Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) Vol. 39, No. 2 (2019), pp. 665-673

Revisiting South Asian Security Saga: A Nexus of Subaltern Realism and Human Security for Peace in 21st century

Asmat Naz Professor, Dean Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, The Women University Multan

Asma Akbar Lecturer, Department of Political Science, The women University, Multan

Abstract: Today South Asia is pierced with encroaches of violence, conflicts and instability. Endeavors to drag this region out of turmoil have not been aptly opted due to neo-realist tendencies in security calculus of this region. This paradigm further exacerbates the situation by keeping these internally fragile states active to combat with their external dangers and problems while being dormant towards interior issues. Shadow of “security dilemma” blurs their lens of security by detaching them with their historical context. In this paper, region of South Asia, a conglomeration of newly born, internally weak third world states has been scrutinized with a non-conventional lens. As compared to neo- realism, this perspective delineates that security dilemma is not an optimal security approach towards a region consisting of third world states because these states are still indulged in state making process and have not overcome their internal issues. Moreover intra-state problems have strong connection with inter-state clashes because these off-springs of colonial age have synthetic frontiers; therefore, there are ethno-linguistic bonds among people of surrounding countries. In this way, agitation or separatist demand of an ethno-linguistic group in one country could be spilled over to adjacent state having same ethnic group. Similarly disputed frontiers among states halt the process of state-making in each contestant state by hanging over fusion of all state areas under a political regime .i.e. the case of Kashmir and Durand line issue in early history of Pakistan and at present the issue of Greater Baluchistan. The subaltern Realist paradigm suggested by Ayoob adopts a state centric approach but still it deviates from realist and non-realist version of state centrism. For Ayoob states have to prioritize its internal stability by adopting a policy of state making. However this introvert approach asks for the legitimacy of a state acquired by seeking allegiance from its citizens. While on the other hand, in post-cold war years a new paradigm of human security also emerged that challenges the conventional security approach and focuses on human being as potential victim of multiple threats all over the world instead of state but the question that “who” will provide this all-encompassing security to human beings divided amongst state boundaries has not been settled yet. Some believe that it is an agenda of hegemonic intervention in disguise while others consider it a utopian ideal to be achieved only in a pacifist world. However, in order to 666 Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 39, No. 2 achieve this utopia of individual’s security, the only known institution for the world is State. A powerful state that gives priority to development rights and securities of its citizen and is also in need of allegiance from its population can rise above the paradoxes of internal de-stability as well as interstate rivalry. The paper in hand will revisit the insecurity saga of two important states of South Asia i.e. Afghanistan and Pakistan. Although the states are typical examples of state failure described by Ayoob but both played a pivotal role in cold war security order. At dawn of new millennium these states are homes of all kind of insecurities defined by Human Security School. Both states are still vital for international and regional security orders. At the same time these states are considered to be a threat for regional and International Peace. Hence after analyzing the past and present scenarios of these two neighboring states we suggest a nexus of Subaltern Realism and Human Security for a peaceful future of South Asia.

Keywords: South Asia, Human security, Subaltern Realism, Realism, State-making, Intra-state Conflicts, Human development, Human rights, Pakistan, Afghanistan.

I. Introduction Region of South Asia is of paramount importance as being the cradle of large portion of world population and its geo-strategic and geo-political dynamism in world history. South Asian studies reveal it as a conflict trodden landscape with smudges of ethnic fissures, linguistic divergence and secessionist tendencies culminating into a worst kind of violence and radicalism in all member countries alike. These internal factors get along with certain inter-state tensions and conflicts .This overlapping between inter-state and intra-state challenges exacerbate the regional insecurity. This security crisis involves loopholes in many sectors including military’s dominant role, low pace of modernization, pecuniary dependence on extra-territorial forces and divergent political setups in member states. Oddness of these similar yet different conditions of member states has also been exploited by dominant players of world politics. For example, involvement of Cold war better-half (Russia) in Afghanistan has also elevated its proximity with global political affairs. (Rubinoff, 1990)

This research work is to bring to light the insecurity saga of two important states of South Asia i.e. Afghanistan and Pakistan. Although the states are typical examples of state failure described by Ayoob but both played a pivotal role in cold war and post-cold war security order. At dawn of new millennium these states are homes of all kind of insecurities defined by Human Security School. Both states are still vital for international and regional security orders. At the same time these states are considered to be a threat for regional and International Peace. It could be said that regional security complex of South Asia revolves around Pakistan and Afghanistan. But it is needed to deal with this regional security complex by keeping in view of Subaltern Realistic approach. The main punch line of this perspective revolves around the process of incomplete state making which Ayoob advocates about all third world countries. He opines to amplify the role of political institution in a state and to minimize the role of military in policies of state Instead of focusing on the extra regional forces or external variables, Ayoob proposes to Asmat Naz, Asma Akbar 667 deal it internally by strengthening the state muscle but with a particular reverence for human rights.

In this study emphasis has been placed on the relationship between subaltern realism and human security which has often been seen in contradiction with each other because subaltern realism prioritizes state as its main actor while human security makes individual as its level of analysis. But actually both cannot be separated from each other. No doubt it is a fact that in present day state creates insecurity for its own citizens sometimes when their interests come into clash but this is also important to emphasize that both cannot secure their interests without each other. For example, according to McSweeney, a state and its people are interconnected with each other through set of rules by state machinery directed towards its citizens, an independent civil society and coordination between these two entities. (Gjorv, 2012) We must have a look on this point of view with a reference to Pakistan and Afghanistan.

II. South Asian Security Conundrum As far as security of South Asia is concerned, it needs to be scrutinized and defined in a non-typical manner. Conventional way to define and address the security concerns could take us way from our objective to establish peace in this region of the world. Age of geopolitics is getting oblivious day by day because there are numerous other gigantic concerns of South Asia that are needed to be addressed in order to securitize this region. The significance to securitize this region could be highlighted by emphasizing its geographical proximity with west Asian oil-resource region, South East Asian region via Mountain ranges linked to China and to African continent via Arabian Sea routes. (Gupta, 1996) Furthermore, strategically this region has been engaged in world political dynamics during Cold War in order to contain Russian aggression and laterally in post-cold war era it is under spotlight due to its involvement to combat terrorism.

Stability of this region is very much attached with the supremacy of India on rest of the countries and turbulent relations of these countries with India. India is having friction in its relations with other South Asian countries based on water, territorial and certain other issues of demographic nature. The main territorial clash of India is on area of Kashmir, a piece of land between India and Pakistan. This conflict seems to be the final nail in the coffin of South Asian Security profile. Both nuclear states since their inception are antagonistic to each other not only due to disputed territory but also being members of opposite camps in cold war era heading towards race of armament. In post- cold war era too, the situation does not reverse and both countries maintain their militaries’ profile intact. (Gupta, 1996).(Trade with India)

A paradigmatic shift in security calculation of Pakistan is needed utmost because economic under-development is the most important internal factor causing insecurity at national level. The new paradigm should be primarily focused on establishing writ of state to overcome crisis of law and order and safeguarding proprietary rights. A neo-liberalized trade policy between Pakistan and India is needed to promote constant trade based economic association between two countries which is in the better interest of whole region (Nabi, 2013)Moreover strategic requirements are also diversifying as these are also evident from new military doctrine drafted in 2012 in which General Raheel sharief voiced by presenting it that Pakistan should pay attention to its 668 Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 39, No. 2 internal crises of militancy and fanaticism rather than eastern borders because threat lies inside. (Mir, 2013)

III. Theoretical Inferences in Security Saga However this construction of security pundits of South Asia is needed to deconstruct with help of alteration in theoretical budge. South Asia is still being secured though a conventional mode which is restricted and does not cover the all security issues. Military centric security paradigm of nations usually does not capacitate people and leads them towards insecurity. This is also the case not only with Pakistan but all states of South Asia. Security concerns of South Asian states are myopically estimated revolving only around defense of borders and land against outer enemies. In fact most of the problems in countries all over the world arise from within rather than outside. Issues originated from within the nations are about people and their security. Though the conventional paradigm of security cannot be disregarded as a whole but rather its narrow scope could be highlighted and a wide-ranging security design could be suggested which also includes citizens as area of concern. (Soherwordi, 2005)

Human security is a widely known and debatable alternative lens to view security or an instrument to formulate policy across borders.(Oberleitner, 2005) It is very pertinent to delineate this concept because it is broad ranging and could be taken in one way or other. There are multiple aspects by which it could be defined for its application. This approach diverges from conventional view of security and focuses on security of people rather than states.

There exists a constricted interpretation, which considers safeguarding the fundamental human rights hence paving the way for ‘humanitarian intervention. There also exists an extensive approach that makes its connections with development sector in globalized economy. While taking it politically, this approach has been appropriated both at domestic level as well as inter-state level. Most importantly, this debate of human security has been oriented at regional level too. At regional level, this viewpoint assists to interpret the security conditions at sub-regional level or security within the states. (Oberleitner, 2005)

Apart from human security there are other alternative lenses available in the theoretical Pandora box that address security matters in different ways. For example, Ayoob explains these security matters at intra-state level and is of the view that in post- colonial nascent states, security lies with strengthening domestic orders through political processes. (Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict ans the International System, 1995) He, by proposing ‘Subaltern Realism’ for third world countries, considers incomplete process of state–making as a basic insecurity precursor and opines of states in an introvert manner.(Ayoob, Theorizing in : A Case for Subaltern Realism, 2002) He condemns the traditional security lens of ‘Realism’ militarily based external orientation of security. (Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict ans the International System, 1995)

As compared to neo-realism, this perspective delineates that security dilemma is not an optimal security approach towards a region consisting of third world states because these states are still indulged in state making process and have not overcome Asmat Naz, Asma Akbar 669 their internal issues. Moreover intra-state problems have strong connection with inter- state clashes because these off-springs of colonial age have synthetic frontiers; therefore, there are ethno-linguistic bonds among people of surrounding countries. In this way, agitation or separatist demand of an ethno-linguistic group in one country could be spilled over to adjacent state having same ethnic group. The subaltern Realist paradigm suggested by Ayoob adopts a state centric approach but still it deviates from realist and non-realist version of state centrism. For Ayoob states have to prioritize its internal stability by adopting a policy of state making. (Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict ans the International System, 1995)

However this introvert approach asks for the legitimacy of a state acquired by seeking allegiance from its citizens. While on the other hand, in post-cold war years a new paradigm of human security also emerged that challenges the conventional security approach and focuses on human being as potential victim of multiple threats all over the world instead of state but the question that “who” will provide this all-encompassing security to human beings divided amongst state boundaries has not been settled yet. Some believe that it is an agenda of hegemonic intervention in disguise while others consider it a utopian ideal to be achieved only in a pacifist world. However, in order to achieve this utopia of individual’s security, the only known institution for the world is State. A powerful state that gives priority to development rights and securities of its citizen and is also in need of allegiance from its population can rise above the paradoxes of internal de- stability as well as interstate rivalry.

From standpoint of regional security, theory of “regional security complexes” presented by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever can also serve the purpose here. According to this perspective, states in a region share their anxieties and apprehensions originated within the regional system. (Hoogensen, Bottoms up! A Toast to Regional Security? Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Society by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, 2005) Center of this regional axis could be duet of prominent clashing states for example India and Pakistan in South Asia. Buzan thinks of inter-reliance between states of security complex and their schema of security cannot be distinguished from each other because both hold common concerns as well as common challenges. (Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict ans the International System, 1995, p. 57).

IV. Security Crisis in Pakistan Since 9/11 focus of all world has been shifted to Afghanistan and Pakistan in South Asia because according to US state narrative these two countries maintain terrorists hideouts. (Markey, 2007) Pakistan waged a proxy war of USA by promotion of Taliban movement and Jihad philosophy to contain USSR and to secure strategic depth in Afghanistan against Indians in late 1970’s. (Rashid, 1999)In 1996, an extremist version of state leadership in Afghanistan was recognized by Pakistan army in order to take support of Afghan government against Pashtun’s cessation movement. (Shuja, 2007)

It is also evident that Pakistan’s military institution in this way sought foreign assistance every time to legitimize its policies and rule in Pakistan and used these proxy war engagements in defense against India. (Alvi, 1998) These external engagements made havoc in economic sector, in its relations with Afghanistan on refugees issue and transportation course through Pakistan but it also exposed Pakistani civilians to terrorist 670 Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 39, No. 2 attacks by Talibans and sovereignty of Pakistan to drone attacks by US forces against Taliban hideouts (Akhtar, 2008).

Moreover, Pakistan since its independence faced ideological problems and its leaders and political elites could not be able to assemble its culturally and linguistically diversified people into a nation. (Madan, 2009) Pakistan is victim of fragile political setup, strong army, crisis of federalism and forces beyond ambit of constitution. (Corsi, 2004) Certain actions by leadership authorities were also influential to determine the course of Pakistan polity for example, Punjabization, declaration of Urdu as national language though it was a language of fraction of people, over centralized policy at the expense of provincial vigor by rendering population as sole criterion for financial disbursement between center and provinces and among provinces and consequent outbreak of cessation movements in provinces.(Chandio, 2013)Unifying religious ideology as an only cementing forces and lack of political consensus nationwide could not accommodate cultural and linguistic differences. (Saeed, Religion and Nation Building in Pakistan, 1963)

Migration after independence brought a demographic change in Punjab and Sindh. In Punjab migrated Punjabi culturally became absorbed with native and made a strong alliance but in Sindh there was a considerable change in ethnic balance by which Migrated Urdu people were urbanized and highly literate with a strong political footing as compare to local Sindhis hence they were able to secure prominent positions in state machinery along with ruling Punjabis (Corsi, 2004)Sindh had a potential for agitation against exploitation even before partition because it had carried the seeds of ‘Jiye Sindh Movement’ launched by G.M Syed against Punjabization. (Shahzad, 2007, p. 68) Similar was the case in other provinces, for example, before cessation though the Bengalis were too much bitter about government at center and provincial independence due to demographic favor but they were quite right about their language demand and demand for their recognition as culturally separate entity. (Saeed, Federalism and Pakistan, 1954)

Before independence of Pakistan, British army used to recruit military men from areas of Punjab and KPK due to their racial superiority and this trend was untouched even after partition. (Saeed, 1980)In case of Balochistan, this province has a history of conflict with government on the financial share from national treasury particularly in Bhutto era it reached to its zenith. (Shahzad, 2007, pp. 40-42) There also exists a fissure within province based on ethnic division between educated and liberal Pashtuns and less developed Balochis. (Hasnat, 2012) Both factions consider other as oppressor. Baloch people call for distribution of resources on population based and quota system while Pashtuns call for meritocracy. (Hasnat, Separate Pashtun Areas from Baochistan, 2010)

These factors highlight Pakistan’s political crisis in terms of federalism and unequal development which favored particular ethnic identities, most importantly it penetrated deep into each province of Pakistan where a dominant group is attached with power structure at the cost of exploitation of other or we can say that elite’s power structure of state is becoming a cause of insecurity of many people or human security crisis. But on the other side this exploitation or human insecurity of marginalized groups are posing threats to state machinery in the form of ethno-national movements escalating in each province.

Asmat Naz, Asma Akbar 671 Because there exists a split in each province for example we could see Punjabi versus Siriki in Punjab, Sindhis versus urdu-speaking in Sidh, Hazarvi versus Pashtun in KPK and Pashtun versus Balochs in Balochistan. (Hasnat, Pakistan, 2012, pp. 70-71) These splits are source of ethno-national movements which are not only challenge to political process of Pakistan but are manifestation of human insecurity. Because according to Pakistan Social and Living Standard Measurement Survey, districts belonging to marginalized ethnic groups are at bottom as compared to dominant ethnic group with a slight variation. (Pakistan Social and Living Standard Measurement Survey(pslm)2012-2013 Provincial/District, 2014) Similar is the case with ranking of districts on Human Development Index. (Khan, 2007)

V. Security Disorder in Afghanistan As far as Afghanistan is concerned, its historical account belongs to the unending warfare among tribal leaders and different ethnic identities for power struggle. Internally the conflict lies with Sunni Pashtun and non-Pashtun identities consisting of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras in Afghan social fabric. These two ethnic groups rushed into power grabbing race and culminated into political expressions known as Taliban backed by US, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia and The Northern Alliance supported by Russia, Iran, India, Tajikstan and Uzbekistan respectively. In 19966 Taliban came into power and controlled 90 percent of land and lead a non-representative form of government. With the inception of 21st century, Taliban’s inhuman form of government was ousted by US forces with the help of The Northern Alliance. It is above board that unequal development related to territorial and ethnic differences and extreme poverty were the main factors behind political instability and turmoil. (Zakhilwal, 2004)

Human security calls for ‘Freedom from fear’ means ensuring a life liberated from any kind of brutality and ‘Freedom from want’ secures the primary necessities of human being with a sustainable environment for equal development and opportunities. In Afghanistan, there is excessive rural as well as urban poverty. Most of the social configuration of society is based on rural population almost more than 70 percent that is why employment in service sector is only 18%. Health issues are prevalent In Afghan population. Life span of a male in Afghan society could be predicted as 45 years while of women only 44 years. In Afghanistan death ratio of women during pregnancy is highest in all over the world. Similar is the case with education sector, almost 20 percent schools are intact while rest have been destroyed during war. There are huge geographical and gender inequalities about education among people of Afghanistan. (Zakhilwal, 2004)

In South Asian region, Afghanistan is the state which is economically far behind other states and has the lowest per capita income. Less than 30 percent people are obliged for safe drinking of water and only 9 percent people can enjoy the fruits of uninterrupted electric supply. More than third section of population is unemployed and more than half population les below the poverty line. Third fraction of population is insecure regarding access to food. (Haidari, 2010) Afghanistan is the world’s largest opium producer. This production is main source to win bread for masses but still it could not achieve food security and is unable to manage its food requirements for its population. (Rubin, 2001)

Third world states maintain synthetic frontiers because imperialistic powers have chopped land into many countries irrespective of the ethnic identities. (Ayoob, The Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict ans the International 672 Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 39, No. 2 System, 1995) This is also the case in South Asia and it also delineates the relationship between Afghanistan and the Pakistan. Pashtuns are divided into Afghanistan and Pakistan. Retrospective analysis highlights the movement of Pashtunistan in both countries. (Munoz, 2010)Pashtun leaders of Pakistan have aligned themselves due to their grievances with government at center in past and border between both countries is also never accepted by any authorized personality of Afghanistan. (Siddique, 2012)

VI. Conclusion Pakistan and Afghanistan both are not geographically contiguous but they are also strategically linked with each other. Internal societal fabric of both countries has been torn badly with plethora of challenges. Both states have very fragile polity and are needed to be strengthened internally. Muscles of states should be empowered enough to avoid the category of being a failed state. But these strong muscles of states should be in congruence with the welfare of their citizens. In above mentioned discussion, it has been notified that political vigor of a state and human security are interconnected phenomena. Neither of them can be achieved without other. Both countries need to work on their internal interconnected issues with the help of each other in order to avoid the spillover effect of these insecurities to other states of South Asia as well as rest of adjacent territories in the better ensure of peace and stability of world at large.

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