DOCSLIB.ORG

Handbook for Delegations the Colegio Alemán

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Handbook for Delegations the Colegio Alemán SECURITY COUNCIL HANDBOOK FOR DELEGATIONS THE COLEGIO ALEMÁN ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT’S MODEL UNITED NATIONS 10th JUNE 9th, 10th, 11th, 2021 HUMBOLDT-MUN X Dear Delegates, We are very excited to have you in our committee in the tenth edition of the Humboldt-MUN and we thank you for choosing us as your Chair. Some say only the bravest delegates choose the Security Council, seeing the complexity of the topics and the pressure of being the UN organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security, which make this committee one of the most difficult ones. We are delighted to see you are up for the challenge. In this committee you will share your delegations’ stance on the topics and you will also negotiate with other delegates, in order to achieve a diplomatic resolution to solve the conflicts dealt with. You will make alliances and you will make enemies, you will be confronted with tough delegations and even tougher decisions, but we are sure that you will find the best resolution for all delegations present. However you will not only stand and state your points, but you will have to learn to communicate in order to achieve your goals. You will not only negotiate with other delegations, but you will also learn to compromise and listen to every single delegate, whose voice is just as important as yours. You will make powerful alliances (and hopefully strong friendships) and will always respect your fellow delegates, regardless of their position, and your Chair. You will have to learn how to deal with different types of people and problems with varying complexities. This committee is a space where you will discuss, but also where you will grow. We are sure that every single skill you will learn will help you in the future, if not as a future UN delegate, then as a human being. You are and will be a valuable asset in this society in which people who have the ability to communicate through words, to listen and understand, to negotiate and make tough calls, are the ones who will lead the change in our world. There is potential in every single one of us and we are hoping you will dazzle your fellow delegates and us, with yours. Speak your mind, do not be afraid (mistakes are there to be made!) and make the debate your own. We will see you in the first session. Your Chair, Regina Rebollar (President), Nicolás Lizama (Moderator), Arturo Martínez (Conference Officer) SECURITY COUNCIL HUMBOLDT-MUN X I. Introduction to the Comittee Historical background In 1945, after 6 long years of fighting, finally World War II was coming to an end. The heads of the three allied powers, Franklin D. Roosevelt for the United States, Winston Churchill for the United Kingdom and Joseph Stalin for the USSR, met in Yalta to achieve a new peace order for after the war. In this conference they came to the agreement that there had to be an international organization that ensured and protected international peace through dialogue in order to avoid another World War. This project then became the United Nations, which were founded in 1945. This organization was divided into many different organs, one of them being the Security Council. The first session of the Security Council took place on January 17th 1946 in Church House, London, United Kingdom. Welcome to the United Nations Security Council This organ of the United Nations is in charge of ensuring and protecting global security and peace. Our labor is of utmost importance as we discuss topics that can involve warlike conflicts or the national security issues of a country. The United Nations Security Council has 15 members, five of them permanent. These members are the winners of World War II: the United States of America, the French Republic, the United Kingdom,the Russian Federation (also called the “four global policemen”) and the People's Republic of China (also called P5). There are 10 additional non-permanent members, which change every two years and are elected by the General Assembly. Each member has a vote that can drastically affect the path of the topic being discussed. The five permanent members also have a veto right for any resolution. This means that if any of the so-called P5 is against a resolution, it can block said resolution through their veto. Since its creation the United Nations Security Council assessed SECURITY COUNCIL HUMBOLDT-MUN X threats like terrorism, natural disasters, armed conflicts, civil wars, amongst other and has passed more than 2560 resolutions. The UNSC, unlike any other organ of the UN, can take more authoritative actions in a conflict through international monetary sanctions or the authorization of military operations. It is important to state that a delegation may only use military force “in self- defense or when they have obtained authorization from the council” (Council on Foreign Relations, n.d.). This committee also counts with the UN Peacekeepers military forces that voluntarily provide the members of the UNSC. Information sources: Ray, M., Levy, M., Lotha, G., & Kalsang Bhutia, T. (n. d.). United Nations Security Council - History. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved May 1, 2021, from https://www.britannica.com/topic/United-Nations-Security-Council/History Staff, C. F. R. (2020, September 16). The UN Security Council. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/un-security-council The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). United Nations Security Council - History. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved May 3, 2021, from https://www.britannica.com/topic/United-Nations-Security-Council/History United Nations. (n.d.). History of the UN. Retrieved May 3, 2021, from https://www.un.org/en/about-us/history-of-the-un United Nations. (n. d.). Resoluciones | CONSEJO DE SEGURIDAD DE LA ONU. United Nations Organization. Retrieved May , 2021, from https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/es/content/resolutions United Nations. (n. d.). United Nations Security Council |. United Nations Organization. Retrieved May 1, 2021, from https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/ SECURITY COUNCIL HUMBOLDT-MUN X II. Topic A: The threat to international peace and the humanitarian crisis in Yemen The UN has called Yemen “the world’s worst humanitarian disaster” (S. O’Brien). After more than 5 years of armed conflict, the Yemeni people must endure disease outbreaks, malnutrition, water scarcity and the hardship of a seemingly never-ending war. The social, political and economic crisis derive from a war fought between local armed groups and some foreign nations. Apart from that, the violence of the war itself has taken the lives of over 10 000 people and today nearly 80% of the country's inhabitants rely on some kind of humanitarian aid. More than 4 million Yemenis have already fled the country and millions suffer from malnutrition. There are many national and international players in this war, from local military groups on the ground, to the United States and Saudi Arabia; and to aggravate the situation further, all sides have been accused of committing horrid crimes and acting without regard to the dignity and security of the Yemeni civilians who get caught in the crossfire. Background In January of 2011, during the so-called Arab Spring, revolts started to arise against the government of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had ruled over Yemen since 1990. The people demanded real measures to fight poverty, social inequality and corruption, as well as democratic freedoms and the resignation of Saleh. With demonstrations growing bigger around the country, the Yemeni security forces were given the task to quiet the protests down. Eventually that led to the use of excessive force and human rights violations. The United Nations took notice of the abuse by Saleh’s government and started to pressure him to resign (f.e. through the Security Council Resolution nº2014 in 2011). The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), an organization led by Saudi Arabia, joined forces with the UN and oversaw negotiations with Saleh, achieving his resignation on April 23, 2011. Through the so called Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the members of the GCC (United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait), with the support from the United States, demanded the creation of a new government and forced the President out of office while assuring him, and anyone who served with him, amnesty/prosecution immunity, freeing him of any kind of repercussions for crimes such as corruption, deadly-attacks on protestors and crimes against humanity. The GCC asked the Yemeni parliament to pass an immunity law for Saleh before his step-down. SECURITY COUNCIL HUMBOLDT-MUN X Another important player of the Yemeni War is the militant group Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, also known as AQAP, which took advantage of the rising instability and gained a lot of territory throughout Yemen. The GCC helped install a new government in Yemen after Saleh’s resignation. The Vice President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi was chosen as the head of this new administration. However the Yemeni people continued to suffer under President Hadi, poverty and corruption continued after the Yemeni Revolution and the elitism with which Saleh governed for over two decades was still present. Furthermore, the GCC started to get involved in Yemen’s internal affairs, orchestrating many of the initiatives that surged after the Revolution and “[returning] the same old elites to power” (E. Kendall, 2019). By 2014 there was a general disapproval of Hadi’s government. The event that triggered another mass revolt against the government was the rise of fuel prices as a consequence of the loan given by the International Monetary Fund to Yemen (over 550 million dollars). Houthis The Houthis are a Zaydi Shia Muslim minority located in Northern Yemen, who have been fighting the Sunni Muslim majority for over a decade.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Examples of Iraq and Syria
    BearWorks MSU Graduate Theses Fall 2017 The Unraveling of the Nation-State in the Middle East: Examples of Iraq and Syria Zachary Kielp Missouri State University, [email protected] As with any intellectual project, the content and views expressed in this thesis may be considered objectionable by some readers. However, this student-scholar’s work has been judged to have academic value by the student’s thesis committee members trained in the discipline. The content and views expressed in this thesis are those of the student-scholar and are not endorsed by Missouri State University, its Graduate College, or its employees. Follow this and additional works at: https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Kielp, Zachary, "The Unraveling of the Nation-State in the Middle East: Examples of Iraq and Syria" (2017). MSU Graduate Theses. 3225. https://bearworks.missouristate.edu/theses/3225 This article or document was made available through BearWorks, the institutional repository of Missouri State University. The work contained in it may be protected by copyright and require permission of the copyright holder for reuse or redistribution. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE UNRAVELING OF THE NATION-STATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST: EXAMPLES OF IRAQ AND SYRIA A Masters Thesis Presented to The Graduate College of Missouri State University TEMPLATE In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Science, Defense and Strategic Studies By Zachary Kielp December 2017 Copyright 2017 by Zachary Kielp ii THE UNRAVELING OF THE NATION-STATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST: EXAMPLES OF IRAQ AND SYRIA Defense and Strategic Studies Missouri State University, December 2017 Master of Science Zachary Kielp ABSTRACT After the carnage of World War One and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire a new form of political organization was brought to the Middle East, the Nation-State.
    [Show full text]
  • LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY the Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik by Alexander Ortiz a Thesis Submitted in Part
    LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY The Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik By Alexander Ortiz A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in International Affairs School of Arts and Sciences January 2014 To loved ones v Acknowledgments To Professors Salamey, Skulte-Ouasis, and Baroudi. Thank You for everything. Your guidance and help over the length of the program has been much appreciated. To Professor Rowayheb, thank you for being on my thesis board. vi The Syrian Conflict: Through the Lens of Realpolitik Alexander Ortiz Abstract This thesis examines power relations in the security vacuum created by the Syrian conflict. The conflicting nature of Syrian domestic politics has created a political stalemate that needs outside support to be resolved. Inaction on the part of the greater international community has allowed for regional powers to become highly entrenched in the conflict. Regional involvement and the demographics of Syrian parties have been used by popular mediums to describe the conflict as sectarian by nature. The central point of this thesis is to show that the veneer of sectarianism by all parties, both Syrian and regional, is primarily a by-product of competitive self-interest. This is done by showing that the relationships made between Syrian groups and their patrons are based on self-interest and the utility provided in these temporary unions. The seminal political theories of Locke and Hobbes concerning the foundations of political power show the Syrian groups to be acting upon political necessity, not sect. The ambitions of regional powers are analyzed through realist theory to explain power relations in an unregulated political environment both in Syria and in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Work in the Syrian Army
    Restructuring the army in the new Syria Major General Muhammad Al-Haj Ali Author: political research Brigadier Khaled Ibrahim Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies Harmoon Center for Contemporary Studies is an independent nonprofit research institution, focusing on the production of political, societal and intellectual studies and research related particularly to the Syrian issue, and the possible outcomes of ongoing conflict in Syria. The center is concerned with bolstering civil society and democratic. awareness. Harmoon Center also works on Arab issues and related conflicts, as well as Arab regional and international . relations The Center undertakes practical projects and activities, promotes initiatives for building Syria’s future on the foundations and values of democracy, freedom, equality, human rights, and equal citizenship rights. Harmoon Center strives to be platform for constructive dialogue and an arena . for exchanging ideas Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Restructuring the army in the new Syria Major General Muhammad Al-Haj Ali, Principal Researcher Brigadier General Khaled Ibrahim, Research Assistant Harmoon Center For Contemporary Studies Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................... 6 First: The impact of war on the Syrian Army .................................................................7 The impact on the Syrian army prior to the Baath takeover of power ................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Uprisings and State (Re) Formation in the Arab World
    Back to the Future: The Arab Uprisings and state (re) formation in the Arab World Adham Saouli* This article contributes to debates that aim to go beyond the ‘democratisation’ and ‘post-democratisation’ paradigms to understand change and continuity in Arab politics. In tune with calls to focus on the actualities of political dynamics, the article shows that the literatures on State Formation and Contentious Politics provide useful theoretical tools to understand change/continuity in Arab politics. It does so by examining the impact of the latest Arab Uprisings on state formation trajectories in Iraq and Syria. The Uprisings have aggravated a process of regime erosion— which originated in post-colonial state-building attempts—by mobilising sectarian and ethnic identities and exposing the counties to geo-political rivalries and intervention, giving rise to trans-border movements, such as ISIS. The resulting state fragmentation has obstructed democratic transition in Syria and constrained its consolidation in Iraq. Keywords: state formation; democratisation; contentious politics; Arab Uprisings; Iraq; Syria; ISIS. This study examines the impact of the Arab uprisings on state formation in the Arab world, with emphasis on Iraq and Syria. I argue that the uprisings have exacerbated a process of state fragmentation, which has roots in long-term state-building processes in the postcolonial era. In this process, the ability of regimes to monopolise power domestically was eroding and the states’ immunity against external penetration was waning. In Syria and Iraq, the uprisings had two direct impacts. First, they accelerated sectarian and ethnic mobilisation, which was latent under the ideological hegemony of Arab nationalism, but had gradually became salient, especially after the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the uprising in Syria in 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • The Survival of Authoritarianism and the Syrian Identity Crisis: Explaining the Resilience of Assad’S Ruling Bargain
    University of Washington Tacoma UW Tacoma Digital Commons PPPA Paper Prize Politics, Philosophy and Public Affairs Spring 6-8-2016 The urS vival of Authoritarianism and the Syrian Identity Crisis: Explaining the Resilience of Assad's Ruling Bargain Joshua Vasquez [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/ppe_prize Part of the International Relations Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Vasquez, Joshua, "The urS vival of Authoritarianism and the Syrian Identity Crisis: Explaining the Resilience of Assad's Ruling Bargain" (2016). PPPA Paper Prize. 7. https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/ppe_prize/7 This Undergraduate Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics, Philosophy and Public Affairs at UW Tacoma Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in PPPA Paper Prize by an authorized administrator of UW Tacoma Digital Commons. The Survival of Authoritarianism and The Syrian Identity Crisis: Explaining the Resilience of Assad’s Ruling Bargain Joshua Vasquez TPOLS 480 Democratization and Political Development in the Middle East June 5, 2015 2 Introduction The Arab Spring was a regional social mobilization that unrevealed ruling-bargains in the Middle East, which have been resilient since the early 1950s. In Tunisia, Ben Ali was ousted in about three weeks and fled to Saudi Arabia. After two weeks of demonstrations in Egypt, Mubarak resign from the presidency because the police failed to quell the uprising and the military refused to come to his aid. Following his resignation, he was arrested by the military and is currently awaiting trial for killing demonstrators, embezzlement of state funds, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Report FEE5
    DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Report ESAU L: THE FEDAYEEN (Annex to ESAU XLVIII: Fedayeen-- “Men of Sacrifice’y 1 NO 5 FEE5 . WARNING It is to be seen only by perso indoctrinated and authorized to receive// information within the Government to which#hsmitted; its security mwbe maintained in ac- cordance with1 1 \ I I egardless of the advantage d by the Director of Cen .. I A NOTE ON SOURCES This paper relies primarily on clandestine reporting, particularly for the internal structure and operations of the various fedayeen organizations. I The repostlng 1s quite guoa on poiiticdi as-wf the subject such as the maneuverings of the fedayeen groups, their internal disputes, and their ideological and tactical views. However, our information is more scanty on such important matters as the number of i armed men in each group, the sources and mechanics of funding, and details of the sources and methods of delivery of arms shipments to the fedayeen. I H TABLE OF CONTENTS Page FATAH AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION (PLO) Fatah -- Background to February 1969, (I 1: 1 PLO -- Background to February 1969 c. 8 Fatah Takeover of PLO -- February 1969, ~ LI ,11 Fatah Attempts to Control the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) ~ , 15 Fatah Retains Its Identity, .20 Fatah Tactics and Operations, .24 Fatah Funding s 0 0 3 0 0 ' (I c 0 0 G 0 D 0 0 .26 THE A3IAB NATIONALIST MOVEMENT (ANMI AND ITS FEDAYEEN WINGS ANMo 0 f 0 0 c 0 0 0 c. 0 0 0 0 J li 0 9.0 c c .30 Background on the ANM's Fedayeen Wings, .32 Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP 1 0 C U C 3 0 0 0 G u 0 u (I c c 35 Organization c 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 c c 0 3 c 38 Funding, 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 c 0 0 0 0 0 c p 0 42 Popular Democratic Front for Liberatlon of Palestine (PDFLP) Strategy ., .44 Organization ,, .45 Funding, .48 PFLP General Command, , .51 1- I 1- (Contents Con t) .
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising
    CASE ANALYSIS Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Salah Hassan | October 2012 Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Series: Case Analysis Salah Hassan | October 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center's paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 The Palestinian National Movement in Syria 2 The Syrian Uprising: March 2011 5 Palestinians and the Syrian Uprising 6 The Palestinian Public’s Solidarity with the Uprising 16 Conclusion 21 PALESTINIANS IN SYRIA Introduction1 At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were no borders between Palestine and Syria; prior to that time, there was economic and social integration between the Palestinian and Syrian peoples. The Syrians took part in the Palestinian revolution of 1936 and contributed in attempts to repel Israel’s colonizing attack on Palestine’s territories in 1948, resulting in the Nakba.
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for Salvation: Yassin Al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria
    Searching for Salvation Yassin al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria FIRAS MASSOUH Student Number 147481 A Thesis submitted to the School of Social and Political Sciences in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Masters by Research School of Social and Political Sciences The University of Melbourne Australia Produced on Archival Quality Paper October 2015 Abstract Name : Firas Massouh Title : Searching for Salvation: Yassin al-Haj Saleh and the Writing of Modern Syria Department : School of Social and Political Sciences This thesis introduces the English reader to Syrian dissident intellectual Yassin al-Haj Saleh (b. 1961). Saleh spent 16 years in prison between 1980 and 1996 and since 2000 has been an active agent in redefining the role of the public intellectual within the oppressive environment of contemporary Syria. He has been audacious in tackling the themes of civil society, political and religious reform, modernity, the relationship between state and religion, secularism, and revolution. Saleh upholds a humanistic ideal of critique as a form of agency and social responsibility, maintains that ideology is the principle obstacle to human liberation, and argues for active discursive intervention as a primary way to incite social change. A prolific writer on intellectual and political questions of the Arab world and Syria in particular, he showed unwavering support for the Arab Spring revolts, particularly the Syrian one. When Syrian protestors eager for change challenged the Assad dictatorship, Saleh promptly followed suit and became one of the protest movement’s most astute participant- observers and critical chroniclers. By examining some of his major writings on the Assad dictatorship, the Syrian Revolution, and the subsequent war in Syria, this thesis positions his work as a product of his intellectual background and life experience.
    [Show full text]
  • Syria and the Arab Spring: Unraveling the Road to Syria's Protracted Conflict
    Syria and the Arab Spring: Unraveling the Road to Syria’s Protracted Conflict Housam Darwisheh Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization e so-called Arab Spring was started by people who were inspired by universal ideals to put an end to authoritarian rule and corruption and to demand liberty, dignity and social justice. Although these demands have transcended the borders of various Arab countries, their trajectories and outcome have differed because Arab regimes are diverse among themselves in terms of their ruling mechanisms, domes- tic power structures, international relations, and the societies they have ruled. e ‘Syrian Spring’ began gradually in March 2011 but escalated into a violent con- flict that drew in regional and international actors and various competing opposi- tion and regime forces. e ensuing bloodshed and deteriorating humanitarian crisis in Syria, the failure of the United Nations Security Council to reach a consensus on what action to take, as it did on Libya, and the involvement of contending external actors partially reflect the complexity of the current impasse. e ruthless rule of the Baathist regime that has held its grip on power through decades of repression and torture, and the army’s brutal repression of the protest movement since March 2011, have led to the gradual disintegration of the state and the shredding of Syria’s social fabric. In order to understand the Syrian uprising and its level of violence—now the high- est in the Arab world—we need to know the basics of Syria’s history, the power structure of the Assad regime and the nature of state building and state-society relations under his rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Unlocking the Alawite Conundrum in Syria
    Jomana Qaddour Unlocking the Alawite Conundrum in Syria Images and videos emerging out of Syria since 2012, becoming increasingly violent and sectarian along the way, showcased extremist groups and even children chanting things like, “Assad we will bring you down, and then we will come next for the [Alawites]!”1 Since 1971, the Alawite community (roughly 12 percent of Syria’s 22 million people)2 has sheltered Hafez al-Assad, and subsequently his son, Bashar al-Assad, by providing the family with both loyal foot soldiers who have aided the Assad regime throughout the many domestic, political uprisings it has faced (in 1964, 1980, 1982, and now 2011) and with a bureaucracy that has legitimized their theft of public funds.3 The number of Alawite casualties increased over the course of the crisis, either fighting to protect Assad or because they are accused of aiding his regime, while a growing number have faced the grim realization that the Assad family is motivated by self-interest alone.4 While researchers cannot pinpoint exactly how many Alewites have died, many have documented the number of Syrian soldiers instead to obtain an approximation, and have indicated that between 11,000 Alawites and 41,000 Syrian soldiers have been killed.5 Yet for some reason, the Alawites have not yet abandoned the Assad regime in large numbers. Even as the international community increasingly isolates him, the longer-term issue of the nature of a post-Assad Syria remains unclear. Alawites must surely recognize that their long-term interests do not lie with the current regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic and Islamist Revivalism in Syria: the Rise and Fall of Secularism in Ba'thist Syria
    Islamic and Islamist Revivalism in Syria: The Rise and Fall of Secularism in Ba„thist Syria. Line Khatib © 2 Line Khatib Islamic Revivalism in Syria 3 Line Khatib ISLAMIC AND ISLAMIST REVIVALISM IN SYRIA: THE RISE AND FALL OF SECULARISM IN BA„THIST SYRIA. ___________________________________________ 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS _____________________________________________________ 6 ABSTRACT _________________________________________________________________ 7 RESUME ____________________________________________________________________ 8 Chapter 1: The Subject of Islamic Revivalism in Syria _____________________________ 10 Scope of the Study __________________________________________________________________ 10 Key Research Questions and Key Variables ______________________________________________ 12 ―Islamic,‖ ―Islamist‖ and ―Fundamentalist‖ Defined _______________________________________ 13 Why Study Syria‘s Conflictual Relationship with its Islamic Movement? _______________________ 14 Contribution _______________________________________________________________________ 16 Contending Perspectives ______________________________________________________________ 16 Methodology _______________________________________________________________________ 25 Map of the Work ____________________________________________________________________ 27 PART I: THE ORIGINS OF THE CONFLICT ___________________________________ 28 Chapter 2: Rise of a Secular Socialist Party: The Ba´th in Power _____________________ 29 Introduction ________________________________________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Syria Has Been Moulded by Three Historical Processes: The
    1975/76 BriefHistory–Politics–Ba’athParty–Assad–ForeignTrade The history of Syria has been moulded by three historical processes: the move- ment of tribes from the Arabian Peninsula and their mingling with peoples of earlier settlement to form a rural population whose languages and customs have been Semitic for thousands of years; the movement of armies and goods along the great trade routes and the establishment of alien governments in the towns and valleys; and the resistance of the mountain communities to the in- cursionsofforeignpeoplesandideas. After forming successively part of the Egyptian, Babylonian, Hittite, Greek and Roman Empires, Syria fell to the Muslim armies in AD636. The majority of thepeoplebecameMuslim,and Arabicreplacedtheolder,Semitic,tongue. After the capital of the Islamic Caliphate moved from Damascus to Baghdad in AD750 parts of Syria came under external, including Crusader, domination until the whole area became part of the Ottoman Empire in 1516 and remained so until 1918. In the great days of Ottoman rule Syria prospered, but by the nine- teenthcenturyitwassociallyandeconomicallystagnant. AlliedOccupation Following the defeat and disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in 1918 Syria was occupied by Allied troops. Prince Feisal (Feisal I bin Hussein bin Ali al-Hashemi), military leader of the Arab Revolt, established himself as King in Damascus but at the same time the Allies allotted the Mandate for the whole of Syria to France which had long-standing ties with the Levant states and aimed tocontrolthempolitically. In 1920 the French ousted Feisal and installed their own administration with separate autonomous governments for the Jebel Druze, the Alawite Provinces of Latakiaand Alexandretta(the Hatay).
    [Show full text]