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Israel׳S Classroom Wars

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Israel׳S Classroom Wars s Classroom׳Israel Wars The religious right’s attempt to overtake secular education in Israel June 2017 Israel’s Classroom Wars 2 In June 2017, Molad published an in-depth report on the infiltration of religious nonprofit organizations - ideologically affiliated with the religious right and politically aligned with the Jewish Home party – into Israel’s State school system. The report was covered extensively in the Israeli press and generated a heated public debate. While the report itself is currently available only in Hebrew, the following introduction provides relevant context and analysis. The introduction is followed by some key findings from the report. Introduction „They will take over the children, and far removed from current habits, which their parents possess, they will bring them up in their own ways and laws„ Plato, Republic1 This report is the outcome of an investigation by Molad into the means by which a small group of Israelis – who see themselves as the country’s spiritual and political avant-garde – have undertaken to reshape the national, cultural, moral and civic identity of the general Jewish public in Israel to suit their worldview. To that end, this group has chosen the State school system (i.e., the general public schools, attended by 60% of students) as the target of an organized takeover, which it justifies on the grounds that the children of the secular majority in Israel are suffering from an alarming depletion of values and identity2. Based on a simplistic, superficial understanding of global trends and processes within Israeli society, many on the religious right assume that Jewish identity and Israeli patriotism cannot be sustained without the ideological foundations of religious Zionism. For example, this is how Itay Garnek, the director of a prominent organization dedicated to re-educating secular Israeli children, describes his mission: Israel’s Classroom Wars 3 “The postmodern age poses various challenges to the identity of the individual. While progress has made the world a global village, the advantages of the culture we live in are countered by significant flaws, chief among them being loss of identity. There is profound ignorance of the values and fundamental concepts of Jewish culture – sadly, across all sectors of Israeli society. To counter this lack of knowledge and weakening of identity, centers for Jewish identity have been established throughout the country. They offer activities in more than 800 preschools, primary schools and high schools, for children and teens from all walks of Israeli life.”3 When Granek laments public ignorance of Jewish culture, what he is really railing against is that most Israelis do not accept the interpretation of Jewish culture proffered by religious Zionism. One does not need to read between the lines to realize that, according to Granek, the moral corruption that he sees in Israeli society stems from the fact that most Jewish- Israelis are secular. The Jewish culture that he wishes to instill in the public does not include the likes of Spinoza, Mendelssohn, Bashevis-Singer, Nelly Sachs, Freud or Arendt. The rich Hebrew culture that has developed in Israel and elsewhere over decades of intellectual and creative output is equally ruled out as a solution for the loss of identity that Granek believes is rampant. By definition, the only worthy Jewish identity is religious Zionism. Ahad Ha’am, Berdichevsky, Yosef Haim Brenner, Leah Goldberg and Hanoch Levin cannot fill the “moral void” that, according to Minister of Agriculture on behalf of the Jewish Home party, Uri Ariel, is plaguing secular Israel. Yet neither can the Chazon Ish, Rabbi Shach, Abraham Heschel or Abraham Geiger model a healthy Jewish identity. Only religious Zionism can provide a sustainable Israeli identity – despite this community’s failure to inspire even its own younger generation.4 Indeed, the battle that is waged today in Israeli classrooms under the banner of “Jewish identity” is actually a battle over the meaning of Israeli identity. According to the worldview that Granek and his associates are working hard to promote, even if the general public does not join the fold of religious Zionism, it must at least acknowledge the spiritual, moral and, ultimately, political superiority of this community and allow it to run the country. Israel’s Classroom Wars 4 The assumption that Jewish Israelis are in a moral crisis stems from the failure of religious Zionism to fulfil its ultimate goal – settling the land of Greater Israel and, above all, instilling faith in this messianic vision in the public at large.5 The settlers were supposed to be an avant-garde that would enthuse the masses; fifty years on, they remain a small minority. Public opinion polls, as well as the general response to dramatic political moves, have shown time and again that the Israeli public does not share the messianic worldview of the settler movement. The leaders of the religious right see the public indifference to the theological meaning of Jewish statehood – manifested primarily in willingness to forgo territory for worldly gains such as security or a healthier economy – as unequivocal proof of an identity crisis in need of fixing. The rapid infiltration of dozens of religious Zionist organizations into the State school system must be understood in the context of the longstanding effort to ‘settle in the hearts’ of the public, which the settler movement has been trying – and failing – to bring to fruition since the 1980s. The idea of settling in hearts (rather than, or alongside, settling the land) was born of the religious Zionist sector’s disappointment when the public was prepared to relinquish land as part of the peace treaty with Egypt. This disillusionment continued to grow throughout the peace process with the Palestinians, the 2005 disengagement from Gaza, and the evacuation of illegal outposts in the West Bank. At least since the shock of the withdrawal from Sinai in 1979, the settlers have lived in fear of the day that their massive project to reclaim the West Bank (and, formerly, Gaza) will be annihilated, due to what the religious right sees as materialism, self-interestedness and downright indifference on the part of most Israelis. As far back as 1984, Yoel Bin Nun, a leader of the messianic settler movement Gush Emunim, wrote: “The domain in which outcomes will be decided is the hearts of the people and the public-political mood. That realm may be tougher than land and construction, but it is where the decisions will be made, nonetheless… The main conclusion I drew from the destruction of Yamit6 was that we cannot succeed without support from the vast majority of the people… It is ridiculous to assume that any number of people [i.e., settlers] or houses can serve as a guarantee.”7 Israel’s Classroom Wars 5 Rabbi Yaakov Ariel, an influential religious Zionist leader, wrote in 1986 that “one of the most painful disappointments in the battle for Yamit was that so few [Jewish-Israelis] who do not define themselves as religious took part”.8 In 1990, Meir Harnoy, who headed the Samaria Regional Council in the early 1980s, wrote an article titled “Without the Hearts of the People, We Won’t Have the Heart of Samaria”.9 In 1992, Bin Nun warned his friends again: “If the people of Israel identify with our mission, the number of houses will not matter; and if, Heaven forbid, they do not want our settlements, numbers will not help.”10 Disappointment with public indifference to the plight of the settlers was to recur when the Oslo Accords were signed in the 1990s, and again when the religious right underwent a reckoning following the withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. In the months prior to the withdrawal, the country was flooded with orange ribbons symbolizing opposition to the disengagement plan. The campaign against the plan was waged under the slogan, “We have love and it will triumph” – a tribute to the belief of the pro-state school of religious Zionism that “engaging” with the general public or “settling in their hearts” would avert the disaster. According to researcher Eitan Alimi, the strategy of the Gush Katif Action Committee was “to fight for the hearts of the people, engage with the people, engage with the Israeli public as an alternative to the disengagement.”11 In a document published in June 2004, the committee noted that “the real power lies with the masses… [the movement] must disseminate the notion that it is broadly supported by regular Israelis”.12 The high point of the public protest, in which hundreds of thousands participated, was a mass march from the town of Netivot in southern Israel to the Kisufim checkpoint on the border with Gaza. The goal was to get tens of thousands of activists into the Gush Katif settlement bloc, which was already under military lockdown, to prevent evacuation with sheer presence. The march was stopped by security forces about halfway, at Kfar Maimon. The activists remained there, surrounded by forces, for three days, at which point the heads of the Yesha Council (the umbrella settler organization), together with an ad hoc forum of rabbis, ordered them to disperse. The decision to leave rather than confront the security forces was a watershed moment in the fight against the disengagement, and in fact in the entire history of religious Zionism in Israel.13 In keeping with the characteristic approach of settler movement mainstream, the dramatic decision at Kfar Maimon combined the principle of avoiding division among Jews (Rabbi Drukman: “If I threaten the cohesion of the People of Israel, I threaten the Land of Israel as a whole”) with the tactical-instrumental considerations not to Israel’s Classroom Wars 6 turn the general public against the settlers.
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