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ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 11 Worship

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ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 11 Worship jerusalem worship. Jerome also made various translations of the Books pecially in letter no. 108, a eulogy on the death of his friend of Judith and Tobit from an Aramaic version that has since Paula. In it, Jerome describes her travels in Palestine and takes disappeared and of the additions in the Greek translation of advantage of the opportunity to mention many biblical sites, Daniel. He did not regard as canonical works the Books of Ben describing their condition at the time. The letter that he wrote Sira and Baruch, the Epistle of Jeremy, the first two Books of after the death of Eustochium, the daughter of Paula, serves as the Maccabees, the third and fourth Books of Ezra, and the a supplement to this description. In his comprehensive com- additions to the Book of Esther in the Septuagint. The Latin mentaries on the books of the Bible, Jerome cites many Jewish translations of these works in present-day editions of the Vul- traditions concerning the location of sites mentioned in the gate are not from his pen. Bible. Some of his views are erroneous, however (such as his in Dan. 11:45, which ,( ּ ַ אַפדְ נ וֹ ) The translation of the Bible met with complaints from explanation of the word appadno conservative circles of the Catholic Church. His opponents he thought was a place-name). labeled him a falsifier and a profaner of God, claiming that Jerome was regularly in contact with Jews, but his atti- through his translations he had abrogated the sacred traditions tude toward them and the law of Israel was the one that was of the Church and followed the Jews: among other things, they prevalent among the members of the Church in his genera- invoked the story that the Septuagint had been translated in a tion. He had a completely negative attitude toward the ob- miraculous manner. Jerome, however, rejected the story as leg- servances of both the early Christians and the Jews who con- end. Despite the opposition which the new translation aroused verted to Christianity. This attitude was in contrast to that in the ancient period (an opposition also supported by Augus- of Augustine, who was more tolerant in this matter, since in tine), on the one hand, and the unfavorable criticism directed the eyes of Christians, the Torah preceded Christianity. The against it by many humanists and participants in the Reforma- correspondence between Augustine and Jerome testifies that tion, on the other, the Council of Trent (16t century) declared Augustine, as a theologian, was incapable of understanding the Vulgate to be an authentic version. This today means only the importance of Jerome’s translations. On the other hand, that the Vulgate is authentic from the judicial, but not from Jerome was apparently incapable of original thought in the the critical point of view. In addition to translating the Bible, sphere of theology. One letter attributed to him (no. 19) that Jerome composed commentaries on it. His commentaries were deals with circumcision and another (no. 149) that discusses the basis of medieval Christian biblical exegesis, and even the Jewish festivals were not compiled by him. One of Jerome’s Jewish exegetes occasionally quote him. The commentaries works that had a great influence on medieval Christian litera- contain much exegetic material that Jerome received from his ture was De viris illustribus, which was compiled in Bethlehem Jewish teachers, including several Midrashim that have been in 392. Suetonius had published a book of the same name in lost. He makes use of both the plain meaning and homiletical about 113, dealing with the great Latin writers. Jerome’s work exegesis in his commentaries. In his commentary to the Book dealt with 135 Christian literary personalities: he commences of Daniel (c. 407) he rejects the claim of Porphyry (347–420) with Peter and ends with his own literary activity. He also dis- that it is not prophetic but reflects the historical situation that cusses Philo, Josephus, and Justus of Tiberias, who were writ- existed at the time of the decrees of *Antiochus. The first of ers with both sectarian and Jewish backgrounds. The book Jerome’s Hebrew studies appears in Quaestiones hebraicae in contains errors and inaccuracies, but important information Genesin in which he collates Christian exegesis with the He- has also been preserved in it. brew text. His Liber interpretationis nominum hebraicorum Bibliography: D. Goldsmidt, in: Sefer Yoḥanan Levi (1949), is apparently based upon the Onomasticon of Origen, which 38–45; S. Krauss, in: JQR, 6 (1894), 225–38; L. Hughes, The Christian has since disappeared. This dictionary of personal names oc- Church in the Epistles of St. Jerome (1923); F. Cavallera, Saint Jérôme curring in the Bible and the New Testament is arranged in (1923); P. de Labriolle, Histoire de la littérature latine chrétienne (1924), the order of the Holy Scriptures, and in each book the names 445–500; G. Bardy, in: Revue Bénédictine, 46 (1934), 145–153; B. Blu- menkranz, Die Judenpredigt Augustins (1946), 45–50; A. Penna, S. are cited in alphabetical order. The translations of the names, Gerolamo (1949); P. Antin, Essai sur Saint Jérôme (1951); F.X. Murphy however, are not always correct. (ed.), A Monument to Saint Jerome: Essays on His Life, Work and Influ- During his visits to Palestine in about 373 and in the win- ence (1952); J. Steinmann, Saint Jérôme (1958), 383. Add. Bibliog- ter of 385 and after he settled there permanently in 386, Jerome raphy: H.F.D. Sparks, “Jerome as Biblical Scholar,” in: P.R. Ackroyd familiarized himself with the country and also learned much and C.F. Evans (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 1 (1970); about it from his Jewish teachers. His major work on the to- J.N.D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writing and Controversies (1975). pography of Palestine is De situ et nominibus locorum hebrai- [David Flusser] corum (c. 390), an adapted Latin translation of the Onomasti- con of Eusebius. The translation supplements the source with JERUSALEM much material that appeared in the fifth century, mainly in The entry is arranged according to the following out- connection with the erection of churches in numerous holy line: places, such as Beth-El and Shiloh. Jerome also corrected History what he viewed as inaccurate, e.g., the location of Bet Annava. Name Topographical material also appears in his various letters, es- Protohistory ENCYCLOPAEDIA JUDAICA, Second Edition, Volume 11 143 jerusalem The Bronze Age at first signified a part of the Jebusite city, probably the king’s David and First Temple Period fortress – the “Stronghold of Zion” (II Sam. 5:7; I Chron. 11:5). Second Temple Period King David called this part “David’s City” (“Ir David”), which The Roman Period at first indicated the fortress (II Sam. 5:9; I Chron. 11:7). With Byzantine Jerusalem the passage of time, both names became synonyms for the en- Arab Period tire city. Jerusalem has many names of admiration and rever- Crusader Period ence given by the Prophets and later Hebrew poets: “The City,” Mamluk Period “God’s City,” the “Holy City,” the “City of Justice,” the “Faithful Under Ottoman Rule (1517–1917) City,” the “City of Peace,” the “Beautiful City,” etc. Under British Rule (1917–1948) Following the suppression of the Bar Kokhba revolt in The Divided City (1948–1967) 135 C.E., a new town was founded and it was renamed Aelia The Six-Day War and After Capitolina after the family of Hadrian (Publius Aelius Hadri- Geography and Archaelogy anus) and the patron gods of the city – the Capitoline triad Geography of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. With the Muslim conquest in Archaeological Research 638 C.E. the city continued to be known by its Roman-Byz- Water Supply antine name “Aelia,” but later, from the Fatimid period on- Cartography wards, the city was referred to as Bayt al-Maqdis (the “holy In Judaism house,” or the “temple”), and from the 10t century as al-Quds In the Bible (the “holy”). In Halakhah [Samuel Abramsky / Shimon Gibson (2nd ed.)] In the Aggadah Protohistory In the Liturgy The earliest evidence of the existence of man in the area of In Kabbalah Jerusalem is from the prehistoric periods. Scatters of Up- In Modern Hebrew Literature per Acheulean flint implements of Lower Palaeolithic age In Other Religions have been found in the area of Baqa’ and the Rephaim Valley In Christianity (mainly handaxes and flakes) to the southwest of the city, and In Muslim Thought in Sheikh Jarrah and on Mount Scopus to the north of the city. In the Arts Epi-Palaeolithic implements have also been identified in the In Literature area of the “City of David.” Neolithic sites are also known from In Art the vicinity of Jerusalem, notably at Abu Ghosh and Motza to In Music the west. Chalcolithic pottery was discovered during excava- history tions in the area of the “City of David” attesting to the impor- tance of its spring of water from very early times. Chalcolithic Name sites are known in the vicinity of Jerusalem (e.g., Khirbet es- The first mention of the city of Jerusalem is in the Egyptian Sauma’a which was investigated by Nasralleh in 1936), as well Execration Texts of the 19t–18t centuries B.C.E. The name is as in the Judean Desert to the east and close to Bethlehem to spelled wš mm and was probably pronounced “rushalimum.” the south, but the first proper excavation of a Chalcolithic site In the Tell el-Amarna letters of the 14t century B.C.E., it is was made at Sataf, west of Jerusalem, in 1989.
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