EXTENSIONS of REMARKS November 22, 1985 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS REMEMBERING CLARENCE M

33158 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS November 22, 1985 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS REMEMBERING CLARENCE M. Bureau in 1950 and took over the role as its enforce civil rights in general, including the MITCHELL, JR. legislative leader. No civil rights legislation great school desegregation decision 3 years had been passed by Congress for 80 years. earlier. Clarence was ecstatic, but the ecsta King Filibuster ruled the Senate. A hostile sy was short-lived. Senate Majority Leader HON. CHARLES McC. MATHIAS, JR. Rules Committee governed the House. We Lyndon Johnson, who later became a great OF MARYLAND would cheer each other up with fanciful hero of Clarence's, watered down the bill to IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES strategies to overcome those roadblocks little more than pale support for the right Thursday, November 21, 1985 which we knew wouldn't work-but Clar to vote. First Johnson got the Senate to ence always clung to the belief that, some delete part III of the House bill which •Mr. MATHIAS. Mr. President, one way or other, those roadblocks would one would have given the Attorney General of the most remarkable men with day be overcome. His faith that right would power to enforce the 1954 school desegrega whom I have worked in my congres triumph was his religion. tion decision and other civil rights and then sional career was the late Clarence M. I remember walking the Senate corridors he administered a further defeat to the civil Mitchell, Jr. This great Baltimorean with Clarence in the early 1950's. We were rights forces by adding a jury trial provision losing battle after battle-no anti-lynching for contempt of any civil rights order. When served for many years as the Washing bill, no anti-poll tax bill, no FEPC, no noth Clarence walked out of the Capitol that ton representative of the National As ing. Clarence had helped persuade President night, he argued that the bill was just not sociation for the Advancement of Col Truman to outlaw segregation in the Armed worth saving. But I had hardly opened my ored People. His unflagging advocacy Forces by Executive order, but conditions in eyes the next morning before Clarence was for legislation to secure the civil rights many units of the National Guard remained on the telephone saying that we had to sup of all Americans earned him the sobri a disgrace. So Clarence tried to shake things port what was left of the bill before people quet "lOlst Senator." Clarence's death up by finding a lone liberal Senator willing got the idea the legal process did not work on March 18, 1984, took from our to offer an amendment to the pending ap in the field of civil rights legislation. How propriation bill to bar any funds for segre right he was! midst a dedicated and courageous sol gated National Guard units. No Senator Lyndon Johnson, of course, got his price dier for justice. and Clarence stormed office after office from the southern Democrats for watering On October 30, 1985, another veter with me tagging along in his wake-would down the bill-they agreed not to filibuster an of the legislative battles over civil try what appeared to be so foolhardy a leg what was left. One Senator alone refused to rights, Joseph L. Rauh, Jr., delivered islative gambit. Sitting on the steps of the honor that arrangement. That was Strom the first Clarence M. Mitchell, Jr., Me Senate Office Building just as dusk was set Thurmond. He talked all night in a record morial Lecture at Washington's ting in that evening, Clarence said almost to breaking filibuster and one man sat alone in Martin Luther King Library. Joe himself: "We will never make it till we have the Senate gallery representing the civil a black Senator." That was as close to bit rights forces-Clarence Mitchell. No wonder Rauh's reminiscences of Clarence terness as this warm and forgiving spirit he was called "the lOlst Senator." Mitchell are so evocative that I ever came. No man suffered so many rebuffs The 1957 bill, weak as it was, became the wanted to share them with my col with such graceful courtesy and so little first step in the long journey to the great leagues. rancor. Each rebuff was simply a challenge laws of the 1960's. Maybe old Senator Harry Mr. President, I ask that the text of to him to do better. Byrd saw this coming when he looked up in the first Clarence M. Mitchell, Jr., Me That was only one of the reasons for Clar the gallery at Clarence and me during the morial Lecture be printed in the ence's ultimate triumph on Capitol Hill. He debate on the '57 law and shouted angrily, RECORD. was eloquent even in private discussions. He "There they are, the gold dust twins." I was generous, always giving credit to the doubt if Senator Byrd realized how heart The text follows: Senators and Congressmen and to his own warming it was to be considered even by FIRST CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, JR., MEMORIAL allies. He was law-abiding to a fault; my him any kind of twin of Clarence Mitchell. LECTURE AT THE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., arms still remember the times he pulled me No one did more than Clarence to bring LIBRARY BY JOSEPH L. RAUH, JR. back from trying to walk against a red light. about the enactment of the Civil Rights Act Family, friends and admirers of Clarence He was a healer, smoothing over differences of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and Mitchell: there are many who worked with between labor and blacks, between Jews and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. He never Clarence Mitchell in the civil rights move blacks. He was a coalition builder-there rested-it was late at night when he left ment who could give this first lecture in his was more bipartisanship on civil rights than Washington for his beloved Baltimore home honor with far greater eloquence, skill and almost anything else on Capitol Hill. He was and early in the morning when he returned. scholarship. But I doubt that there are optimistic, yet he could count votes. When He never ate-my own figure is attributable many whose voices would flow from a things went wrong he never blamed others. in part to the fact Clarence never gave me deeper wellspring of affection for Clarence He never threatened or recriminated. Clar time off for lunch. Clarence never tired than my own. It is in that spirit that I ence Mitchell didn't speak too often of except once. I remember the day in the accept my assignment this morning to give brotherly love; he lived it. 1960's when we were sitting in the Senate the initial lecture in what I hope and trust Clarence, as I just said, was optimistic, yet gallery and a page handed us a note from will be a long series of addresses worthy of he could count votes. His ll'eat friend and Senator Pete Williams, saying: "Some the honoree. civil rights advocate, Senator Charles Ma watchdogs!" We were both so tired we had In a life as blessed with inspiring associa thias, always liked to joke about Clarence's just dozed off. tions as good fortune has showered upon rebuffs in the early days. Over and over Clarence shepherded the 1964, 1965 and me, no association outside my family has again he would tell the story that when 1968 civil rights laws straight through Con been more meaningful than trudging the Clarence Mitchell and Joe Rauh were not gress from their conception. Time does not corridors of Capitol Hill behind Clarence's thrown out of some Senator's or Congress permit a detailed look at Clarence's per long strides and selfless advocacy for civil man's office, they put the Senator or Con formance in connection with all three of rights. In victory he was generous with the gressman down as ready to vote in their these laws, but the 1964 story is possibly the credit. In defeat-and that's about all there favor. No Senator loved Clarence more than best illustrs.tion of how Clarence worked was at the beginning-he was indomitable, Mac Mathias and no Senator did more for and I thought I would take a few minutes to always optimistic, always determined to civil rights. But Clarence's counts were far go through the history of that law. fight on to a brighter day. His faith that the more accurate the Mac's humorous anec Throw your minds back to 1963. Clarence legal process-legislative and judicial dote about the two of us su11ests. had been pressing President Kennedy and would one day protect the civil rights of all Clarence somehow weathered the dark his administration to support a strong civil never wavered. days of the early and middle 1950's. Then in rights bill, including a fair employment Things were not easy for Clarence when 195'/ the House sent over to the Senate a practices law, authority for the Attorney he became director of NAACP's Washington bill empowering the Attorney General to General to file civil injunctive suits in civil e This "bullet" symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by the Member of the Senate on the floor. Boldface type indicates words inserted or appended, rather than spoken, by a Member of the House on the floor. November 21, 1985 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 33159 rights cases <the old part III deleted from At the hearings on the administration bill field's office and the Senate strategy was the 1957 bill), an immediate first step to before the House Judiciary Subcommittee easily agreed upon: keep the bill away from school desegregation and other needed re and in discussions with its members, Clar Senator Eastland's Judiciary Committee, forms.

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