School Choice in Finnish Comprehensive Schooling – a Case Study of Educational Strategies in the School

School Choice in Finnish Comprehensive Schooling – A Case Study of Educational Strategies in the School

Political “Playground” of Vantaa Ulla Gratt

In meiner Masterarbeit (2010) untersuchte Finland – “wonderland” of education? ich die Schulwahlstrategien von Eltern in der Stadt Vantaa, Finnland. Im Jahr 1998 wurde Everybody, who has something to do with edu- die Schulwahl zu einem wichtigen bildungspo- cation, has probably heard of the “wonderland” litischen Thema in Finnland. Neue Regelungen of education – Finland. The otherwise not that ermöglichten den Gemeinden, eigenständig über well-known northern country situated between die Organisation der Pflichtschulen zu entschei- Sweden and Russia must have made something den. In Vantaa zielt die lokale Schulpolitik auf right in the 1970s. According to Pekkarinen, Gleichheit und die Verringerung von Unter- Kerr and Uusitalo (2009) the founding of the schieden ab. Vor dem Hintergrund der unter- nine-year-long compulsory comprehensive schiedlichen Ansätze kommt dem Verhalten der school “for all” did indeed improve the social Eltern bei der Schulwahl besondere Bedeutung justice in education. More and more individuals zu. Besonders das Verhältnis zwischen lokaler could reach a higher educational level than the Schulpolitik, den Bildungsstrategien der Eltern earlier generation had reached. As well accor- und der Schulwahl der Eltern ist von Interesse. ding to PISA, everything seems to be just perfect Im Rahmen dieses Artikels wird vor allem das in Finnish educational system. Thema der sozialen Gerechtigkeit in finnischen Gesamtschulen beschrieben. In this article I will present some insights into social justice in Finnish comprehensive schoo- In my master’s thesis (2010) I studied the ling. I might disappoint you a little. The Finnish school choice strategies of parents in Vantaa, comprehensive schooling is not organized in a Finland. In 1998 school choice became a cen- way that there would be no worries about social tral theme in school policy in Finland, as the justice in education. new School Act enabled communities to take over the main organization of comprehensive The biggest reasons for these worries are neo- schooling. Local school policy in Vantaa is liberal school policies, like for example the free directed towards equality and the reduction of school choice policy. Nevertheless, the Finnish disparities. Taking into account these aspects, school system still creates a great image of the behavior of parents in school choice plays social justice in education and many school aut- a big role. Especially the relationship between horities have the will to keep up the scene. local school policy, parents’ educational strategies and school choice is interesting. This In this article I will discuss issues of social justi- article discusses the theme of social justice in ce and school choice in relation to neo-liberal Finnish comprehensive schooling. politics in education. I will bring the idea of the

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 39 free market principle in education from interna- velopment. The state, who was clearly the main tional level to national and down to local level. provider of education, saw the development of the compulsory nine-year-long comprehensive As an example of school choice I will use my own schooling as an important investment. Jaana case study of Vantaa, which I completed in spring Poikolainen (2011, 133) writes in her article 2010 at the University of Helsinki. The city of how one main aim of the school reform was to Vantaa has chosen an “anti-school market” school “get rid of the dualistic schooling system, which choice policy, which differs a lot from the school was seen as unequal”. Lampinen claims that choice policies of the neighbour cities. I will first since the 1980s the Finnish education policy give a brief introduction into the Finnish school has been lacking the ideology of social justice system in general and school choice policies while economical issues in education have been in Finland. Then I will discuss marketization in becoming more and more important. (Lampinen education and point out some ideas about the 1998, 27-30) relationship between marketization, neo-liberal ideology and globalization. Before presenting After the big school reform in the 1970s, an my own study, I will discuss school choice and important turning point in Finnish school policy social justice issues. In the discussion I will try to has been the change in the state’s support of construct some idea about how social justice in individual schools in 1993. Since 1993 schools education can be sustained in the framework of could receive financial support according to the neo-liberal school policies. number of their pupils. The communities could themselves decide how they would distribute the support between different social sectors. Some Finnish school system in a nut shell schools were privileged, others received only few and Finnish school choice policies resources. This shift in the Finnish educational policy was the starting point for the competition In Finland, like in many other countries, was the between schools (Ahonen 2003, 180-181). In development of institutional schooling based on small communities, small schools needed to be the idea to educate “the vulgar” and to create a shut down and in bigger cities schools started to tight national identity (Lampinen 1998). Before look for ways of recruiting more pupils. At this the big school reform in the 1970s, the Finnish point, in 1993, school choice wasn’t free. Pupils school system looked pretty similar to the Aus- would enter the school to which school authori- trian one. Everybody started their school career ties allocated them. The closest school principle in folk school (kansakoulu) which took four was determining the school choice. years. After that there were two options: 5-year- long grammar school (oppikoulu) or additional Later, in the year 1998 the new Basic Education two years in folk school plus two years in a civic Act made school choice possible – a commu- school (kansalaiskoulu). The only way to high- nity could open the school catchment areas, er education at universities would go through which have been in place since 1898. The old grammar school. A pupil could visit an upper principle of the closest school was challenged. secondary school (lukio) only after finishing When speaking about school choice in Finland, the grammar school. Successful studies in an there are two main points in the school career upper secondary school would lead to a place at to take into account. School choice is actual university. School choice was very simple in that when attending the first grade (the year the time and had a very tight relation to social class child turns seven) and between the sixth and and resources of the family – sometimes already seventh grade. Even if the school type stays the the place of living was determining the school same for nine years, many school institutions choice. According to Osmo Lampinen (1998) the are built like this that pupils have to change two leading ideologies behind the big school re- the school building between their sixth and se- form in 1970s were equality and economical de- venth grade. Also the teacher system is a little

40 Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 different on the upper level of comprehensive the enterprising individual (p. 409). Globalisati- schooling than on the lower level because the on, whether it is cultural, economical or politi- class teacher system ends with the sixth grade. cal, doesn't follow the same lines in every coun- The upper grades are taught by subject te- try. Ozga and Lingard (1997) use the concept achers. There are often several schools for the of vernacular globalisation, when describing first six grades, but only one school for grades different countries implementing best practices. seven to nine in rural areas. Lampinen (1998, To add here, not only countries implement new 78) sees the education act reform in 1998 as policies differently, but also communities might a climax point of decentralization. To most make their own local decisions. Of the many Finnish towns and cities this meant nothing, conceptualizations of globalisation, the one because there is only one school to choose – from Taylor, Rizvi, Lingard and Henry (1997) especially on the upper level of comprehensive seems to be the most useful one. According to school. However, in bigger cities with several Taylor et al. globalisation is all those processes, schools also in upper level of comprehensive which build supranational connections in vario- school, the Basic Education Act allowed to open us ways – for example economically, culturally the school catchment areas into one big school or politically. Education has become more and market. more globalised. For example universities follow same degree systems and there is a lot of mo- In the following part I will discuss school choice bility between countries in education, like the more widely. What is the ideology behind it? study exchange program Erasmus. What has globalization and neo-liberalism to do with school choice? I will now try to conceptualize neo-liberalism. In neo-liberalism, it is assumed that a human being naturally behaves out of self-interest A wider perspective of school choice (Apple 2001, 414). To put it very simple, and marketization in comprehensive according to Therese Quinn (2009) neo-liberal schooling: Globalization in education ideology is about privatizing everything, free and neo-liberal principles markets, individualism, competition, intellectu- al property, choice, innovation and flexibility. Jenny Ozga and Bob Lingard (1997, 65) argue What does neo-liberalism then mean on the that the effects of globalisation in education are national or local level? Marketization of schools almost always described in the form of neo-libe- can clearly be seen as an attempt to implement ralism. Fazal Rizvi and Laura Engel (2009) write economic frames and neo-liberal ideology to that globalisation can be interpreted different- the educational field. When schools are seen ly, but the neo-liberal conception has become as educational services and pupils and their hegemonic in the discussions about globalisa- parents as consumers, we have a market set- tion. Rizvi and Engel point out that the concept ting. The economic development, for what also of globalisation is connected with educational human capital development is necessary, is change (529-530). Also Sanna Niukko (2006, 3) considered to be achieved through policies that has focused on the connection between glo- encourage people to participate more actively balisation and neo-liberalism. Niukko sees the in education (Rizvi & Engel 2009, 529). For spread of neo-liberal ideology and economics neo-liberal school policies, enterprising indivi- combined with the Anglo-American welfare mo- duals are needed. When schools are accessible del being the most essential catalysator of glo- like other services on free markets, the custo- balisation. Michael Apple (2001) discusses glo- mers are supposed to participate by picking balisation in education exactly by concentrating out the best educational service. on neo-liberal discourses and policies. He sums up those policies to four ideas by naming them The marketization of schools, is one very widely privatisation, marketization, performativity and spread type of neo-liberal movement in com-

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 41 prehensive schooling. It is a strongly globalised that neo-liberalism as an ideology is not really phenomenon in education. Finland is definitely against social justice goals, but the concepti- not the first country using free school choice on of justice is seen only as a formal access to policies in some areas of the country. School education. The authors see this approach as too choice doesn't directly mean free choice. The weak and narrow for enhancing social justice “freeness” of school choice varies between in education (p. 529-535). In the next chapter rather limited school choice to open enrolment. I want to take a closer look to issues of social The more open the enrolment conditions are, justice in school choice. the more schools are forced to act like enter- prises on the school markets. Countries like New Zealand, England and the United States Social justice and school choice of America use so called free school choice policies (Whitty & Power 2002, Apple 2001). Choice, equality, social justice and specially the The Swedish and Danish school choice policies relationship between all these three concepts follow similar principles of competitiveness, have been very popular themes to study as school markets and decentralisation of power school choice policies have been implemented (Johannesson et al. 2002). almost all over the modern world. School choice can indeed lead to inequality, as not all the pa- So, what happens when a community or a coun- rents are equipped with effective school choice try performs according to neo-liberal principles? strategies and resources (economical, social and Apple (2001) describes in an article the results educational) but choice itself can be seen also of studies published by Stephen Ball in 1994, as liberating. Sharon Gewirtz, Stephen J. Ball how the neo-liberal shift, in the form of mar- and Richard Bowe (1995) write in their extensive ketized reforms, effects on schooling. Mar- study about markets, choice and equity, that kets have lead in England to a situation where school choice policies and choice have been schools are looking for “motivated” parents and getting new discoursive dimensions. Basically, “able” children. In England the league tables choice is seen automatically as fair and ”class force schools to enhance their position in the free”. Choice as a concept refers to the freedom local markets. Apple argues that the marketiza- to choose (p. 20-21). Choice itself is not crea- tion in schooling has been changing the empha- ting inequality. However, several studies have sis from student needs to student performance. been published, which claim that school choice One does not only think what the school could segregates some certain groups/classes even do for a pupil, but what a “good” pupil could do more than other systems of organising school for the reputation and success of the school (p. enrolment. Gewirtz et al. (1995) add that also 413-414). Pupils and their families are judged in systems, in which the school choice is very by their “market value”. limited, the role of class background is strong (p. 55-56). According to Stephen Gorard, Chris Marketization of schools can lead to a situati- Taylor and John Fitz (2003), school markets lead on where families have different market values to a situation where one should really be wor- and in this way, different opportunities on the ried about equality. They argue that education educational field. School choice makes schools should be distributed like health care services in accessible for everybody, but it indirectly opens a society. On the other hand they see choice as the doors mainly for middle class families. As liberating. If families are able to choose better Fazal Rizvi and Laura Engel (2009) conclude, services, the quality of educational services the formal access to schools does not ensure might improve (p. 15). effective equity results. Within the neo-liberal conceptualisation of globalisation also the When discussing the Finnish comprehensive notion of access and equity has been reshaped. schooling, the social justice in education seems However, Rizvi and Engel interestingly write to be reached – or isn´t it? As Geoff Whitty

42 Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 (2010) writes in his article: “Finland is viewed as Choice as the occupation of middle an example of a well-funded system where equi- class mothers ty and social cohesion seem to be compatible with high quality” (p. 37). From an international Piia Seppänen (2006), who has made an ex- perspective, the Finnish school system stands tensive quantitative study of school choice in for minimal segregation. Studies like PISA rein- Finland in the area of Turku, shows that child- force this picture. Some recent Finnish studies ren of highly educated mothers often applied and articles written for example by Risto Rinne for a school outside the own school catchment (2000) suggest, that Finland indeed stands in area. The education of the father did not seem the middle of the “third wave” rhetoric, were pa- to have the same impact in her study. According rental choice and marketization is emphasized. to Diane Reay (1998) and her research findings, Whitty (2010, 37) continues that Finnish school the middle class mothers behaved on school policies follow “the English road” although “the markets very strongly out of self-interest. In her Finnish school system still seems quite homo- studies the middle class mothers were able to genous in terms of educational outcomes”. use the school markets more effective for their Lampinen (1998, 79) discusses the relationship own advantage than working class mothers. between social justice and school choice. He All the mothers were more actively involved in claims that the weakness in the new education their child's schooling than fathers (p. 197). policy is the issue of social justice. Lampinen According to Gewirtz et al. (1995) it seems suggests that school policy, which emphasizes that middle class families manage to take an free choice, can lead to even bigger educational advantage of free school choice in comparison and social differences. to working class families. Apple (2001, 415) discusses in his article how middle class parents The Finnish school system is - similar to the are the most advantaged on the school mar- Austrian one - highly centralized. From Hel- kets. School markets function in two directions: sinki until up to the Norwegian border, every parents choose the school and schools choose child attends the same kind of school between the parents. Middle class parents are the most the age of 7 and 16 with a centralized curricu- “wanted” customers for schools and they also lum, although schools can emphasize certain have the skills to choose the best school for subjects within the curriculum now. Depen- their children. Lynn Bosetti (2004, 403) con- ding on the local school policies, schools are cludes her article by saying that school choice in some cities in Finland encouraged to give doesn’t improve the educational achievement of themselves a certain profile or provide next all the children – the children with middle and to ordinary classes also specialized classes. higher social class background are privileged. Jarkko Hautamäki (2010, 53) claims that there The Finnish researchers Risto Rinne and Anna- are some differences between the schools, but Kaisa Nuutero (2001) discuss in their article the the differences between the classes are even changes in the school policy in relation to pa- bigger. He refers to school classes specialized rentocracy (a system where a child's educational for example in music or sports. Hannu Räty, success is strongly connected to the resources Kati Kasanen and Noora Laine (2009, 290) write and wishes of parents). They claim that in the that the Finnish school markets are very stron- Finnish context the ideology of parentocracy gly polarized in urban areas. Ahonen (2003) means choice. The needs of parents and their writes that for example in Helsinki the parents children are more and more emphasized (p.94). of almost every third child chose another than In relation to meritocracy, in parentocracy the closest school as the child attended the first the power of parents in determining a child’s grade in the year 1994. Hautamäki (2010, 53) success is seen stronger as the power of merits makes a careful assumption that the differences themselves. For example in Britain “a good between schools in Helsinki are bigger than in education” is seen as inadequate – the child has Vantaa or in Espoo. to get the best possible education as early as

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 43 possible (Seppänen 2003, 339). For acquiring other countries only few private schools. School the best possible education the role of parents choice is often made between two or more is emphasized. Generally, it is often said that public schools. When looking at school choice in school choice is the choice of the middle class Finland, it is important to point out that Finnish parents. Mothers` profession and educational public comprehensive schooling is completely level seem to be both in Finnish and internati- free of charge. Schools provide a free warm onal studies correlating strongly with a child's meal daily, note books, pencils, all the materials educational opportunities. for hand crafts and arts, and so on. Economical resources don’t play such a big role because of In the next section I will discuss the school these arrangements, but social connections, the choice on a local level. I will introduce one city “insider” knowledge about the school markets in Finland and its school markets. As Gewirtz and of course educational resources are im- et al. (1995, 3) claim in their study, schools portant factors in the school choice in Finnish markets must be studied locally. In research urban areas. literature the concept of lived school markets is also used. According to Seppänen (2006, 27-28) this concepts includes the organizational frames Vantaa’s school political “playground” of school choice, the history of the schools, the social geography of the area and the actions of In my master thesis I concentrated on the city different actors. In Finland one could additional- of Vantaa in the greater Helsinki region in ly to these concepts speak about public school southern Finland. I was interested in the school markets as Finland has in relation to many choice made by parents, when the child is

44 Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 finishing the sixth grade. This is the point when already on the lower level of a comprehensive pupils often need to move from one school school. The city of Vantaa offers Montessori building to another and sometimes it means a from grade one to six. There is also one Steiner- longer travel to school. School in Vantaa, which is private. Pupils are attending this school from the first grade on. Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa form together a me- (Yläkoululaisen opas 2009, Alakoululaisen opas tropolitan area of one million inhabitants, which 2009) is a fifth of the Finnish population. Vantaa is an especially interesting case from the viewpoint of In general, one could say that Vantaa’s school school policy. The two neighbour’s cities encou- markets offer a good continuum for studies rage the free school choice and the marketiza- starting on the lower level of comprehensive tion of schools. For example Helsinki provides school. Vantaa doesn’t have any comprehensive a variety of schools specialized in sports, arts, school specialized in mathematics, sports or natural sciences, etc. arts. Vantaa’s pupils can also apply for a school place outside Vantaa. For example several Vantaa has four attendance zones (west, schools in Helsinki organize entrance exams, middle, north-east and east). There are seve- where everybody can take part. ral schools with grade seven to nine in these areas. School choice is in the first place perfor- med by school authorities (in Vantaa it is the Research questions, target group and principal of the attendance zone). As Seppänen methodology (2006, 10) puts it, school choice can be seen as schools selecting the pupils, as it is the case The data for my Master’s thesis was conducted in Vantaa rather than mainly parental choice, in the framework of a research project called where the role of parents is emphasized. “Parents and School Choice – Family Strategies, In Vantaa, pupils are allocated to different Segregation and Local School Policies in Finnish schools inside these four areas in relation to Comprehensive Schooling”, supported by the the territorial situation. Usually, school autho- Academy of Finland, responsible was Professor rities tend to choose the geographically closest Hannu Simola. school, where the school way is safe. If the parents want to apply for another school place In my study, I wanted to construct a discoursive than the local school authorities have allocated picture of the strategies and the logic Finnish to the child, this can take place in the seconda- sixth graders’ mothers use when speaking ry search. The primary search is made automa- about their children’s school career and about tically – without any filling of forms. education and schooling in general. I defined the term “logic” (Lahdelma 2010, 34) to be What kind of schooling possibilities does the a mindset, reasoning or attitude behind the city of Vantaa offer in the upper level of com- school choice strategy the parents use. A very prehensive schooling? There is one international important theoretical framework for defining school in Vantaa, which offers teaching in En- the school strategies and logics were the glish from grade one to nine. Pupils are selected studies of Agnes van Zanten (2003). In her trough the secondary search. The applicants studies she grouped middle class parents into need to attend an entrance exam. Two schools two groups based on their values in the school provide language immersion teaching, one in choice. The parents using expressive values saw Swedish and one in German. Language immer- school rather traditional. They didn’t support sion teaching can only be attended when the competition in schools or between the schools. child already has basic skills in that language. These parents connected the values of health Musically specialized teaching is offered in each and happiness to schooling. They were not school area. Transition to a music class happens necessarily choosing the closest school, but

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 45 they chose a school, which was situated still and connected to the educational level of the close enough and which was experienced as mother. As 67 of the interviewees were female “good enough” for their child. These parents and the respondents were in general belonging were often working in the public sector. The to middle class based on their educational level, second group defined by van Zanten was the profession and living conditions (see Poikolai- group of parents seeing schooling and educa- nen 2011, 136) it was not very difficult to pick tion instrumentally. These parents worked more highly educated mothers for my interviews. All likely on the private sector. They waited that the the mothers I interviewed had at least a lower school would prepare their children for the “real higher education (like Bachelor studies). Addi- life” – to the hard competition for good work tionally I limited my search to mothers, whose places. The good reputation of the school was child had been automatically allocated to the highly appreciated in this group of middle class closest school. I wanted interviewees from at parents. (Van Zanten 2003, 115-119) least two attendance zones, which were in my study north-east and west. I chose this target I had two research questions in my study group because I was interested to know why (Lahdelma 2010, 38-40). The first one concen- these highly educated mothers, who would trated more on the school political framework of probably have enough educational and social Vantaa and the second on educational strate- capital to choose another school, have been gies: choosing the school which was automatically allocated to their child. 1. How is the organization of Vantaa’s comprehensive schooling constructed in the educational The interviews took place in a time phase of talk of highly educated mothers and how does about two months in spring 2009. I contacted the educational talk relate to the school political my interviewees by phone. The interviews frameworks of Vantaa? took place face to face at the university, at the interviewees’ workplace or at home (Lahdel- 2. What kind of educational logic are mothers ma 2010, 51). I used thematic interviews as bringing out in their talk? What kinds of dis- an interview-ing method. The approach lies courses are constructed about schooling and its somewhere between structured and completely importance? informal interviews. For example Sirkka Hirsjär- vi and Helena Hurme (2001, 44) call it semi- An initial questionnaire was sent to 1990 pa- structured interview method. As I conducted rents in Vantaa whose children were about to my research data not only for my study, but transfer to the seventh grade in the following for the whole research project of the University school year. The questionnaire was provided of Helsinki, I was privileged to use the general in six languages: Russian, Estonian, Somali, interview schema. The interview schema was Arabic, English and Finnish. Parents received built on four themes: 1) background informati- the questionnaire in January 2009 in the same on, 2) choices, wishes and plans, 3) resources envelope where the decision of the school and 4) values. Under these themes there were placement made by the Local School Autho- some ready formed questions, but basically rities was received. 374 questionnaires were the interview intertwined around these themes returned and 76 parents were interviewed. As and the interview guideline was only there to a student, I could choose my ten interviewees help the interviewer to take all the insights out of these 76. into account. The idea was to let the interviewee speak as free as possible. Most interviews Based on international and national studies, wo- lasted for about an hour. All interviews were men tend to be more active in making decisions recorded and transcribed literally. All toge- regarding their children’s school career. While ther there were 228 pages of transcribed text. school choice is gendered, it is also classed (Lahdelma 2010, 42, 46)

46 Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 Because I was interested in attitudes, values and and the logic behind the talk is traced. (Lahdel- the meaning of education in the educational talk ma 2010, 46) The translation into English was of my interviewees, I saw a discoursive approach made by the researcher. as a useful analysis tool. I didn’t want to know only what the interviewees have to say, but also how they construct and reason their thoughts. Logics and discourses intertwined in Based on the theory behind the ideology of Vantaa’s school political framework school choice, the studies of van Zanten and others studies, I had some hypotheses. However, Half of the interviewed mothers of sixth graders I wanted to read my data open minded. In the mentioned, that the place of living is strongly re- first reading I was constructing a general picture lated to school choice possibilities in Vantaa. Ho- about the interview data. I needed to ask myself, wever, mothers were still clearly content with the if my initial research questions were actually an- situation and with their closest situated school. swered in the interview data. The second round The ideology of communal based compulsory of reading was far more concrete and it really comprehensive schooling for all and the closest nailed down the final research questions. My school principle was strongly supported. Finnish viewpoint was moving away from seeing mo- comprehensive school was seen almost patrio- thers as “enterprising individuals” on the school tic as the best in the world, even though some markets to a more general perspective of school interviewees were not that convinced about the choice in the Finnish society. The whole interview homogeneity and good quality of all the schools data was read several times to make sure that nationwide or even within one city. The idea of all the sentences and sentence-structures which open enrolment didn’t get much support – it were essential to the research questions were pi- didn’t seem practical or necessary, as the closest cked out. After having all the useful data picked school was good enough anyway. Some of the out for analysis, the data was categorized. interviewees could see the effects of open enrolment on more general and societal level. Without The initial categorization of the research data limited choice some schools could get rejected was the base for the discoursive reading. The while others would be too popular on the school discoursive approach is not a clearly defined markets. The trust of the interviewees in the qua- methodology. Arja Jokinen, Kirsi Juhila and Eero lity of Finnish comprehensive schooling could be Suoninen (1993, 17) summarize in their book interpreted in two ways. The schools which the that a discoursive framework is about socially constructed language. What we say is always connected to its context. Everybody is bonded Figure 1: An example of the data-analysis to an own system of meanings. However, these systems are over- ”Raw” data Summarized data Discourse and logic lapping and the borders are not very clearly defined between them. Theme: Transition to I read my research data by looking upper level of Compre- for discrepancy and overlapping hensive Schooling systems of meanings. Interviewee 5: I would Would apply else- safety – "care"-discourse In figure 1 there is a practical ex- have applied elsewhere. where, if the school ample of the analysis. On the left I would have looked for would have not been into a school with a side you can see “raw” data, which that kind of school which safe. The reputation good reputation – in- is unchanged interview data. In the is safe. And having so of the school is mea- strumental logic middle column the idea of the raw called “good reputation”, ningful. data is briefly summarized. In the if one can say so. third column the discourse is named

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 47 Instrumental logic

Figure 2: The instrumental and the expressive logic in relation Market Equality to equality and market discourse discourse discourse

Expressive logic sixth graders of these mothers would visit in the next autumn were already good enough, so the mothers didn’t see any need to choose another School and hobbies were seen as only one part school. As these mothers were highly educated, of life, not as the most important. The values of they had not only trust in the system but also in happiness and health were highly respected in themselves and their children. Their child could this logic. Some of the interviewees saw schooling have success in life also when she or he attended as instrumental – school was for them an instru- a mediocre school. As the local school policy of ment to be successful in later life. These mothers Vantaa supports the closest school principle, supported the idea of free school markets. Also in limited choice and homogeneity of schools it was their working life these mothers were more likely not that surprising that the equality discourse facing competition, because they worked on the was strongly constructed in these mothers private sector. Competition and hard work was school choice talk. (Lahdelma 2010, 55-59) seen as something important already in earlier school career. (Lahdelma 2010, 65-66) Even that the homogeneity of schools was in general much supported, the interviewees saw Among the discourses of equality and discourse the profiling of communal schools as a positive of school markets there were also some other development – they didn’t want to have more discourses constructed in the educational talk of private schools, as the world of private schools the interviewed mothers. Overlapping with the was seen as “strange” for the Finnish society. The expressive logic, mothers used the so called easi- equality discourse, emphasizing homogeneity, ness discourse when speaking about their school was contested by the market discourse. Profiled choice. As the allocated school was situated schools would enhance the image of the whole close to home, the school way would be short city of Vantaa. (Lahdelma 2010, 55, 60-61) and social surroundings would stay unchangea- ble for the child. (Lahdelma 2010, 69–70) Values As limited choice was in general supported, of familiarity, consistency and safeness were parental choice was seen as important in the also often mentioned in several interviews. The case, when the place of living was between two discourse of protection was constructed trough schools. However, choice should be reasoned these values. The expressive logic was overlap- in that kind of situation. An interesting point ping with this discourse (p. 72). for me as a researcher was to notice, that these mothers didn’t know much about the secondary The last constructed discourse was the discourse search and the admission reasons for applying of meritocracy. Education and schooling was the school place elsewhere than the local school highly valued in all families of the interviewed authorities have been allocating in the primary mothers. Education and educating oneself were search. The interviewed parents knew very poor- seen self-evidential. Mothers didn’t seem to be ly the existing school choice possibilities and very worried about the future, but at least some procedures for secondary search in Vantaa or in educational level was seen vital for the future neighbour cities. (Lahdelma 2010, 62) as the child would face the needs of the labour market. And education and degrees were seen as The interviewees used two main logics when instruments for success. Mothers were answering speaking about the educational career of their very carefully when they were asked about the child. The bigger part of these ten interviewed career wishes for their offspring. Even that the mothers was using an expressive logic in relation availability of education was seen as self-evident, to school choice, schooling and all kind of forms the mothers didn’t want to push their child, or at of education (like hobbies and other free time oc- least they didn’t want to construct that kind of cupations). The mothers, who were mainly using picture in their educational talk, to get a certain expressive logic, were working more likely on education. Language abilities and good choices public services like social and educational branch. already in comprehensive schooling were seen as

48 Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 Figure 3: Logics and discourses intertwined in Vantaa’s school choice political framework

Social justice in education might never be reached, but local school authorities seem to have some power to support social justice in schooling at least on the local level. When we move to important only in the group of mothers, whose national level, the illusion of equality gets blurry. educational talk leaned towards the market dis- Local school policies vary a lot and as the decen- course. (Lahdelma 2010, 75-78) tralization of schooling continues moving away from the state steered system one cannot speak In figure 3 the research findings are summa- anymore about “the same school for all”. The rized and all the discourses and logics are illusion of equality lives still strong and probably named and shortly defined. also long in Finnish comprehensive schooling, but it already now leaves space for some determined choosers with very considered acts on Discussion – Is school choice challen- school markets. ging the illusion of equality in Finnish comprehensive schooling? References Based on my interview data and on the research findings of the whole research project the answer Ahonen, S. (2003). Yhteinen koulu. Tasa-arvoa vai tasapäisyyttä? is no, as long as the local school policies don’t Tampere: Vastapaino. support the school choice in the form of open enrolment and free school markets. Poikolainen Alakoululaisen opas (2009). (Pupils guide in lower level of compre- (2011) presents the results of the whole research hensive school). Vantaa: Vantaan kaupunki (The city of Vantaa). project by grouping the interviewees into traditional, contemplating and determined choosers. Apple, M. W. (2001). Comparing Neo-liberal Projects and Inequa- The traditional chooser (n=30) drifts to the clo- lity in Education. Comparative Education. 37 (4), 409-423. sely situated school because it is just a practical and not a bad choice. The contemplating chooser Bosetti, L. (2004). Determinants of school choice: understanding (n=31) is using more his/her existing economical how parents choose elementary schools in Alberta. Journal of and social resources in the school choice. This Education Policy 19 (4), 387-405. group of choosers is using the parentocracy discourse. Determined choosers (n=15) actually see Gewirtz, S., Ball, J. S. & Bowe R. (1995). Markets, choice and equi- themselves as consumers of education services ty in education. Buckingham: Open University Press. on the school markets. According to Poikolainen they see that they have the right to choose the Gorard, S., Taylor, C. & Fitz, J. (2003). Schools, Markets and services and the community is obliged to provide Choice Policies. London: RoutledgeFalmer. those services. Poikolainen (2011, 131, 137-139) writes that based on the interview data it looks Hautamäki, J. (2010). Minne vaihtelu menee?: oppilaiden, luok- like the parents are not shaking the school mar- kien ja koulujen väliset erot oppimistuloksissa. In Peruskoulujen kets in Vantaa. However, we can’t know how long oppimistulokset ja oppilaiden hyvinvointi eriytyvällä Helsingin the city of Vantaa will lead such restricted school seudulla (edit.) Rimpelä, M. & Bernelius, V. Helsinki: Yliopistopai- choice policies. no (Geotieteiden ja maantieteen laitoksen julkaisuja B; 1), 49-54.

Pädagogische Hochschule Vorarlberg | F&E Edition 18 | 2012 49 Hirsjärvi, S. & Hurme, H. (2001). Tutkimushaastattelu. Teemahaa- menee peruskoulussa? Kasvatuksen ja oppimisen edellytysten stattelun teoria ja käytäntö. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. tarkastelua Turun kouluissa. (edit.) Olkinuora, E. & Mattila, E. Turun yliopiston kasvatustieteellisen tiedekunnan julkaisuja. Johannesson, I. A., Lindblad S. & Simola, H. (2002). An Inevitable Turku: Painosalama Oy, 87-126. Progress? Educational restructuring in Finland, Iceland and Sweden at the turn of the millennium. Scandinavian Journal of Rizvi, F. & Engel, L. C. (2009). Neo-liberal globalisation, educatio- Educational research. 46 (3), 325-339. nal policy and the struggle for social justice. In Ayers, W., Quinn, T. & Stovall, D. (edit.). Handbook of Social Justice in Education Jokinen, A., Juhila, K. & Suoninen, E. (1993). Diskurssianalyysin Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 529-541. aakkoset. Tampere: Vastapaino. Räty, H., Kasanen, K. & Laine, N. (2009). Parents' Participation Lahdelma, U. (2010). Vantaalaiset äidit ”koulumarkkinoilla”koul in Their Child's Schooling. Scandinavian Journal of Educational uvalinnan, peruskoulutuksen järjestämisen ja koulutuksellisten Research. 53 (3), 277-293. logiikoiden diskursiivinen rakentuminen Vantaan koulutuspo- liittisissa kehyksissä. Pro gradu–tutkielma, Helsingin yliopisto Seppänen, P. (2006). Kouluvalintapolitiikka perusopetuksessa – (Masterthesis, University of Helsinki). suomalaiskaupunkien koulumarkkinat kansainvälisessä valossa. Turku: Painosalama Oy. Lampinen, O. (1998). Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän kehitys. Tampere: Gaudeamus. Seppänen, P. (2003). Perheet kaupunkien koulumarkkinoilla. Yhteiskuntapolitiikka 68 (4), 337-352. Niukko, S. (2006). 'Yhteistyötä ilman riskejä'? OECD:n rooli Suo- men koulutuspolitiikassa. Turun yliopiston julkaisuja C251. Taylor, S., Rizvi, F., Lingard, B. & Henry, M. (1997). Educational policy and the politics of change. New York: Routledge. Ozga, J. & Lingard, B. (2007). Globalisation, Education policy and politics. In Lingard, B. & Ozga, J. (edit.) The RoutledgeFalmer Van Zanten, A. (2003). Middle-class Parents and Social Mix in Reader in Education Policy and Politics 2007, London: Routledge- French Urban Schools: reproduction and transformation of class Falmer, 65-82. relations in education. International Studies in Sociology of Education. 13 (2), 107-124. Pekkarinen, T., Kerr, S. & Uusitalo, R. (2009). School tracking and intergenerational income mobility: Evidence from the Finnish Whitty, G. (2010). Marketization and Post-marketization in Com- comprehensive school reform. Journal of Public Economics. 93 temporary Education Policy. In Kauko, J., Rinne, R. & Kynkään- (7-8), 965-973. niemi, H. (edit.) Restructuring the truth of schooling: Essays on discursive practices in the sociology and politics of education: Poikolainen, J. (2011). “Miksi valita jo peruskouluvaiheessa?” – a Festschrift for Hannu Simola, Finnish Educational Research Vanhempien kouluvalintastrategiat. Kasvatus (2), 131-143. Association. Jyväskylä: Jyväskylä University Press.

Quinn, T. (2009). Lecture notes of the course “Social justice in Whitty, G. & Power, S. (2002). Devolution and choice in three Education”, 23.11.2009, University of Helsinki. countries. . In Making sence of educational policy. Studies in the sociology and politics of education. Whitty G. London: Reay, D. (1998). Engendering Social Reproduction: mothers Paul Chapman Publishing Ltd., 46-63. in the educational marketplace. British Journal of Sociology of Education. 19 (2), 195-209. Yläkoululaisen opas (2009). (Pupils guide in upper level of comprehensive school). Vantaa: Vantaan kaupunki (The city Rinne, R. & Nuutero, A.-K. (2001). Turkulainen peruskoulu, of Vantaa). koulutuspolitiikan muutos ja vanhempien näkökannat. In Miten

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