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The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2
China Perspectives 2011/1 | 2011 The National Learning Revival The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 Jean-Paul Maréchal Translator: N. Jayaram Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2011 Number of pages: 56-62 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Jean-Paul Maréchal, « The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 », China Perspectives [Online], 2011/1 | 2011, Online since 30 March 2014, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5383 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5383 © All rights reserved China perspectives Articles The Climate Debate Held Hostage by the G2 JEAN-PAUL MARÉCHAL* Real optimism lies in saying that the next 25,000 years will be very that can be said about this quote is that it is confirmed by all available in - difficult. – Romain Gary dicators, be they measures of economic might or (present and future) re - sponsibility for climate change. year after the Copenhagen Summit, the Cancun Conference (29 November-11 December 2010) showed that, despite some The world’s top two economies (in PPP terms) progress, nothing decisive will happen in facing up to climate A (2) change without the engagement of the United States as well as the Peo - Calculated in “purchasing power parities” (PPP) terms, the US and Chi - ple’s Republic of China. In the climate arena, as in so many others, the G2 nese gross domestic products are the world’s two highest. -
NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
The 'New Middle East,' Revised Edition
9/29/2014 Diplomatist BILATERAL NEWS: India and Brazil sign 3 agreements during Prime Minister's visit to Brazil CONTENTS PRINT VERSION SPECIAL REPORTS SUPPLEMENTS OUR PATRONS MEDIA SCRAPBOOK Home / September 2014 The ‘New Middle East,’ Revised Edition GLOBAL CENTRE STAGE In July 2014, President Obama sent the White House’s Coordinator for the Middle East, Philip Gordon, to address the ‘Israel Conference on Peace’ in Tel-Aviv. ‘How’ Gordon asked ‘will [Israel] have peace if it is unwilling to delineate a border, end the occupation and allow for Palestinian sovereignty, security, and dignity?’ This is a good question, but Dr Emmanuel Navon asks how Israel will achieve peace if it is willing to delineate a border, end the occupation and allow for Palestinian sovereignty, security, and dignity, especially when experience, logic and deduction suggest that the West Bank would turn into a larger and more lethal version of the Gaza Strip after the Israeli withdrawal During the last war between Israel and Hamas (which officially ended with a ceasefire on August 27, 2014), US Secretary of State John Kerry inadvertently created a common ground among rivals: Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and Jordan all agreed in July 2014 that Kerry had ruined the chances of a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. Collaborating with Turkey DEFINITION and Qatar to reach a ceasefire was tantamount to calling the neighbourhood’s pyromaniac instead of the fire department to extinguish the fire. Qatar bankrolls Hamas and Turkey advocates on its behalf. While in Paris in July, Kerry was all smiles Diplomat + with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu whose boss, Recep Erdogan, recently accused Israel of genocide and compared Netanyahu to Hitler. -
O'hanlon Gordon Indyk
Getting Serious About Iraq 1 Getting Serious About Iraq ○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○ Philip H. Gordon, Martin Indyk and Michael E. O’Hanlon In his 29 January 2002 State of the Union address, US President George W. Bush put the world on notice that the United States would ‘not stand aside as the world’s most dangerous regimes develop the world’s most dangerous weapons’.1 Such statements, repeated since then in various forms by the president and some of his top advisers, have rightly been interpreted as a sign of the administration’s determination to overthrow Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.2 Since the January declaration, however, attempts by the administration to put together a precise plan for Saddam’s overthrow have revealed what experience from previous administrations should have made obvious from the outset: overthrowing Saddam is easier said than done. Bush’s desire to get rid of the Iraqi dictator has so far been frustrated by the inherent difficulties of overthrowing an entrenched regime as well as a series of practical hurdles that conviction alone cannot overcome. The latter include the difficulties of organising the Iraqi opposition, resistance from Arab and European allies, joint chiefs’ concerns about the problems of over-stretched armed forces and intelligence assets and the complications caused by an upsurge in Israeli– Palestinian violence. Certainly, the United States has good reasons to want to get rid of Saddam Hussein. Saddam is a menace who has ordered the invasion of several of his neighbours, killed thousands of Kurds and Iranians with poison gas, turned his own country into a brutal police state and demonstrated an insatiable appetite for weapons of mass destruction. -
ALLIES AGAINST ATROCITIES the Imperative for Transatlantic Cooperation to Prevent and Stop Mass Killings
ALLIES AGAINST ATROCITIES The Imperative for Transatlantic Cooperation to Prevent and Stop Mass Killings By Lee Feinstein & Tod Lindberg MARCH 2017 CONTENTS Executive Summary 1 Principal Recommendations 4 Preface 7 Findings 11 List of Acronyms 33 Recommendations at a Glance 34 Acknowledgements 36 2 SIMON-SKJODT CENTER FOR THE PREVENTION OF GENOCIDE Executive Summary A generation after Rwanda and Bosnia, many of the world powers that apologized for their lack of an early and effective response to genocide during the 1990s have yet to organize themselves sufficiently to act early and effectively to prevent or stop mass atrocities. The horror of Syria is Exhibit A. As responses to past atrocity crimes show, averting and halting atrocities requires a coordinated and sustained effort by local, regional, and international actors. A multilateral response is necessary, one that the transatlantic region has a critical role to play in shaping and leading. The governments of the transatlantic community—the United States, Canada, and Europe—already devote significant resources and political capital to the prevention and amelioration of crises and conflicts, as well as to the pursuit of international development agendas. Without better cooperation among themselves and their like-minded cousins, efforts to address mass atrocities will continue to be reactive, slow, and devastating to human life and potential. Individual transatlantic countries should be involved in those efforts, each bringing its unique capacities to the table. From our vantage point as US policy experts, we believe that the United States has a particularly important role to play in encouraging greater transatlantic cooperation among states on this issue. -
WT/GC/W/757 16 January 2019 (19-0259) Page
WT/GC/W/757 16 January 2019 (19-0259) Page: 1/45 General Council Original: English AN UNDIFFERENTIATED WTO: SELF-DECLARED DEVELOPMENT STATUS RISKS INSTITUTIONAL IRRELEVANCE COMMUNICATION FROM THE UNITED STATES The following communication, dated 15 January 2019, is being circulated at the request of the delegation of the United States. _______________ 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. In the preamble to the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, the Parties recognized that "their relations in the field of trade and economic endeavor should be conducted with a view to raising standards of living, ensuring full employment and a large and steadily growing volume of real income and effective demand, and expanding the production of and trade in goods and services, while allowing for the optimal use of the world's resources in accordance with the objective of sustainable development…." 1.2. Since the WTO's inception in 1995, Members have made significant strides in pursuing these aims. Global Gross National Income (GNI) per capita on a purchasing-power-parity (PPP) basis, adjusted for inflation, surged by nearly two-thirds, from $9,116 in 1995 to $15,072 in 2016.1 The United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI) for the world increased from 0.598 to 0.728 between 1990 and 2017.2 According to the World Bank, between 1993 and 2015 — the most recent year for which comprehensive data on global poverty is available — the percentage of people around the world who live in extreme poverty fell from 33.5 percent to 10 percent, the lowest poverty rate in recorded history.3 Despite the world population increasing by more than two billion people between 1990 and 2015, the number of people living in extreme poverty fell by more than 1.1 billion during the same period, to about 736 million.4 1.3. -
History of Global Economy
HISTORY OF GLOBAL ECONOMY We begin our discussion of the history of the global economy with the following question. What has led to such strong differences across regions of the world? The quick and dirty answer is simply that the "West" developed first. Birth of Capitalism1 One can find examples of sustained economic growth throughout history, for example in the woolen industry in 13th century Flanders, and in 14th century Florence. Starting with the 11th century long distance trading flourished connecting thriving pockets of growth, between Venice and the Netherlands. However, by and large, living standards remained at subsistence levels for the majority of the world's population until the middle of the 18th century. Over the centuries as commerce grew, albeit slowly, the power of the vassals of the feudal system declined being replaced by merchants and incipient capitalists. Innovations in sailing led to long distance trading. The opportunities and challenges of sending a vessel abroad for years at a time brought about the institutions which facilitated the growth of the modern capitalist system. Institutions which spurred the growth of capitalism Principle of Private Property Joint Stock Companies Deposit Banking Insurance Formal Contracts International Financial Markets Craft Guilds Government Support of Opening Markets Merchant Associations At the same time burgeoning industrialization and urbanization further weakened the feudal economy changing both the political as well as the economic structure of Europe. The question remains why in the “west”? Some of the factors contributing to these changes were: 1) The Protestant Reformation - note that industrialization began in northern Europe. Protestant work ethic - fostered hard work, frugality, sobriety and efficiency, virtues which facilitated capitalism. -
George W. Bush: a Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan
George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? Written by Mike Spaan This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. George W. Bush: A Neo-Conservative? https://www.e-ir.info/2015/05/25/george-w-bush-a-neo-conservative/ MIKE SPAAN, MAY 25 2015 What is Neo-Conservatism and how did this Influence American Foreign Policy during the Presidency of George W. Bush? The neo-conservative movement has been one of the most controversial in the modern post-Cold War era of International Relations (Leffler 2005 395; Williams 2005: 307). Its adherents are principally American intellectuals, writers and public servants. Despite this, much confusion still exists as to the nature of the movement and its ideas. The movement came about in the latter part of the 1960s, and garnered considerable influence since that time (Boot 2004: 21; Williams 2005: 309; Singh 2009: 34). This influence, however, remained on the fringes of policy-making until the administration of George W. Bush adopted some policies and strategies that could loosely be described as neo-conservative tenets. This paper has two distinct aims. First, to explore what neo-conservatism entails in the modern post-Cold War era and, secondly, to explore the degree to which neo-conservatives were able to influence the Bush administration. In doing so, this paper hopes to refute commonly held misconceptions about the movement and more importantly, the degree to which it was able to influence, or as some would assert, ‘hijack’ United States (US) foreign policy under President Bush (Austin 2005: 53). -
How Did the First World War Start?
How Did the First World War Start? The First World War, often called The Great War, was an enormous and devastating event in the early 1900s. Over 17 million people were killed and it had a massive effect on politics and countries all over the world. But why did the First World War happen and what caused it? The major catalyst for the start of the First World War was the assassination of a man named Archduke Franz Picture associated with the arrest of Gavrilo Princip Ferdinand. However, there were other events which led to the start of the war. The start of the 1900s in Europe was a time of peace for many. In most places, wealth was growing and people were comfortable and countries were thriving. At this time, some European countries, mainly France and Britain, owned and controlled countries in Asia and Africa, as well as some areas of other continents. This was because these countries helped to improve the wealth of Europe. Before the First World War, many countries were allies with one another and they had defence treaties. This meant that if war was declared on one of the countries, the other members of the alliance had to go to war to help them. There were two main alliances, one between Britain, France and Russia called ‘The Triple Entente’ and one between Germany and Austria-Hungary called ‘The Central Powers’. One of the reasons for these treaties was that, during the early 1900s, each country wanted to be the most powerful. Germany in particular, who did not control many territories, began building warships as they wished to become the most powerful country. -
America's Anxious Allies: Trip Report from Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel by Meghan O'sullivan, Philip Gordon, Dennis Ross, James Jeffrey
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2696 America's Anxious Allies: Trip Report from Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel by Meghan O'Sullivan, Philip Gordon, Dennis Ross, James Jeffrey Sep 28, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Meghan O'Sullivan Meghan O'Sullivan is the Jeane Kirkpatrick Professor of the Practice of International Affairs at Harvard University's Kennedy School. Philip Gordon Philip Gordon is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a former White House coordinator for the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf region. Dennis Ross Dennis Ross, a former special assistant to President Barack Obama, is the counselor and William Davidson Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. James Jeffrey Ambassador is a former U.S. special representative for Syria engagement and former U.S. ambassador to Turkey and Iraq; from 2013-2018 he was the Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. He currently chairs the Wilson Center’s Middle East Program. Brief Analysis A bipartisan team of distinguished former officials share their insights from a recent tour of key regional capitals. On September 26, The Washington Institute held a Policy Forum with Meghan O'Sullivan, Philip Gordon, Dennis Ross, and James Jeffrey, who recently returned from a bipartisan tour of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel. O'Sullivan is the Jeane Kirkpatrick Professor at Harvard's Kennedy School and former special assistant to the president for Iraq and Afghanistan. Gordon is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and former White House coordinator for the Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf region. -
Seeking Stability at Sustainable Cost: Principles for a New U.S
Seeking Stability at Sustainable Cost: Principles for a New U.S. Strategy in the Middle East Report of the Task Force on Managing Disorder in the Middle East April 2017 Aaron Lobel Task Force Co-Chairs Founder and President, America Abroad Media Ambassador Eric Edelman Former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey Mary Beth Long Former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Jake Sullivan Affairs Former Director of Policy Planning, U.S. State Department Former National Security Advisor to the Vice President Alan Makovsky Former Senior Professional Staff Member, House Foreign Affairs Committee Task Force Members Ray Takeyh Ambassador Morton Abramowitz Former Senior Advisor on Iran, U.S. State Department Former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey General Charles Wald (ret., USAF) Henri Barkey Former Deputy Commander, U.S. European Command Director, Middle East Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center Former Commander, U.S. Central Command Air Forces Hal Brands Amberin Zaman Henry A. Kissinger Distinguished Professor of Global Affairs at the Columnist, Al-Monitor; Woodrow Wilson Center Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Svante Cornell Staff Director, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program Blaise Misztal Director of National Security Ambassador Ryan Crocker Former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon Nicholas Danforth Senior Policy Analyst Ambassador Robert Ford Former Ambassador to Syria Jessica Michek Policy Analyst John Hannah Former Assistant for National Security Affairs to the Vice President Ambassador James Jeffrey Former Ambassador to Turkey and Iraq DISCLAIMER The findings and recommendations expressed herein do not necessarily represent the views or opinions of the Bipartisan Policy Center’s founders or its board of directors. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda.