:10.5539/ass.v14n10p111 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n10p111 Abstract Evidence abound that Nigeria‟s form of federal system has been grappling with serious working and institutional challenges. The paper interrogated contending issues ravaging Nigeria‟s federal polity with a clarion call for timely adoption of neo-federalism paradigm. It employed qualitative research method with classical model of federalism as framework of analysis. The paper established that Nigeria‟s federal republic is associated with over-concentration of governmental powers at the centre, sectional domination of powers and political leadership, inept and corrupt leadership/bad governance, socio-economic crisis, insecurity, corruption, favouritism and nepotism, problem of power sharing and poor implementation of federal character principle, which further heightened the delivery of socio-economic services and democratic dividends to the people. It concluded that for Nigeria‟s federation to stand the test of time and overcome myriad problems it is currently facing, embracing the neo-federalism paradigm is inevitable. -
Access Bank Branches Nationwide
LIST OF ACCESS BANK BRANCHES NATIONWIDE ABUJA Town Address Ademola Adetokunbo Plot 833, Ademola Adetokunbo Crescent, Wuse 2, Abuja. Aminu Kano Plot 1195, Aminu Kano Cresent, Wuse II, Abuja. Asokoro 48, Yakubu Gowon Crescent, Asokoro, Abuja. Garki Plot 1231, Cadastral Zone A03, Garki II District, Abuja. Kubwa Plot 59, Gado Nasko Road, Kubwa, Abuja. National Assembly National Assembly White House Basement, Abuja. Wuse Market 36, Doula Street, Zone 5, Wuse Market. Herbert Macaulay Plot 247, Herbert Macaulay Way Total House Building, Opposite NNPC Tower, Central Business District Abuja. ABIA STATE Town Address Aba 69, Azikiwe Road, Abia. Umuahia 6, Trading/Residential Area (Library Avenue). ADAMAWA STATE Town Address Yola 13/15, Atiku Abubakar Road, Yola. AKWA IBOM STATE Town Address Uyo 21/23 Gibbs Street, Uyo, Akwa Ibom. ANAMBRA STATE Town Address Awka 1, Ajekwe Close, Off Enugu-Onitsha Express way, Awka. Nnewi Block 015, Zone 1, Edo-Ezemewi Road, Nnewi. Onitsha 6, New Market Road , Onitsha. BAUCHI STATE Town Address Bauchi 24, Murtala Mohammed Way, Bauchi. BAYELSA STATE Town Address Yenagoa Plot 3, Onopa Commercial Layout, Onopa, Yenagoa. BENUE STATE Town Address Makurdi 5, Ogiri Oko Road, GRA, Makurdi BORNO STATE Town Address Maiduguri Sir Kashim Ibrahim Way, Maiduguri. CROSS RIVER STATE Town Address Calabar 45, Muritala Mohammed Way, Calabar. Access Bank Cash Center Unicem Mfamosing, Calabar DELTA STATE Town Address Asaba 304, Nnebisi, Road, Asaba. Warri 57, Effurun/Sapele Road, Warri. EBONYI STATE Town Address Abakaliki 44, Ogoja Road, Abakaliki. EDO STATE Town Address Benin 45, Akpakpava Street, Benin City, Benin. Sapele Road 164, Opposite NPDC, Sapele Road. -
The Nigerian 2007 Election: a Guide for Journalists and Commentators
Africa Programme Briefing Note AFP BN 07/01 The Nigerian 2007 Election: A Guide for Journalists and Commentators Sola Tayo February 2007 Key Points: • Nigerians will vote in April for a president to replace Olusegun Obasanjo. The election is shaping up to be highly controversial. • Corruption remains a major concern, with allegations reaching as high as the Vice-Presidency. • Whoever wins will face the mounting challenges of the oil-rich but poor and increasingly violent Niger Delta region. Introduction Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo, is bucking the trend set by some of his peers across the continent – he is stepping aside after two terms. As the leader of one of Africa’s largest economies, a leading producer and exporter of oil, he must have been greatly tempted to serve another term or two. In fact, he sought to alter the constitution to allow the reigning president to stay beyond two terms but the bid was thrown out by Senate. So who is likely to win favour with Nigeria’s 140 million-strong population? Before their bitter and public falling out last year, Obasanjo’s Vice-President Atiku Abubakar was viewed as his natural successor. Now, with the pair barely on speaking terms and accusing each other of corruption, Abubakar has been forced to campaign under the ticket of another party. Other candidates include the former military heavyweights Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida – the mention of whose name strikes fear into the hearts of many Nigerians – and Muhamadu Buhari. By complete contrast, Obasanjo’s chosen successor is the reclusive and softly spoken Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, the Governor of Katsina state. -
Federalism, Power Sharing and the 2011 Presidential Election in Nigeria
VOLUME 11 NO 1 31 FEDERALISM, POWER SHARING AND THE 2011 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN NIGERIA Emmanuel Remi Aiyede ABSTRACT Power sharing has become a prominent feature of post-election conflict management practice in Africa in recent times. A study of the Nigerian experience provides useful lessons about the theory and practice of power sharing in a divided society with a federal system. Nigeria instituted the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle to shore up the affirmative action/federal character principle earlier devised to manage the inter-ethnic tensions that followed the crisis thrown up by the annulment of the presidential elections of 12 June 1993. This article examines the challenges and debates over power sharing in the build-up to the 2011 elections as a result of the entrance of Goodluck Jonathan (a southerner) into the presidential race, made possible by the death of President Umar Musa Yar’Adua (a northerner) in a clear upset of the power-sharing arrangement. It argues that while the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle remains useful for stability and representation in Nigeria its sustenance depends on its flexible application and the creativity of the elites as they negotiate and manage the power disequilibrium that results from perceived access or lack of access of segments of Nigerian society to top political office. The Nigerian case shows that the ‘zoning with rotation’ principle is problematic as a long-term solution because it constrains the notion of free political competition and the uncertain outcomes that are central to democracy. INTRODUCTION At the heart of the search for a solution to what Ayoade (1998, p 106) describes as ‘representational equity’ in Nigeria is the preference of the political elite for power sharing.