Briefing Paper 44

Opportunity and influence: the third sector and the 2010 general election Dr Jane Parry, Professor Pete Alcock and Dr Jeremy Kendall

This paper explores how the different voices and the sector in this was that, in practice, all the interests of the third sector, political parties and major political parties did share a positive media have shaped and reflected the policy interpretation of its role in society, and indeed agenda over the course of the 2010 general seemed keen to see this growing further in the election campaign and into the early post-election future – despite political differences, there was period. Using research methods which combined consensus on broad support for the third sector. documentary analysis with qualitative interviews In addition to documentary analysis of the with key policy actors in the third sector, we election, key stakeholder interviews covered three examined the relative success of different main areas: the methods and techniques used by campaigning methods in an election that was third sector organisations to campaign on a day- unique both in its uncertain electoral outcome and to-day basis; third sector organisations’ (TSOs’) in terms of the relative consensus that political planning process leading up to and beyond the parties expressed at the outset towards the third general election, and how their campaigning sector. changed (or did not) in relation to how the election The election campaign afforded an opportunity for unfolded; and reactions to new political the political profile of the third sector to be put to alignments and anticipated changes in styles of the test. Would politicians maintain, and even working. These interviews took place between extend, the profile of the sector in their manifestos April and July 2010, and consequently picked up and campaigning? Would sector-based agencies on different temporal reference points. Recap be able to use the public forums of campaigning interviews were held with some earlier to promote their role and secure the support of respondents to re-engage with their expectations the future government to a continued high profile in relation to the coalition government’s agenda. for their work? Would the media and the election The full research report is therefore split into three commentators see the third sector as a critical parts: election issue? And finally, would the eventual election of the new government lead to any The build-up to the general election, a period immediate response to the politics and which commenced with the sector’s planning campaigning of pre-election era? These are the process up to a year beforehand, and which questions that we set out to explore in this became characterised by the frenetic activity of research project. the early months of 2010. The consequence of the relative uncertainty of the Election season, the period from when the election outcome for the third sector was election was called, political campaigning significant. Questions over the future politics and began, and relationships between the sector policies for the third sector were potentially more and political parties were transformed by th open in the 2010 election than they had been for purdah, until election day (6 May). many years, and it is for this reason that the The post-election period, which began with a questions explored in this research will be of period of uncertainty and opened up a new set November2010 interest to policy makers and practitioners across of political alignments, and with them a new set government and the sector. The ‘good news’ for of opportunities for third sector campaigning

Key findings manifesto requests were understood and appreciated. Distinctions emerged in terms of TSOs’ various Purdah and campaigning guidance was seen campaigning portfolios: an extended timeline of by some as having an inhibiting effect on political campaigning; campaigning focused on dialogue, with the sector concentrated on ‘behind the official election period; opportunistic the scenes’ as opposed to ‘headline grabbing’ campaigning; and anti-electoral campaigning. campaigning, opening up an area of potential Political positioning was more difficult than in missed opportunity in terms of agenda-shaping. earlier elections because of the uncertain Cautious campaigning during the election was outcome and required the third sector to direct its also seen as a reaction to the likelihood of a attention to all three major parties in a quite change in government and reflecting on the unique way. In order to secure their place on the Conservatives’ lesser sympathy towards third agenda, both politicians and third sector sector. Thus TSOs’ campaigning sometimes organisations commenced campaigning well in involved anticipatory self-censorship in order to advance of the official confirmation of the election, protect their longer-term interests should a somewhat blurring the boundaries between change in power materialise. election and standard parliamentary activity. Most Some organisations placed greater focus than TSOs operated between the extremes of working others on the anticipated media scrutiny of the in partnership with government and as a catalyst, election to ensure that their policy priorities made prioritising and maintaining a critical distance from it onto the agenda (notably this was a rather political representatives. different priority from making it into party There was a need to develop relationships and manifestos). An effective strategy in employing understanding in advance of the election. This this kind of technique was to target party leaders involved developing quotable relationships (for and then wait for critical mass to filter down. To the purposes of website materials) with third some extent, the character of organisations was sector spokespeople in the three main parties, as critical in how campaigning worked best. well as identifying key policy makers and The production of an election manifesto has ideologues. As part of their pre-election work, a become fairly standard practice in the sector, and number of third sector organisations published on- represents the more formalised and measurable line interviews with political representatives, end of organisations’ campaigning. The majority drawing attention to nuances of policy difference of TSOs and umbrella agencies published these for their members. in the months preceding the election period, In the six months’ preceding the May election, key leaving some time to ensure that they received players in the third sector organised a number maximum publicity. We looked at 13 third sector of summits, conferences and meetings, in manifestos published during this time of which to build capacity and ensure that their heightened activity, which varied dramatically in policy aspirations fed into the political parties’ style and content; these represented TSOs’ planning processes. These included breakfast formal setting out of their stalls for the election. seminars, parliamentary receptions, and, notably, Often infrastructure organisations’ best chance of ACEVO’s summits with the three main parties – influencing the agenda was to offer a perspective which, at the parties’ own preference, were on stories featured during the campaign. Making markedly different in format (the Conservative themselves available for comment on politicians’ summit being the largest). statements and topical issues was another tactic. Party conferences also provided an opportunity By contrast, issue-based charities tended to focus for the sector to oil the wheels of communication more on local press which, covering the work of between themselves and the political parties, campaigning MPs in their constituencies, was publicise the content of their manifestos, and particularly open to service-orientated stories stage their own fringe events. Back in September demonstrating the sector’s work. 2009, Third Sector Online reported that the sector Responding to the publication of the political was regarding the 2010 party conferences more parties’ manifestos provided another opportunity than ever as a critical opportunity for lobbying, to contribute to the agenda as it was being formed and one in which they would be pursuing more and several organisations published reactions targeted personal meetings with Ministers and and summaries on their websites, examining their their Shadows in order to ensure that their

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relevance to the sector, which were sometimes related to most aspects of policy and were hence picked up in the press. discussed throughout the document. Reflecting the then government’s policy of using the term Not all organisations working in the third sector ‘third sector’ to promote inclusivity, that discourse were engaged in election campaigning. One was employed exclusively in the Labour community-orientated organisation we spoke to actively rejected the idea that they needed to manifesto, although more broadly the manifesto engage with political representatives around employed a fairly mixed discourse, talking about the general election in order to have an influence ‘third sector organisations’, ‘voluntary sector on the broader policy process. They took a organisations’, ‘social enterprise’, ‘civil life and critical stance to formal political structures and pride’, voluntary and community sector’, and ‘civil refused to engage with political parties prior to the society’. Notably, no use was made of the term election, and indeed felt that it was the least ‘charity/charitable sector’. Of the three manifestos helpful and most artificial time to be doing this. studied, the Labour Party’s integration of the third sector into its manifesto was the most thorough- One substantive surprise addition to the 2010 going. electoral debate was the rise of the community agenda and the Citizens UK ‘fourth debate’, A day later the Conservative Party published its which had a late influence on the flavour of Invitation to join the government of Britain, discussion. This was unexpected in that despite characterised by language such as, ‘new kind of painstakingly building up relationships in, and government’, ‘Big Society’, ‘civic society’ and links with, a range of communities over twenty ‘responsibility’. They framed the sector in terms of years, nationally Citizens UK were not regarded a vehicle for individual responsibility and change. as part of the mainstream third sector (and nor Their election manifesto’s coverage of third sector would they define themselves in these terms) and issues was unsurprisingly dominated by their indeed were stylistically quite unusual. The heavily-trailed Big Society agenda, on which they Citizens UK debate was interesting in that, if the had consulted with a number of key third sector initial post-election period is more broadly organisations. Rather than ‘third sector’, they indicative, it appears to have at least partly driven used a discourse of ‘voluntary sector providers’, the community organising agenda onto the ‘Big Society’ (repeatedly used in contrast to mainstream. Community engagement ‘broken society’ and ‘big government’), ‘civil represented a dimension of sectoral debate which society’, ‘civic society’, ‘civic responsibility’, had been little anticipated and whose complexity ‘voluntary (and community) sector’, and makes it difficult to push forward within a ‘community organisers/sector/ participation’. traditional policy framework. There were few references to sectoral issues outside of a focal ‘Change Society’ chapter, and The party manifestos this approach may be telling in light of the later presentational issues the Party experienced The party manifestos were important to third relating the Big Society concept to the electorate. sector organisations not only in order to gauge th their post-election positioning, but also in terms of Finally, on the 14 April, the Liberal Democrats providing a concrete measurement of how published their straightforwardly-titled Liberal successful their pre-election campaigning had Democrat Manifesto 2010 . It drew upon been. While manifestos did not represent a policy discourse such as ‘hope’, ‘credibility’ and commitment, but a direction of parties’ thinking, ‘fairness’. Crucially it included recognition of the their content and the way in which it was sector’s valued independence and emphasised presented offered a useful indication of how the importance of maintaining its campaigning effectively TSOs had been able to make the case role. The Liberal-Democrats, perhaps surprisingly, for their interests. placed less emphasis on the sector in their

th manifesto than the other two parties, and more on The first to be published, on 12 April, was the broader societal ‘fairness’ and ‘openness’. They Labour Party’s manifesto, A future fair for all, defined the government’s relationship to the with a distinctive language contained within the sector in terms of fairness and ensuring the document that included ‘fair’, ‘active reforming provision of appropriate support. The Liberal- government’, ‘level playing field’ and Democrat manifesto was distinctive in making ‘strengthening’. The Labour Party manifesto most sparse mention of third sector issues of the arguably displayed the most integrated approach three main parties, whichever terminology was to the sector, in that third sector issues were employed to locate them. What coverage it

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provided was contained within its jobs, family and Third Sector would survive. The newly rebranded community chapters, and discussed in terms of Office for Civil Society was announced but the ‘voluntary providers’, ‘voluntary sector’ and ‘social attached Minister’s role was changed to enterprise’. Notably, the manifesto made no Parliamentary Secretary, compared to his reference to the terms ‘third sector’, ‘civil/civic predecessor who had been a Minister of State, sector’ or ‘community sector’. although it is not yet clear if this reflects a deprioritisation of the department or the move is The third sector then, enjoyed an unprecedented part of broader government rationalisations. The presence in the political parties’ manifestos in process was undoubtedly unsettling for the sector 2010. Notably, all three parties made routine and and was somewhat counter intuitive following the positive references to social enterprise, not only priority given to the sector in the Conservative in relation to third sector policy but in multiple manifesto. contexts, a stark contrast to 2005 when it was mentioned in just one party’s manifesto. The Almost immediately, David Cameron chaired a linguistic differences uncovered by a more Big Society meeting in the Cabinet Office, re- detailed reading of the parties’ manifestos, launching the programme with a selected group of however, reveal significant political nuances in community leaders that sparked much discussion the meaning and value attached to the sector. about how pre-existing TSOs and umbrella The apparently broad consensus on the agencies would fare under Big Society politics. importance of the sector masked key differences Although the post-election period is likely to in how its role was viewed, with the Labour Party involve significant settling-in for both government regarding it in terms of partnership, campaigning, and sector, there is already much that can be service delivery and policy influence, compared to construed about the success of the sector’s a Conservative emphasis on localism, social campaigning, and organisations have action and smaller government. experienced mixed fortunes in terms of making it A number of themes came together to tell the into parties’ manifestos, attracting media story of the 2010 general election: the Big coverage, and establishing working relationships Society, managing the deficit, constitutional with the coalition government. If a general matters, a reorientation of the agenda and stylistic election can be considered to have winners and issues. These had a number of implications for losers among the sector, then social enterprise, the third sector, and the media played an the community sector, and organisations allied or important role in how these were presented in influential to the new coalition government, such terms of the political mainstream. The as the Big Society Network and the think tank Conservative’s Big Society agenda lost ResPublica, have emerged in a positive light. By momentum during the election, and the Citizens contrast, early policy developments have made UK ‘fourth debate’ prompted an unexpected late infrastructure organisations particularly nervous surge of media interest in the sector. about their future, and spending cuts look set to hit larger, more contract-dependent organisations Post election the hardest. Following the result of a hung parliament, the The sector are now in the somewhat political uncertainty of the electoral period unprecedented position of having had a good continued until the eventual emergence of the campaign but, being apprehensive about what Conservative/Liberal-Democrat coalition happens next, remain unclear on which parts of government. Of particular note to the third sector the sector will enjoy greater favour under the was the loss of the former Minister for the Third coalition government. The adaptability of their Sector’s (Angela Smith) seat amid redrawn campaigning techniques and skills in forging boundaries, but also the extended period during working alliances are likely to be called upon now which it was unclear whether the Office of the more than ever as they negotiate this new and potentially leaner political territory.

This paper is part of the Third Sector Research Centre – Briefing Paper Series see www.tsrc.ac.uk for more details and a copy of the full Working Paper 44 or Research Report (44)

The support of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), the Office for Civil Society (OCS) and the Barrow Cadbury UK Trust is gratefully acknowledged. The work was part of the programme of the joint ESRC, OCS Barrow Cadbury Third Sector Research Centre 4