Portrayal of Russian Women in American Network News

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PORTRAYAL OF RUSSIAN WOMEN IN AMERICAN

NETWORK NEWS

IRINA VLADLENOVNA MAISTRENKO, B.A.

A THESIS

MASS COMMUNICATIONS

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial FulfiHment of the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

August, 1997 0 V^ W j\'-^vl'^Jd ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the chairperson of my committee. Dr. Keith F. Johnson, for his inspiration, guidance, and interest in the subject matter of this thesis. Without his direction and patience, this work could not have been successfully completed. Special thanks are also extended to the other committee members, Dr. Wayne iVIelanson, and Dr. Mark Harmon, for their assistance and criticism. Additionally, I would like to thank my family for their support and encouragement making this study possible.

11 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMTS ii ABSTRACT v LIST OF TABLES vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. LITERATURE REVIEW AND HYPOTHESES 3 Literature Review 3 Research Questions 22 Hypotheses 24 III. METHODOLOGY 2 6 Method 2 6 Coding 33 IV. RESULTS 36 Cold War Period (1968-1991): Role Portrayal (Research Questions #1 and #2)... 37 Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997): Role Portrayal (Research Questions #3, #4, and # 9) 3 9 Cold War Period (1968-1991): Types of Stories in Which Russian/Soviet Women Were Portrayed (Research Question #5) 41 Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997): Types of Stories in Which Russian/Soviet Women Were Portrayed (Research Questions #6 and #10) 42 Cold War Period (1968-1991): The Tone of the Stories Portraying Russian/Soviet Women (Research Question #7) 4 4 Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997): The Tone of the Stories Portraying Russian/Soviet Women (Research Questions #8 and #11) 44 iii V. TEST OF HYPOTHESES 62 VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 64 VII. IMPLICATIONS 67 VIII. FUTURE RESEARCH ON THE TOPIC 68 REFERENCES 69 APPENDIX 72

IV ABSTRACT

A content analysis was conducted in order to determine current Russian/Soviet women portrayals in American network TV news and find out whether the change in these portrayals has occurred since the end of the Cold War. There were two specific periods measured in this study: Cold War (1968-1991) and post-Cold War (1992-1997). The results suggested that evening network TV portrayal of Russian/Soviet women, the roles they play in the society, topic coverage and tone of the stories in which they were depicted, has changed since the Cold War ended. It was hypothesized that Russian/Soviet women would be portrayed more in occupational roles in the post-Cold War period then in Cold War period. Additionally, there would be higher percentage of neutral stories, content of which is balanced and betrays no controversial intention, portraying Russian/Soviet women in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period. Finally, there would be higher percentage of human-interest stories, which include stories related to culture, marriage and family, health, environment, tourism, sports, and fashion and style, in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period. The results showed that Russian/Soviet women were indeed portrayed more in occupational roles in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period. All three networks

v considered, 44.3% of Russian/Soviet women were depicted in occupational roles during the post-Cold War period, while only 32.4% of women were shown in occupational categories during the Cold War period. There was a higher percentage of neutral (balanced) stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period. Fifty-five and four-tenths percent of the stories depicting Russian/Soviet women were neutral during the post-Cold War period while, during the Cold War period, only 24.1% of the stories were neutral. It was hypothesized that there would be a higher percentage of human-interest stories (culture, marriage and family, health, environment, tourism, sports, and fashion and style) during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period. The results supported this assumption: 27% of these stories were shown during the post-Cold War period as compared to 20.5% during the Cold War period. However, the increase in human-interest stories during the Cold War period was not as much as expected.

VI LIST OF TABLES

1. Unit of Analysis per Year (1968-1997) 4 6

2. Unit of Analysis per Year: Cold War Period (1968-1991) 47 3. Unit of Analysis per Year: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) 4 8 4. Occupation: Cold War Period (1968-1991). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 4 9 5. Occupation: Cold War Period (1968-1991). Separate Measures for ABC, CBS, and NBC 50 6. Occupation: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 51 7. Occupation: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC 52 8. Comparative Table; Occupation: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 53

9. Types of Stories: Cold War Period (1968-1991). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 54 10. Types of Stories: Cold War Period (1968-1991). Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC 55 11. Types of Stories: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 56 12. Types of Stories: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC 57 13. Comparative Table; Types of Stories: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 58

14. Tone of the Story: Cold War Period (1968-1991). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 59 15. Tone of the Story: Cold War Period (1968-1991). Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC 59 16. Tone of the Story: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 60 vii 17. Tone of the Story: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997). Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC 60 18. Comparative Table; Tone of the Story: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997). All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC 61

Vlll CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this research is to look closely at the portrayal of Russian/Soviet women in modern U.S. television network news. This research is especially noteworthy at the end of the Cold War when each nation's image of the other is undergoing change. Additionally, in the era of the feminist revolution, the changing roles of women have thrust them into a fast growing economic sector in both the United States and the former Soviet Union. It is very important to determine whether the media portrayal of Russian/Soviet women corresponds to reality and the way Russian women perceive themselves. Not only does this distinction bear upon international communications, but also it may contribute to the success or failure of American ventures into these newly opened markets, Constituting more than 51 percent of the work force and having high levels of education and professional skills, Russian women comprise a large segment of the newly opened market for American products and advertising. Mass communication scientists think media portrayals are closely linked to public opinion and public policy and are especially important during transitional periods when people are most open to change (Gerbner, 1991). There have been some media studies on the shifting images the two 1 superpowers have about each other. Studies on the former Soviet Union images in the American media were mostly dedicated to changes in a political sphere: the perception of the leaders, civil liberties, and foreign policies. Few researchers seemed concerned about women's issues and how they are portrayed in the post-Cold War American media. The focus of this study is to determine the image of Russian/Soviet women now and compare it with Cold War portrayals in U.S. media. This research will look at whether media in the U.S. mirror the changes in socioeconomic situation of women in post-communist Russia and if there has been a shift in old stereotypes. More specifically, has there been a change in the American media portrayals of the roles Russian/Soviet women play in the society? Additionally, have the types of stories within which Soviet women were portrayed in American media become more versatile with the end of Cold War? And finally, has the end of Cold War brought more balanced and positive coverage of the events in the former Soviet Union, specifically, events in which Russian/Soviet women were depicted? This research is limited to the study of the Russian/Soviet women portrayals in the TV network (ABC, CBS, and NBC) evening news. Future studies may look at those portrayals in the American print or cable media. CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW AND HYPOTHESES

Literature Review Mass communication scholars do not confine the images that emerge in public communication to a single media function. These images are viewed as a result of communication and news as well as opinion and entertainment (Zassoursky, 1991; Gerbner, 1991; Dennis, 1991). Media images of one country about another may be shaped by serious international news, such as that on television network programs or in newspapers and news magazines. Images can stem from the opinion media such as editorial pages and thought magazines. The entertainment media, such as television dramas and situation comedies, generate persuasive images as well. Another powerful source contributing to cumulative "pictures in our head" about other countries, people and cultures is advertising and marketing. Though the extent of these media influences on human cognition, attitudes, and behavior is a matter of dispute between social and mass communications scientists, researchers generally agree media do play an important role in shaping images, whether alone or in conjunction with other institutions of society (Gerbner, 1991; Tan, 1982; Chern, 1984; Rokeach, 1973). The present literature review reflects studies on the images of Russian/Soviet people in some of this media: television news, entertainment drama, and print media since there has been common tendencies in portrayal of the Soviet people in different media genres. Another reason for this more expansive discussion is that there have been very few studies done on the portrayal of Russian/Soviet people in the news programming. This particular research intends to fill this gap and focuses on the images of Russian/Soviet women created by the serious international news and feature stories aired on evening TV network newscasts. With the lack of personal communication during the period of the Cold War, what people in the United Sates knew about the Soviet Union (and vice versa) was largely dependent on the media and other products of popular culture. Ideological differences and propaganda resulted in the shortage of truthful and balanced coverage on both sides of what Winston Churchill named the Iron Curtain. Since the end of World War II and during the entire period of the Cold War, the two superpowers' images of one another depicted by domestic mass media were predominantly negative (Chang, 1991; Richter, 1991). As Dennis (1991) pointed out, the U.S. media filter news and information as well as create images of the rest of the world in a fashion they believe will be responsive to their audiences' interests. Being oriented towards local and national needs, television viewers and newspaper readers in the U.S. are thought not to want encyclopedic coverage of foreign countries (France, the Soviet Union, or any other country) unless such coverage is especially pertinent and salient to them (Dennis, 1991). During the Cold War period, a significant coverage of the Soviet Union happened to be negative. The media played along with already pre-existing public attitudes as well as the U.S. governmental policies and agendas, and in that way continued shaping prejudicial images of the Soviets (Dennis, 1991). Zassoursky (1991) agreed with this thought, stressing that for most of the American media, information and images from abroad often followed foreign policy or great world events. This approach towards foreign news discouraged other sources of images available to the American public. Before considering how U.S. Cold War imagery may color or constrain the new epoch, it will be useful to examine that legacy and lingering shadow. Dennis (1991), in his study of American news coverage of the Soviet Union during the transitional period towards the end of the Cold War, determined where the images of Soviets were coming from, and what subjects and topics of this coverage were emphasized during the period of the Cold War. The images of Russian/Soviet women were created through the prism of media attention to matters deemed either important or interesting, such as. 1. Media attention to Soviet leaders- The image of Soviet leaders and their wives has been a personification of what Americans thought of the country and their women at a given time. Although there have been fleeting positive images of some Soviet leaders, the overall portrayal in the United States has been quite negative until Mikhail Gorbachev, who was seen as a bold reformer with a Western style. Similarly, Raisa Gorbachev represented a more positive image of Russian women during the transitional period towards the end of the Cold War and fall of communism (Dennis, 1991). 2. Soviet history- American media have shown interest in the Russian royal family (Russian tsars and tsarinas). Americans over- romanticized the Russian royal families in movies, television, plays, and books (Dennis, 1991). When portraying the pre-Soviet monarchy, U.S. media depictions were filled with joyous and romantic imagery. However, the portrayal of the Soviet era evoked a dark and foreboding reality. 3. Foreign policy conflicts- Military conflicts were a big part of American news coverage of the Soviet Union during the Cold War period. Soviet activity in Cuba, Afghanistan, Angola and the Middle East resulted in a common belief that Soviets were up to no good (Dennis, 1991; Gerbner, 1991). 4. Soviet culture- On the cultural front, Soviet ballet, opera, and other cultural achievements by both Russian men and women were often the focus of media attention in the U.S. The coverage of Soviet cultural events on American television contributed to some positive images of Soviets held by Americans (Dennis, 1991) .

5. Soviet science- American media portrayals of Soviet scientists during the Cold War were both positive and negative. They were depicted as unimaginative copycats, stealing U.S. secrets and involved in espionage. Soviet scientists' dissident activity was a common topic for the news headlines. However, there has been some positive coverage of Soviet achievements in space and other fields (Dennis, 1991) . 6. Sports- Soviet sports and athletes contributed to the image stereotypes of Soviet nationals in the U.S. media. At one time the dominant image of Soviet athletes was that of heavy weight lifters and professional wrestlers. More recently, and especially since the beginning of televised Olympic coverage, a much fuller picture of both male and female athletes from former Soviet Union emerged. Runners, swimmers, figure skaters, gymnasts, basketball players, and others are increasingly seen as physically talented and attractive. However, the negative image persisted. Soviet athletes were

7 often seen as cheaters and bad guys who had to be beaten. Additionally, considerable attention has been given to biased Soviet judges at the Olympics. As with other aspects of coverage on the former Soviet Union, sports images were variable and inconsistent (Dennis, 1991). 7. Civil liberties- For several decades the concept of freedom (meaning individual autonomy from the state, or lack of it) in the Soviet Union has dominated many American images of the USSR. Several subjects illustrating the lack of civil liberties have long been the emphasis of the news media: waves of immigration to Israel and the United States by Soviet Jews, protests by Soviet civilians, defections of dancers, musicians, and singers, as well as KGB agents. Women's quasi- liberation, requiring both working and carrying the family burden, as portrayed by American media in the news bits yielded tired, overworked, unattractive, and masculine images of Soviet women (Dennis, 1991; Leahy, 1986). Americans have been bombarded by the vivid images of people involved in a public dialogue over the meaning of freedom. More recently, this discussion escalated into a conflict in some areas of the newly independent states and the Eastern block. American media, considering the fascination and concern for many Americans to that issue, picked up the beat and theme (Richter, 1991) .

8 The American media were prime suppliers of the pervasive images during Cold War depicting Soviets as "inhumane torturers who enjoy inflicting pain and murdering children," according to Silverstein (1989, p. 23). This survey showed that American children's information about Soviets comes mostly from the media, with parents and school trailing far behind as information sources. Frameworks of knowledge are established early in life and are self-reinforcing and difficult to change (Gerbner, 1991). The study by Silverstein (1989) cited polls showing that one out of four college students underestimated the number of Soviet causalities in World War II and thought that the Soviets first invented the atomic bomb. This result is viewed to be due to the press feeding cognitive distortions. For example, in 1989, The New York Times was five times as likely to mention martial law in Soviet allies, or write about Soviet dissidents, than to carry news of the same nature about a country friendly to the United States (Gerbner, 1991) . This pattern in the news media was similar to the images portrayed by entertainment media. Because of cross- pollination between news and entertainment media, a comprehensive discussion of images of Russian/Soviet people in entertainment media is given. With the market saturation of hate films such as "Rambo" (in which Soviets torture Sylvester Stallone) and "Invasion U.S.A." (in which two agents with rocket launchers cheerfully destroy a suburban neighborhood at Christmas time), the mini-series "Amerika," the film "Red Dawn" (chronicling other Soviet invasions), and the film "Hunt For Red October" (a tale of a Soviet submarine commander's defection to the U.S.A.), the result of the survey conducted by the New York Times in November 1985 showing 28 percent of the respondents believed that in World War II the Soviet Union fought against the United States, does not seem surprising (Gerbner, 1991; Turner, 1982).

There are several examples that American media began to cast a more favorable light on the people and policies of the Former Soviet Union, which is believed to be due to the changing political environment followed by the end of the Cold War. Movies such as ''Delta Force 2" and ''Read Heat'' showing Americans and Russians teaming up against terror in Chicago and the Third World exemplified that new trend. But changes were not always positive, and the traces of the old mentality remained. A post-Cold War episode of CBS series "The Equalizer" showed Soviet scientists infiltrating the Pentagon and using U.S. research funding to develop torture techniques which turn Americans into murdering maniacs (Gerbner, 1991). Gerbner's research showed that the wholesale of enemy images (both male and female), as of all images, is television, mostly prime time dramatic television and news, which yield images in their coverage and content.

10 Gerbner (1991) considered that prime time dramatic television provided by far the most persuasive, frequent and vivid images of a foreign nation. His research on these types of television shows during 1980s revealed that though most Americans have never personally met a Soviet citizen, they have encountered a Russian (always called a Russian, not a Soviet), in often intimate detail, an average of at least once every three weeks of prime time network television. Only British and German nationals as major characters were more prevalent than Russians. Most of Russians were stock characters typecast in the type formula dramas which have fed imagination of many generations of Americans. Gerbner's analysis of Russian images in prime time entertainment drama since 1976 through 1989 shows that Russians are a visible presence in the U.S. television view of the world. In some ways, the portrayal of Russians were similar to the rest of the world presented on U.S. television, but in many cases those images were very peculiar and reflective of the Cold War era and mentality. In Gerbner's (1991) study, Russian men outnumbered women about three to one, and their game was a game of power. There were no children or old people among the Russians. On the whole they committed a little more violence than Americans did. The aggregate personality profile of Russians appeared to be more violent, strong, and effective, but predictably less successful than the Americans.

11 According to the Gerbner's study, nine out of ten males and all female characters have fallen into just five categories. The dominant ones were of KGB and other special agents, security personnel, spies (45 percent of males and 17 percent of females represented that category). The second largest group for men (23 percent) and the largest for women (42 percent) was that of defectors. As Gerbner (1991) noted, about two-thirds of both Russian men and women during the time of Cold War and transitional period in Soviet-American relations were seen on American television as either hunters or hunted who eventually escape to freedom—the United States. The rest of the characters were portrayed as diplomats (all men), ballet- dancers and sports figures (mostly women), and scientists (curiously, mostly women). The media image of Russians during the Cold War appeared to have double duty on the sex-role front. Men tended to be characterized as masterful, though ultimately vanquished agents of a police state. Women were portrayed as more likely to escape from it. Meeting attractive Americans of the opposite gender was depicted as leading to a love interest which agents of the state tried to subdue (Gerbner, 1991) .

Former United Press correspondent and Newsweek Moscow bureau's Chief Whitman Bassow (1988) suggested another opinion on how stereotypes of Russians/Soviets were formed.

12 He claimed that historically Americans' perception of Soviets have been shaped more by what politicians tell them than what they read or see on television. According to Bassow (1988), the "bomb-throwing, bearded Bolsheviks of 1917, the communist conspiracy to take over the rest of the world," Iron Curtain and Ronald Reagan's description as an "evil empire" produced more influence on attitudes towards the former Soviet Union than Russian sacrifices in World War II, their military triumph over Nazi Germany or Russian recent interest in restoring churches and landmark buildings (p. 349).

The Soviet Union has become such a villain in the American psyche that most of Americans carry a profound negative image of the Russians: bad, threatening, mysterious, powerful, and anti-American. Bassow (1988) suggested that no matter what the news media reported from Russia, the fundamental bad guy image would not be affected. Cullen (1988) contradicted this point of view by pointing out the media's selective approach towards news and information on the Soviet Union. By reporting the desired information and taking an expected angle, which was not necessarily representative, the American mass media took part in shaping negative stereotypes and did not destroy old stigmas. Cullen (1988, p. 30) stated: There's a lot information that we convey that has a negative character, and that is partly because, by the nature of the business, we are much more interested when they shoot down an airliner than when they produce an interesting play that criticized the established way of doing things. I'd like to put more emphasis on the 13 play than the airliner, but that's not the way the news industry operates. Bassow (1988) pointed out the special status of the Soviets, oddly enough, has made it easier for the correspondents covering this geographic area to get into print or on air than for their colleagues in other countries, because of the public's hunger of information about the enemy. "A story on bathrooms, diapering babies, gas stations, or buying a suit, if datelined Vienna, Caracas, Sydney, or New Delhi, would end up in the editor's wastebasket; under a Moscow dateline, it gets featured play" (Bassow, 1988, p. 349). But even in these types of stories the old negative image is dominant. Bassow's (1988) example of an American couple's astonishment about an average Russian woman they encountered in Moscow being well-dressed illustrated the media's unwillingness to publish or air a complementary story on women's styles, clothing, shopping, or lifestyles, in general, in Russia. The reason for not reporting positive news appeared to be the marketing concerns of the media institutions that positive images from behind the Iron Curtain would not sell well to an American public (Hess, 1996; Bassow, 1988). The concern expressed by the researchers (Hess, 1996; Bassow, 1988) was that even now, after the fall of the Iron Curtain, American correspondents were not getting their message across to the American public. Despite the collective efforts over decades, their hard work and voluminous 14 reporting, Americans tend not to understand the Soviets. Perception and stereotypes appeared to be so ingrained in the collective American mind that most Americans would not permit the facts to undermine their prejudices or tightly held opinions (Bassow, 1988). Within American news and entertainment media coverage, Soviet women have enjoyed diverse images: from petite and elegant ballet dancers to essentially masculine (and ugly) sports competitors, engineers, and scientists (Zassoursky, 1991; Gerbner, 1991; Dennis, 1991). Americans have been perplexed about these images and often wondered about their accuracy and representativeness. The range of roles women played in Soviet society also effected the collective image of Russian/Soviet women. Images of female doctors, truck drivers, scientists, cosmonauts, spies, and other roles, often dominated by males in the United States, have intrigued American media consumers (Dennis, 1991). Though Russian women were portrayed in diverse roles, the images of women professionals in Russia were more negative than positive, more masculine than feminine. However, these images were often mixed with the traditional perception of Russian/Soviet women portrayed as dominated by men in different social and domestic situations: primary child and husband care takers, cooks, housekeepers, as well as full-time truck drivers, doctors, and lawyers. Such portrayals were often confusing for American audiences

15 creating contradictory images of Soviet women (Pilkington, 1992). To some extent, this portrayal has been supported by the communist-era reality. Russian culture dictated the traditional attitude towards women as housewives under control of their husbands (Jancar, 1978). On the other hand, the communist society was in incredible demand of a labor force, both male and female. As a result, Soviet women were liberated occupationally, but their domestic servitude remained. Historical and cultural treatment of women as subdued in Russian society collided with the communist philosophy of women's liberation which created a double burden and double standards for Soviet women (Leahy, 1986).

In order to fully understand the changing face of the Russian woman, one must examine the forces under which she now lives. Though perestroika is often associated with liberation, this era has actually led to the Russian woman's regression to a more traditional position (Lissyatkina, 1993). The combination of the attempts to liberalization and persistence of traditional stereotypes mark the situation of women in Soviet Union before and after perestroika. Engels laid the foundations of socialist theory of the liberation of women (Engels, 1973). The main point of this theory was the premise that if women could work outside the home while domestic work and child care were socialized, their oppression would be eliminated and communist society

16 would bring about equality between sexes (Engels, 1973) . Though Soviet women were granted equal rights with men under the constitution, had excellent professional and technical post-secondary education, comprised half the labor force, and were revered as the standard-bearers of the country's moral and social values, equality remained an elusive ideal in the countries of the former Soviet Union (Puffer, 1993). Engels overestimated the influence of the greater participation in the work force on the changes in relationships between individuals. Though Soviet dedication to women's liberation vacillated according to the economic and national objective of the state, the Soviet Union demonstrated a lack of commitment necessary to transform traditional stereotypes (McMahon, 1994). Research by Lapidus (1977, 1978) found that the failure of the Soviet experiment with women's liberation was due to three main factors: the ambiguity of Marxism and its focus on class rather than gender, the country's model of economic development, and the Soviet pattern of political authority. Women were seen as potential political and economic resources to be manipulated according to the state requirements. Women were encouraged to work outside the home and were theoretically granted equality in public life as well as required to strengthen the family as the "fundamental social institution" (Lapidus, 1978, p. 236). The government propagated the image of the socialist superwomen with dual

17 emphasis on larger families and women's increased obligations in the work force. The ideal women of Soviet times was the female who labored during the day, nurtured her family in the evening, and somehow managed to contribute the goals of society by attending Party meetings and representing women's groups. Thus, the implicit meaning of women's liberation came to mean increased responsibilities on all fronts rather than deliverance from traditional roles (McMahon, 1994). The persistence of traditional gender stereotypes, and the inability of the state to genuinely socialize domestic work and childcare, prevented women from significantly improving their status. Though they achieved high participation in the work force and a higher level of education than women in any other country did, the leadership positions were the male's domain (McMahon, 1994). According to Rendel (1981) and Janova (1992), by the late 1980s, almost 80 percent of women in the Soviet Union were active participants in the work force, a figure higher than any other country in Western Europe or North America, except Sweden. Nonetheless, despite its loyalty to equal rights and its ability to increase the number of women in higher education and in scientific and technical fields, Soviet women were not any more successful than women in the West in achieving positions of power in business or in politics.

18 Women in politics significantly outnumbered their counterparts in the United States and other countries. But the relatively high percentage of women in parliament since 1950 was not necessarily a sign of real political power. While comprising approximately 30 percent of parliament throughout the 1980s, women were poorly represented in leading positions of the Communist party, the real source of political power (Browning, 1987). Today virtually all (92 percent) women of working age (16 to 54) in the former Soviet republics are employed or at school. Since 1970 women have comprised more than half (51 percent) of the work force. One-tenth of top management positions (11 percent) are currently held by women (McMahon, 1994) . The break up of the Soviet Union initiated a new era for Soviet women. Economic restructuring and rising social conservatism have challenged women's dual function as mothers and workers. Some researchers view it as a return to the traditional values of a significant part of the female population (Lissyatkina, 1993). Confronted with growing unemployment, the worsening of economic conditions during transitional period and failing living standards, emancipation for Soviet women is not based upon demand to work. On the contrary, liberation is perceived by many as the right not to work. Quite a few women wish to return to the kitchen in order to

19 be relieved of doing boring office jobs, construction jobs, or factory work. Additionally, what are labeled sexist stereotypes in the West are accepted by Russian women as a return to individuality and to the forcibly rested feminine "I" (Lissyatkina, 1993). The three most serious problems women of former Soviet Republic face at the transformation period are unemployment, decrease in social welfare entitlement, and a resurgence of social conservatism that is bent on fully restoring Russian patriarchy (McMahon, 1993).

They could be forced out of positions in previously feminized sectors such as banking, economics, and finance, which are considered attractive and lucrative in capitalist systems. Moreover, the future of the Russian economy relies on a strong and expanding economic sector, and women are far more reluctant to participate in high-risk spheres. Research conducted in St. Petersburg suggests that women are indeed more pessimistic and fearful about marketization of the economy (Lehmann, 1994). In study of 4,500 individuals aged 20-50, between 11 percent and 20 percent of Russian women found transition to the market economy unacceptable compared with between 4 and 6 percent of men in the same age group (Lehmann, 1994). Older and less educated women were more attracted to the state sector and found the transition to the market economy unsatisfactory. The unemployment picture in Russia during the last three years has justified women's fears for their future in

20 the capitalist economy. Unemployment, virtually absent prior to the economic reforms, began to rise in 1992. Of the 1.1 million unemployed workers seeking jobs during the first six months of 1992, 39.5 percent were men and 60.5 percent were women (Fong, 1993). Of those obtaining positions during this period, 36 percent were men and 23 percent were women (Fong, 1993) . In Russia, advertising job openings according to gender and age is a common practice. Newspapers in Russia are filled with job advertising seeking men in their prime for prestigious jobs; or young and pretty girls to be come secretaries and personal assistants (Pankova, 1992). In spite of the different trends and difficulties Russian women presently face, the growing private sector offers a new opportunity for Russians to prove themselves in an organizational context less likely to exhibit the sex-role stereotyping found in the traditional state-owned organizations (Puffer, 1993). Surveys conducted over the past few years show that many Soviet women want to continue working and there is a sizable number who seek advancement in managerial ladder. According to Puffer (1993), 60 percent of women said they would continue working even if their husbands were to earn the sum of what they both currently earned. The proportion was higher for white-collar workers than for blue-collar workers. These findings suggest that work for Russian women

21 represents the need for personal growth and development rather than simply being a source of economic sustenance. According to Puffer (1993), work also satisfies many women's needs to be independent from their husbands. Literature on the present socioeconomic situation of women in the countries of the former Soviet Union shows that women play both occupational and traditional roles. But with the economic difficulties, the regress towards the traditional and decorative roles and self-identity is noticeable. The Cold War is over and the new epoch of relationships is underway. So it is interesting to measure, if the American media have picked up the beat of a new epoch or are still contaminated by the Cold War images. This time the focus will be on the TV network news portrayal of Soviets/Russians, Russian women in particular because of their interesting historic and cultural position in the Soviet Union and controversial liberation process.

Research Questions There were several research questions addressed in this study. The questions are both descriptive and comparative. Descriptive research questions were related to the way Russian/Soviet women are portrayed in American news media (evening network TV) during the Cold War (1968-1991) and post-Cold War (1992-1997) periods. The specific questions under consideration are:

22 1. In what roles were Soviet women portrayed: occupational or non-occupational (traditional) in the Cold War (1968-1991) period? 2. What specific occupations are represented during the Cold War period? 3. In what roles are Russian/Soviet women portrayed: occupational or non-occupational (traditional) in the post-Cold War (1992-1997) period? 4. What specific occupations are represented during the post-Cold War period? 5. What are the main types of stories within which Soviet women were portrayed in evening network news during the Cold War (1968-1991) period? 6. What are the main types of stories within which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed in evening network news during the post-Cold War (1992-1997) period? 7. What is the tone of the story in those stories portraying Soviet women in the Cold War (1968-1991) period: negative, positive, or neutral? 8. What is the tone of the story in those stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War (1992-1997) period: negative, positive, or neutral? The second group of research questions is of comparative nature. The focus of this group of questions is

23 to determine whether changes have occurred in Russian/Soviet women's role portrayals, types of stories within which they were depicted, and the tone of those stories in the post-Cold

War evening network news as compared to the Cold war evening network news. The specific questions related to this part of the research are:

9. Has there been a change in roles within which

Russian/Soviet women were portrayed in post-Cold War

(1992-1997) period as compared to the Cold War

(1968-1991) period?

10. Has there been a change in the types of stories

within which Russian/Soviet women were depicted in

the post-Cold War period as compared to the Cold

War period?

11. Has there been a shift in the tone of the stories

in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed from

the Cold War period to the post-Cold War period?

Have these stories become more positive, neutral,

or negative?

Hypotheses

After conducting a small pilot study testing methodology, several hypothesis were put forward:

Hypothesis #1:

Russian/Soviet women will be portrayed more in

occupational roles in the post-Cold War period then in

24 Cold War period. Hypothesis #2: There will be higher percentage of neutral stories, content of which is balanced and betrays no controversial intention, portraying Russian/Soviet women in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period. Hypothesis #3: There will be higher percentage of human-interest stories, which include stories related to culture, marriage and family, health, environment, tourism, sports, and fashion and style, in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period.

25 CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY

Method Content analysis of network (ABC, CBS, and NBC) evening TV news was selected as the methodology for this research. Content analysis provides an efficient way of studying the messages contained in media. According to Kerlinger (1964), content analysis is characterized as a method of "studying and analyzing communication in a systematic, objective, and quantitative manner for the purpose of measuring variables" (p. 544). The analysis of the images of Russian/Soviet women is based on the ABC, NBC, and CBS script archives from 1968 to the present. There were two databases used in data analysis due to availability of research material. First, the Vanderbilt TV News Archive Index was used for years 1968- 1992. For this period of time, abstracts of the newscasts mentioning Russian and Soviet women were selected. Second, the Westlaw database of TV networks' news scripts was used as a research data for the years 1993 to April, 1997. The reason Vanderbilt index was used for this study was that the Westlaw database of CBS, NBC, and ABC news transcripts for the period prior to 1993 was unavailable. The Westlaw database of TV network news was started in 1993 and contains full transcripts of NBC, CBS, and ABC news stories aired since 1993.

26 Several key word searches were used to locate the stories containing any mentions of Russian/Soviet women: "Russian," "Soviet," "Russian and women," "Soviet and Women," and "women." Additionally, a search for "Ukrainian and women," "Latvian and women" and women from other Soviet republics was conducted. The selected stories were then screened to avoid duplication of the same stories. The use of the Vanderbilt TV News Archive Index was necessary for the purposes of this research, although it had some limitations. It provided an important insight into American network coverage of Soviet women roles, types of stories and tone of the stories in which they were depicted prior to the end of Cold War. It also provided valuable material for comparison of whether there has been a change in these portrayals since the end of Cold War. The drawback of Vanderbilt Index was that it gave only abstracts of the news stories, and the number of stories mentioning Soviet women was quite small. The fact that Vanderbilt Index provided only abstracts of the news stories imposed some limitations on this research. Due to the potential omission of some mentions of Russian/Soviet women or their sound bites in the abstracts of the news stories, the full picture of network coverage of Russian/Soviet women for the period of 1968-1992 may not be represented. Additionally, key word search may not search for the stories in which only the names of Russian/Soviet women but not the actual words "Russian," "Soviet," or "woman" were

27 used. That is why, due to these two factors, the present research may under-report some stories mentioning Russian/Soviet women for 1968-1992 period. The sample consisted of all stories (thus, it was a census) mentioning Russian/Soviet women, during this period. It yielded 195 stories. The unit of analysis comprised any mention (at least once) of Russian/Soviet women for the period from 1968 to April 1997. It produced 278 mentions of Russian/Soviet women for the period. To measure the role portrayal of Russian/Soviet women, each mention of Russian/Soviet women was coded. While measuring the types of the stories in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed and the tone of those stories, each particular story was coded. Because the purpose of this research is to determine current Russian/Soviet women portrayals and find out whether the change in these portrayals has occurred since the end of the Cold War, there were two specific periods measured in this study: Cold War (1968-1991) and post-Cold War (1992-1997). The dividing point where the Cold War ended and the post-Cold War period began was not selected at random in this study. It was based on different opinions expressed by both Western and Russian media researchers (Eberwine, Manoff, & Schiffer, 1991; Dennis, 1991; Gerbner, 1991; Zassoursky, 1991) on what to consider the turning point marking the end of the Cold War. These researchers suggested that three events could symbolize the end of the Cold War era. First, Michail

28 Gorbachev brought a breath of the fresh air in relationships between the East and the West when he began what is known as perestroika in 1985. Second, another event marking the end of the Cold War was the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989, symbolizing the change in the ideology of countries of Eastern Europe. But as these researchers agree, the new political and diplomatic environment does not appear overnight and the real shift in the East-West relationships occurred after the fall of the communism and the break-up of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991. Therefore, 1991 was selected as the milestone year dividing the Cold War and the post-Cold War periods. To measure the role portrayal of Russian women in the American network news media, occupational categories introduced by Courtney and Lockeretz (1971) were used. In this study, however, the categories were modified, taking into the consideration the specifics of the roles Russian women play in their society, as well as general changes in women's roles since the 1970 study. Several categories to reflect the Russian/Soviet specifics were added from Gerbner's (1991) study on Soviets' portrayal in American entertainment media: diplomats and KGB (or other secret service agents). These categories were separated from the professional category because in this study the indicated categories might have a Cold War-related negative connotation. Professional sports figures, musicians, ballet dances, public personalities (excluding politicians), and

29 celebrity models were coded in a category called entertainers. Politicians were coded as a separate category. The category of high-level executives was dropped because of the difficulty for the coders to determine what exactly high level is. The high-level executives were included in the administrative category (defined below). As for the non-occupational categories, the social companion/date category was sub-divided to reflect the category of Russian women seeking companionship of foreigners (Americans in particular). Occupational Categories: 1. Professional (examples: doctors, lawyers, dentists, professors, educators and scientists); 2. Administrative (examples: managers, executives, supervisors, sales representatives); 3. Diplomats; 4. KGB or other secret service agents; 5. Politicians; 6. Entertainers (examples: professional sports figures, actors, and musicians, public personalities (excluding politicians) and celebrity models); 7. Blue-collar workers (vendors, construction workers, and agricultural workers); 8. Non-professional White Collar (examples: secretary, clerical worker);

30 9. Military occupations (both professional and non professional) ; Non-occupational (Traditional) Categories: 10. Family/social companionship as portrayed with the countrymen; 11. Companionship/marriage with foreigners (Americans); 12. Recreational (when occupation is not clear); 13. Decorative (when occupation is not clear); 14. Other: Any role which cannot be defined in the former categories (non-functional role of Russian women portrayed by the story). To measure the topic coverage of the TV network news stories portraying Russian/Soviet women, categories developed by Fryman and Bates (1993) and modified by Black (1995) in her content analysis of African news in U.S. evening network newscasts and CNN World Report. These categories are 1. Animals,

2. Protest/Coup,

3. Culture,

4. Disaster,

5. Economics,

6. Marriage and Family,

7. Health,

8. National Politics,

9. Drugs and Crime,

31 10. Education,

11. Music,

12. Envi ronment,

13. Other,

14. Poverty,

15. Diplomacy,

16. Religion,

17. Science,

18. Tourism,

19. Art,

20. Military,

21. Sports, 22. Space Exploration, 23. Human Rights, 24. Fashion and Style. To determine whether the TV network news stories mentioning Russian/Soviet women provided negative, positive, or neutral coverage, the operational definitions developed and tested in Chang's (1991) study on images of the Soviet Union in American newspapers conducted were used. The definition of these three categories is as follows: 1. The stories are considered to provide positive coverage when they emphasize international cooperation, a positive attitude toward former Soviet Union's reforms, social cohesion, political

32 and economic stability, and moves toward democratic leadership.

2. The stories are considered to be negative when they emphasize social conflicts, disorganization, political and economic instability, international tension and a negative attitude towards reforms. 3. The stories are considered to be neutral when their content is balanced, betrays no controversial intention, or a tone of the story is impossible to determine. Definition of the story portraying Russian/Soviet women as positive, negative, or neutral serves as a broad context as to the situations in which these women were depicted and the angle the story took, but does not reflect the story's attitude towards Russian/Soviet women themselves. All tabulations were done using SPSS (student version) computer software program.

Coding Two coders working independently coded the sample (all scripts and abstracts of the news stories). Each unit of analysis involving Russian/Soviet women in the American evening TV network story were coded by using the category descriptions, operational definitions and the instructions to record each situation. The coders were graduate students at Texas Tech University and were trained

33 in using the coding scheme. One coder was of American nationality, the other was of Russian nationality. The coders were purposefully selected to eliminate the possibility of subjectivity in the process of coding the research data. A pretest using a convenience sample of the news stories depicting Russian women in the American evening network news was conducted to test intercoder reliability. Intercoder reliability was calculated according to a formula given by Holsti (1969, p.140). The formula, modified for two coders, is: 2M Coefficient of reliability = N1+N2 where 2 is the number of coders and M is the number of coding decisions on which two coders agree, while Nl and N2 refer to the total number of coding decisions made by the two different coders. Coders were asked to examine the transcripts of the evening network news stories for Cold war and Post-cold war periods and code the Russian/Soviet women occupation, as portrayed by the story, the types of stories and the tone of the stories. The result was 90.6% intercoder reliability for occupational categories, 89% for the types of the stories, and 87.9% for the tone of the story. The reliability standard of the coding scheme suggested by Kassarjian (1977) is 85%. Because intercoder reliability of the present study exceeded

34 the reliability standard of 85%, the coding scheme used in this study proved to be acceptable.

35 CHAPTER IV RESULTS

The census consisted of 195 stories mentioning Russian/Soviet women at least once in ABC, NBS, and CBS evening news transcripts (or abstracts) for the period 1968 to the present. For the post-Cold War period (1992-1997), there were 166 stories; for the Cold War period (1968-1991), there were 29 stories. The unit of analysis comprised 278 instances for the period of 1968-1997 (see Table 1). Among them, during post- Cold War period, there were 233 cases; during the Cold War period, the unit of analysis consisted of 45 mentions of Russian/Soviet women (see Tables 2 and 3). There were more mentions (233) of Russian/Soviet women during the six-year post-Cold War period (1992-1997) than during the twenty-four-year Cold war period (1968-1991), which comprised 45 mentions. Additionally, there were more stories (166) depicting Russian/Soviet women during the post- Cold War period than during the Cold War period (29 stories). These data show a large increase in the network newscasts' time and attention devoted to Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period as compared to the Cold War period. However, this result may be due to the limitations of the Vanderbilt Index, used for the Cold War period, which provided only abstracts of the newscasts. As for the post- 36 Cold War period, the full scripts provided by Westlaw database were used. Therefore, due to the potential omission of some mentions of Russian/Soviet women or their sound bites in the abstracts of the news stories, the full picture of network coverage of Russian/Soviet women for the period of 1968-1992 may not have been represented.

Cold War Period (1968-1991): Role Portrayal (Research Questions #1 and #2) During the Cold war period (1968-1991), Russian/Soviet women were portrayed in both traditional (non-occupational) and occupational roles in American evening network news. However, traditional roles were dominant. Most women mentioned by the stories (66.6%) were depicted in traditional roles (see Table 4). The most frequent role Russian/Soviet women played at this period was the role in the family/social companionship (with their countrymen); 24.4% of women fell into this category during the Cold War period. The next largest group of women (22.2%) fell into the decorative category. There were 33.2% of women portrayed in occupational categories, among which the most frequent occupational roles were women-politicians (13.3%) and professionals (doctors, lawyers, educators, scientists, etc.) (13.3%). There was a very small percentage of women depicted in administrative (2.2%) and entertainment positions (2.2%).

37 The same pattern for the Cold War period proved to be consistent within all three networks. Most Russian/Soviet women (72.8%) portrayed by ABC were shown in non-occupational roles (see Table 5). The most frequent role for women (36,4%), as portrayed by ABC, was family/social companionship (with countrymen). ABC portrayed 27.3% of Russian/Soviet women in occupational roles: women professionals (9.1%), politicians (9.1%) and blue-collar workers (9.1%). CBS' portrayal of Soviet women for Cold War period did not differ much from the all-network trend as well. The majority of women (66.7%) were shown in non-occupational roles (see Table 5). The most frequent role again was family/social companionship (with countrymen) and decorative role. Of women, 22.2% fell into each of these categories. CBS portrayed 33.4% of Soviet women in occupational roles. The most frequent ones were women-politicians (16.7%), then women-professionals (11.1%), and entertainers (5.6%). NBC had 62.6% of women shown in non-occupational categories among them 18.8% fell into family/social companionship (with countrymen) category (see Table 5). The same percentage (18.8%) of women was in the decorative category. NBC presented 37.4% of women in occupational categories, among which the most frequent categories were of women-professionals (18.8%), politicians (12.5%), and entertainers (6.3%).

38 Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997): Role Portrayal (Research Questions #3, #4, and #9) During the post-Cold War period (1992-1997), Russian/Soviet women were portrayed in both traditional (non occupational) and occupational roles in American evening network news. However, though traditional (non-occupational) roles were still dominant, there was an increase in occupational roles as compared to the Cold War period. Women shown in non-occupational roles comprised 55.7% during post- Cold War period (see Table 6). The most frequent role was still the family/social companionship role. Twenty-four percent of women fell in this category. Women portrayed in a category totally absent from the Cold War period— companionship or marriage with foreigners (Americans in particular) comprised 2.1%. There was higher percentage of women portrayed in recreational roles (6.9%) as compared to 2.2% during the Cold war period. Women depicted in occupational roles comprised 44.3% during the post-Cold War period. There were more women- entertainers shown (7.7%) as compared to 2.2% during the Cold war period (see Table 8). There was a relatively small percentage (4.3%) of women-politicians as compared to 13.3% of the Cold War period. There was relatively high percentage of women-blue collar workers (14.6%) and professionals (13.3%). There were slightly more women shown in administrative positions (2.6%) than during the Cold War period (2.2%), but the difference was small.

39 Each network in particular during post-Cold War period, as far as women' role portrayals is concerned, showed almost the same picture. ABC showed 62.3% of women in non occupational roles (see Table 7). The most frequent role was again the family/social companionship (with countrymen) role Of Russian/Soviet women, 28.9% were portrayed in this role. Unlike during the Cold War period, there was relatively high percentage (11.1%) of Russian/Soviet women depicted in recreational category. CBS showed 55.3% of women in non-occupational categories (a decrease from the Cold War period, where 66.7% of women were depicted in non-occupational roles; see Table 7). The most frequent role devoted to Russian/Soviet women was still the family/social companionship role. Of women, 23.1% fell in this category. There were still many women portrayed in the decorative category (10.7%), but there was an increase in women shown in recreational categories (8.3%) as compared to 5.6% during Cold War period. An increase in occupational roles was observed in the post-Cold War period. Women shown in occupational categories comprised 44.7%. Blue- collar workers (16.5%) dominated the picture. There were 11.6% of women-professionals, and 9.9% of entertainers (an increase from the Cold war period (5.6%). As for NBC, unlike other networks, there were more women (56.7%) shown in occupational than in non-occupational (43.3%) roles for the post-Cold War period (see Table 7).

40 There were 19.4% of women portrayed as professionals, and 10.4% were shown as blue-collar workers. There were almost twice as less women politicians (6%) during the post-Cold War period as compared to 12.5% during the Cold War period. Though the most frequent role devoted to women was still family/social companionship with countrymen (22.4% of women were in this category), 6% of women were portrayed in companionship/marriage with foreigners (none during the Cold War period).

Cold War Period (1968-1991): Types of stories in which Russian/Soviet Women were portrayed (Research Question #5) During the Cold War period (1968-1991), Russian/Soviet women were mostly portrayed in stories in which the main focus was national politics (24.1%), economics (20.7%), protest/coup (17.2%) and, interestingly, fashion and style (10.3%; see Table 9). Stories having to do with human rights and religion comprised 6.9% each. The least percentage of stories depicting Russian/Soviet women were stories on culture (3.4%), marriage and family (3.4%), sports (3.4%), and military (3.4%). Networks had similar frequencies of the types of stories in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed during this period. Fifty percent of all ABC stories depicting Russian/Soviet women were devoted to economics, 25% of the

41 stories were on national politics, and 25% of them were on protest/coup (Table 10). The highest percentage (25%) of CBS stories for the period of Cold war portraying Russian/Soviet women was on national politics and fashion and style (25%; see Table 10). Stories on economics comprised 16.7%. Stories on marriage and family, culture, human rights and military comprised a low 8.3% each.

NBC topic coverage was similar to other networks with some variations. The highest percentage of all NBC stories for this period was protest/coup (33.3%), national politics (22.2%) and religion (22.2%; see Table 10). Human rights and religion categories comprised 11.1% each.

Post-Cold War period (1992-1997): Types of stories in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed (Research Questions #6 and #10) During the post-Cold War period (1992-1997), the highest percentage of stories portraying Russian/Soviet women were on the military (23.5%), national politics (18.1%), and economics (14.5%; see Table 11). Stories on Russian/Soviet culture comprised 9.0%, which shows an increase in this category of stories as compared with the Cold War period (3.4%). There were a greater variety of stories in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period (see Table 13). There were stories (portraying Russian/Soviet women) on space exploration (1.8%), tourism, 42 health, environment, diplomacy, drugs and crime, and disaster, which were not covered during the Cold War period. On the other hand, there were fewer stories on military portraying Russian/Soviet women in the Cold War period (3.4%) than during the post-Cold War period (23.5%). Interestingly, networks devoted more attention to portraying Russian/Soviet women in fashion and style during the Cold War period than during the post-Cold War period. Only 0.6% of this type of stories were covered during the post-Cold War period as compared to 10.3% during the Cold War period (see Table 13). There were similar patterns in the topic coverage of stories portraying Russian/Soviet women among all three networks. The most frequent stories depicting Russian women were on military/military conflict (see Tables 12). There were 27.5% of ABC stories, 23.8% of CBS and 19.6% of NBC stories in this category. ABC also depicted Russian/Soviet women in stories on economics (15%), national politics (10%), culture (10%), sports (10%), drugs and crime (5%) (Table 12). Other most frequent CBS stories portraying Russian/Soviet women were on national politics (21.3% of stories), economics (15%), sports (10%), and culture (5%) (Table 12). Besides the military category, NBC portrayed Russian/Soviet women the most in stories on national politics (19.6%), culture (15.2), economics (13%), health (4.3%), and sports (4.3%) (Table 12).

43 Cold War Period (1968-1991): The tone of the stories portraying Russian/Soviet women (Research Question #7) During the Cold war period on all three networks, 72.4% of the stories portraying Russian/Soviet women were coded as negative, 24.1% as neutral, and 3.4% as positive (see Table 14) . Each network in particular portrayed Russian/Soviet in stories having similar connotations. Most stories on ABC (depicting Russian/Soviet women) were negative (75%) and remaining 25% of stories were neutral. On ABC, there were no positive stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the Cold War period (see Table 15). Most stories on CBS (66.7%) depicting Russian/Soviet women during the period of the Cold War were negative. Neutral stories comprised 25%, and very small percentage of stories were positive (8.3%) (Table 15). Similarly to ABC, NBC did not have any positive stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the period of the Cold War. Most NBC stories for this period (77.8%) were negative, and 22.2% of the stories were neutral (Table 15).

Post-Cold War period (1992-1997): The tone of The stories portraying Russian/Soviet women (Research Questions #8 and #11) Post-cold war network coverage of the stories depicting Russian/Soviet women showed a big contrast in the tone of these stories. Most of these stories were neutral (55.4%), providing balanced coverage (see Tables 16, 18). This result 44 showed significant increase in neutral stories, as compared to the Cold War period, where only 24.1% of the stories were neutral. During the post-Cold War period, only 28.9% of the evening network news stories depicting Russian/Soviet women were negative, as compared to the 72.4% during the Cold War period. There were more positive stories depicting Russian/Soviet women as well. Compared to 3.4% of Cold War stories, 15.7% of post-Cold War network stories were positive. Speaking of each network's coverage in particular, 75% of ABC stories were neutral, 15% were negative, and 10% were positive (Table 17). Most of CBS stories depicting Russian/Soviet women turned out to be neutral (56%), 27.5% were negative and 16.3% were positive (Table 17). NBC s tone of the stories portraying Russian/Soviet women was slightly different from the post-Cold War tendencies of other two networks. Most of the stories (43.5%) were still negative (see Table 17). However, there was a smaller percentage of negative post-Cold War stories than Cold War stories on NBC (77.8%). There was higher percentage of neutral stories (37%) as compared to 22.2% during the Cold War period. There were 19.6% positive stories on NBC during the post-Cold War period, while none of the NBC stories were coded positive during the Cold War period.

45 Table 1 Unit of Analysis per Year 1968-1997

VALUE LABEL FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT

1968 2 .7 .7

1969 1 .4 1.1

1975 3 1.1 2.2

1977 1 .4 2.5

1982 1 .4 2.9

1984 2 .7 3.6

1986 1 .4 4.0

1987 4 1.4 5.4

1988 1 .4 5.8

1990 13 4.7 10.4

1991 16 5.8 16.2

1992 8 2.9 19.1

1993 14 5.0 24.1

1994 55 19.8 43.9

1995 76 27.3 71.2

1996 63 22.7 93.9

1997 17 6.1 100.0

TOTAL 278 100.0

* During 1970-1974, 1976, 1978-1981, 1983, 1985, 1989, Russian/Soviet women were not mentioned in the abstracts of ABC, CBS, and NBC news provided by Vanderbilt TV News Archive.

46 Table 2 Unit of Analysis per Year: Cold War Period (1968-1991)

VALUE LABEL FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT

1968 2 4.4 4.4

1969 1 2.2 6.7

1975 3 6.7 13.3

1977 1 2.2 15.6

1982 1 2.2 17.8

1984 2 4.4 22.2

1986 1 2.2 24.4

1987 4 8.9 33.3

1988 1 2.2 35.6

1990 13 28.9 64.4

1991 16 35.6 100.0

TOTAL 45 100.0

* During 1970-1974, 1976, 1978-1981, 1983, 1985, 1989, Russian/Soviet women were not mentioned in the abstracts of ABC, CBS, and NBC news provided by Vanderbilt TV News Archive.

47 Table 3 Unit of Analysis per Year: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) VALUE LABEL FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT 1992 8 3.4 3.4 1993 14 6.0 9.4 1994 55 23.6 33.0 1995 76 32.6 65.7 1996 63 27.0 92.7 1997 17 7.3 100.0 TOTAL 233 100.0

48 Table 4 Occupation: Cold War Period (1968-1991) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT PROFESSIONAL 1 6 13.3 13.3 ADMINISTRATIVE 2 1 2.2 15.6 POLITICIANS 5 6 13.3 28.9 ENTERTAINERS 6 1 2.2 31.1 BLUE-COLLAR 7 1 2.2 33.3 FAMILY/SOCIAL 10 11 24.4 57.8 RECREATIONAL 12 1 2.2 60.0 DECORATIVE 13 10 22.2 82.2 OTHER 14 8 17.8 100.0 TOTAL 45 100.0

Occupational Categories: Professional, administrative, diplomats, KGB/secret agents, politicians, entertainers, blue-collar, non professional white-collar, military. Non-occupational (traditional) categories: Family/social companionship with countrymen, companionship/marriage with foreigners, recreational, decorative, other.

49 Table 5 Occupation: Cold War Period (1968-1991) Separate Measures for ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABLE VALUE ABC CBS NBC

Q, g, g, N N "5 N "5

PROFESSIONAL 1 1 9.1 2 11.1 3 18.8

ADMINISTRATIVE 2 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 6.3

POLITICIANS 5 1 9.1 3 16.7 2 12.5

ENTERTAINERS 6 0 0.0 1 5.6 0 0.0

BLUE-COLLAR 7 1 9.1 0 0.0 0 0.0

FAMILY/SOCIAL 10 4 36.4 4 22.2 3 18.8

RECREATIONAL 12 0 0.0 1 5.6 0 0.0

DECORATIVE 13 3 27.3 4 22.2 3 18.8

OTHER 14 1 9.1 3 16.7 4 25.0

TOTAL 11 100.0 18 100.0 16 100.0

50 Table 6 Occupation: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM/PERCENT PROFESSIONAL 1 31 13.3 13.3 ADMINISTRATIVE 2 6 2.6 15.9 KGB/AGENTS 4 1 .4 16.3 POLITICIANS 5 10 4.3 20.6 ENTERTAINERS 6 18 7.7 28.3 BLUE-COLLAR 7 34 14.6 42.9 NON-PRO WHITE 8 3 1.3 44.2 COLLAR FAMILY/SOCIAL 10 56 24.0 68.2 MARRIAGE/FOREIGNERS 11 5 2.1 70.4 RECREATIONAL 12 16 6.9 77.3 DECORATIVE 13 22 9.4 86.7 OTHER 14 31 13.3 100.0 TOTAL 233 100.0

51 Table 7 Occupation: Post-Cold War period (1992-1997) Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE ABC CBS NBC

Q, g. N N % N

PROFESSIONAL 1 4 8.9 14 11.6 13 19.4

ADMINISTRATIVE 2 0 0.0 3 2.5 3 4.5

KGB/AGENTS 4 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 1.5

POLITICIANS 5 1 2.2 5 4.1 4 6.0

ENTERTAINERS 6 5 11.1 12 9.9 1 1.5

BLUE-COLLAR 7 7 15.6 20 16.5 7 10.4

NON-PRO WHITE 8 0 0.0 0 0.0 3 4.5 COLLAR

FAMILY-SOCIAL 10 13 28.9 28 23.1 15 22.4

MARRIAGE/FOREIGNERS 11 0 0.0 1 .8 4 6.0

RECREATIONAL 12 5 11.1 10 8.3 1 1.5

DECORATIVE 13 3 6.7 13 10.7 6 9.0

OTHER 14 7 15.6 15 12.4 9 13.4

TOTAL 45 121 100.0 67 100.0

52 Table 8 (Comparative Table) Occupation: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE COLD WAR POST-COLD WAR (1968-1991) (1992-1997)

g. g, N "5 N o

PROFESSIONAL 1 6 13.3 31 13.3

ADMINISTRATIVE 2 1 2.2 6 2.6

KGB/AGENTS 4 0 0.0 1 .4

POLITICIANS 5 6 13.3 10 4.3

ENTERTAINERS 6 1 2.2 18 7.7

BLUE-COLLAR 7 1 2.2 34 14.6

NON-PRO WHITE COLLAR 8 0 0.0 3 1.3

FAMILY-SOCIAL 10 11 24.4 56 24.0

MARRIAGE/FOREIGNERS 11 0 0.0 5 2.1

RECREATIONAL 12 1 2.2 16 6.9

DECORATIVE 13 10 22.2 22 9.4

OTHER 14 8 17.8 31 13.3

TOTAL 45 100.0 233 100.0

53 Table 9 Types of Stories: Cold War Period (1968-1991) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT PROTEST 2 5 17.2 17.2 CULTURE 3 1 3.4 20.7 ECONOMICS 5 6 20.7 41.4 MARRIAGE/FAMILY 6 1 3.4 44.8 NATIONAL 8 7 24.1 69.0 POLITICS RELIGION 16 2 6.9 75.9 MILITARY 20 1 3.4 79.3 SPORTS 21 1 3.4 82.8 HUMAN RIGHTS 23 2 6.9 89.7 FASHION/STYLE 24 3 10.3 100.0 TOTAL 29 100.0

54 Table 10 Types of Stories: Cold War Period (1968-1991) Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE ABC CBS NBC

g. g, o N "5 N "5 N "5

PROTEST 2 2 25.0 0 0.0 3 33.3

CULTURE 3 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 11.1

ECONOMICS 5 4 50.0 2 16.7 0 0.0

MARRIAGE/FAMILY 6 0 0.0 1 8.3 0 0.0

NATIONAL POLITICS 8 2 25.0 3 25.0 2 22.2

RELIGION 16 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 22.2

MILITARY 20 0 0.0 1 8.3 0 0.0

SPORTS 21 0 0.0 1 8.3 0 0.0

HUMAN RIGHTS 23 0 0.0 1 8.3 1 11.1

FASHION/STYLE 24 0 0.0 3 25.0 0 0.0

TOTAL 8 100.0 12 100.0 9 100.0

55 Table 11 Types of Stories: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM/PERCENT PROTEST 2 2 1.2 1.2 CULTURE 3 15 9.0 10.2 DISASTER 4 4 2.4 12.7 ECONOMICS 5 24 14.5 27.1 MARRIAGE/FAMILY 6 4 2.4 29.5 HEALTH 7 6 3.6 33.1 NATIONAL 8 30 18.1 51.2 POLITICS DRUGS AND CRIME 9 8 4.8 56.0 ENVIRONMENT 12 4 2.4 58.4 DIPLOMACY 15 5 3.0 61.4 RELIGION 16 5 3.0 64.5 TOURISM 18 1 .6 65.1 MILITARY 20 39 23.5 88.6 SPORTS 21 14 8.4 97.0 SPACE 22 3 1.8 98.8 EXPLORATION HUMAN RIGHTS 23 1 .6 99.4 FASHION/STYLE 24 1 .6 100.0 TOTAL 166 100.0

56 Table 12 Types of Stories: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE ABC CBS NBC

0, g, N 0 N "o N %

PROTEST 2 1 2.5 1 1.3 0 0.0

CULTURE 3 4 10.0 4 5.0 7 15.2

DISASTER 4 1 2.5 3 3.8 0 0.0

ECONOMICS 5 6 15.0 12 15.0 6 13.0

MARRIAGE/FAMILY 6 2 5.0 1 1.3 1 2.2

HEALTH 7 2 5.0 2 2.5 2 4.3

NATIONAL POLITICS 8 4 10.0 17 21.3 9 19.6

DRUGS AND CRIME 9 2 5.0 2 2.5 4 8.7

ENVIRONMENT 12 1 2.5 2 2.5 1 2.2

DIPLOMACY 15 1 2.5 3 3.8 1 2.2

RELIGION 16 1 2.5 2 2.5 2 4.3

TOURISM 18 0 0.0 1 1.3 0 0.0

MILITARY 20 11 27.5 19 23.8 9 19.6

SPORTS 21 4 10.0 8 10.0 2 4.3

SPACE EXPLORATION 22 0 0.0 2 2.5 1 2.2

HUMAN RIGHTS 23 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 2.2

FASHION/STYLE 24 0 0.0 1 1.3 0 0.0

TOTAL 40 100.0 80 100.0 46 100.0

57 Table 13 (Comparative Table) Types of Stories: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE COLD WAR POST-COLD WAR

(1968-1991) (1992-1997)

g. a N o N "5

PROTEST 2 5 17.2 2 1.2

CULTURE 3 1 3.4 15 9.0

DISASTER 4 0 0.0 4 2.4

ECONOMICS 5 6 20.7 24 14.5

MARRIAGE/FAMILY 6 1 3.4 4 2.4

HEALTH 7 0 0.0 6 3.6

NATIONAL POLITICS 8 7 24.1 30 18.1

DRUGS AND CRIME 9 0 0.0 8 4.8

ENVIRONMENT 12 0 0.0 4 2.4

DIPLOMACY 15 0 0.0 5 3.0

RELIGION 16 2 6.9 5 3.0

TOURISM 18 0 0.0 1 .6

MILITARY 20 1 3.4 39 23.5

SPORTS 21 1 3.4 14 8.4

SPACE EXPLORATION 22 0 0.0 3 1.8

HUMAN RIGHTS 23 2 6.9 1 .6

FASHION/STYLE 24 3 10.3 1 .6

TOTAL 29 100.0 166 100.0

58 Table 14 Tone of the Story: Cold War Period (1968-1991) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT

POSITIVE 1 1 3.4 3.4

NEGATIVE 2 21 72.4 75.9

NEUTRAL 3 7 24.1 100.0

TOTAL 29 100.0

Table 15 Tone of the Story: Cold War Period (1968-1991) Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE ABC CBS NBC

g, Q. o, N "5 N O N o

POSITIVE 1 0 0.0 1 8.3 0 0.0

NEGATIVE 2 6 75.0 8 66.7 7 77.8

NEUTRAL 3 2 25.0 3 25.0 2 22.2

TOTAL 8 100.0 12 100.0 9 100.0

59 Table 16 Tone of the Story: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE FREQUENCY PERCENT CUM. PERCENT

POSITIVE 1 26 15.7 15.7

NEGATIVE 2 48 28.9 44.6

NEUTRAL 3 92 55.4 100.0

TOTAL 166 100.0

Table 17 Tone of the Story: Post-Cold War Period (1992-1997) Separate Measures: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE ABC CBS NBC

g, g. g, N o N o N "5

POSITIVE 1 4 10.0 13 16.3 9 19.6

NEGATIVE 2 6 15.0 22 27.5 20 43.5

NEUTRAL 3 30 75.0 45 56.3 17 37.0

TOTAL 40 100.0 80 100.0 46 100.0

60 Table 18 (Comparative Table) Tone of the Story: Cold War (1968-1991) and Post-Cold War (1992-1997) All Networks: ABC, CBS, and NBC

VALUE LABEL VALUE COLD WAR POST-COLD WAR

(1968-1991) (1992-1997)

g, Q. N "5 N O

POSITIVE 1 1 3.4 26 15.7

NEGATIVE 2 21 72.4 48 28.9

NEUTRAL 3 7 24.1 92 55.4

TOTAL 29 100.0 166 100.0

61 CHAPTER V TEST OF HYPOTHESES

The results in Chapter IV supported Hypothesis #1, which stated that Russian/Soviet women will be portrayed more in occupational roles in the post-Cold War period than in the Cold War period. All three networks considered, 44.3% of Russian/Soviet women were depicted in occupational roles during the post-Cold War period, while only 32.4% of women were shown in occupational categories during the Cold War period. Thus, Hypothesis #1 was supported. Hypothesis #2 assumed there would be a higher percentage of neutral (balanced) stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period. Of the stories depicting Russian/Soviet women, 55.4% were neutral during the post-Cold War period while, during the Cold War period, only 24.1% of the stories were neutral. Thus, Hypothesis #2 was supported. Hypothesis #3 stated that there would be a higher percentage of human-interest stories (culture, marriage and family, health, environment, tourism, sports, and fashion and style) during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period. Twenty-seven percent of these stories were shown during the post-Cold War period as compared to 20.5% during the Cold War period. Though hypothesis #3 was supported by

62 the results of this study, the increase in human-interest stories during the Cold War period was not large.

63 CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Evening network TV portrayal of Russian/Soviet women, the roles they play in the society, topic coverage and tone of the stories in which they were depicted, has changed since the Cold War ended. There was a large increase in the network newscasts' time and attention devoted to Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period as compared to Cold War period. There were more mentions (233) of Russian/Soviet women during the six-year post-Cold War period than during twenty-four-year Cold war period (45 mentions). Additionally, there were considerably more stories (166) depicting Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period (29 stories). However, this result may be due to the limitations of the Vanderbilt Index, used for the Cold War period, which provided only abstracts of the newscasts.

A higher percentage of women were portrayed in occupational roles after the Cold War, though non occupational (traditional) roles were dominant during both the Cold War and the post-Cold War periods. The most frequent role Russian/Soviet women played in the evening network news was the family/social companionship role. Another peculiarity was that after the Cold War, women were portrayed in a category totally absent from the Cold War

64 period—companionship/marriage with foreigners (Americans in particular). There was higher percentage of women portrayed in recreational roles as compared to the Cold War period. As for the occupational roles, after the Cold War, there was a relatively small percentage of women-politicians unlike during the Cold War period. There was a relatively high percentage of women-blue collar workers and professionals. There was a slightly higher percentage of women shown in administrative positions during the post-Cold War period than during the Cold War period. There was a higher percentage of women-entertainers shown after the Cold War as compared to the Cold War period. There were appreciably more stories portraying Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War than during the Cold War period. Additionally, there was a greater variety of stories in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed during the period of the post-Cold War than during the Cold War. For example, stories on space exploration, tourism, health, environment, diplomacy, drugs and crime, and disaster portraying Russian/Soviet women comprised a relatively high percentage of the post-Cold War coverage by evening network news. These types of stories were not covered during the Cold War period. Additionally, there were more human-interest (culture, family and marriage, sports, tourism, health, environment, and fashion and style) types of stories portraying

65 Russian/Soviet women after the Cold war than during the Cold War period. The most frequent stories during the Cold War period were stories on national politics, while during the post-Cold War period stories on military/military conflict dominated. Interestingly, stories on fashion and styles comprised a much higher percentage during the Cold War period than during the post-Cold War period. Post-cold war network coverage of the stories depicting Russian/Soviet women showed a marked contrast in the tone of these stories. Most of these stories were neutral, providing balanced coverage. There was an increase in the percentage of neutral stories after the Cold War period. The percentage of negative stories depicting Russian/Soviet women on the evening network news after the end of Cold War was less than the Cold-War percentage. There was a higher percentage of positive stories depicting Russian/Soviet women as well, though the percentage of these positive stories was still small. Among three networks, NBC was the most negative during both Cold War and post-Cold War periods, though it became less negative after the end of the Cold War. ABC was the least negative both before and after the Cold War.

66 CHAPTER VII IMPLICATIONS

In general, there was a positive shift in the way Russian/Soviet women were portrayed after the end of the Cold War. There was a large increase in the network newscasts' time and attention devoted to Russian/Soviet women during the post-Cold War period as compared to Cold War period. The roles they play in the society became less stereotypical (women were depicted more in occupational roles). Moreover, women were portrayed in an increasing variety of stories, and the stories themselves became more positive and balanced. The results of this study signify that the American network news media responded to the challenges of the new reality brought by the end of the Cold War. Cold War images gradually disappeared from American network news. The findings of this study indicate the trend where Russian/Soviet women are portrayed in more realistic and more representative way to the American public after the end of the Cold War. Being linked to the opinion-making process, network news' more realistic portrayal of Russian/Soviet women may bear upon success of American ventures into the newly opened market, since Russian women comprise this market's largest segment for American product and advertising.

67 CHAPTER VII FUTURE RESEARCH ON THE TOPIC

This research was limited to the study of the evening network news, based on the transcripts of the news stories available through Vanderbilt and Westlaw databases. Future studies may contribute to the study of American media portrayal of Russian women and the changes since the end of the Cold War by looking at other types of media: print, satellite and cable (especially CNN due to its increased coverage of foreign issues). Additionally, it will be interesting for future researchers to look at visual material of TV network news other than just transcripts of the news stories. That way, researchers will be able to consider visual images of Russian/Soviet women, which will provide a fuller picture of the way American media portray them.

68 REFERENCES

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71 APPENDIX CODING SHEET

I. STORY No

II. ANY MENTION OF RUSSIAN/SOVIET WOMEN (yes/no) Stop if "no", continue if "yes". II. RUSSIAN/SOVIET FEMALE No III. NETWORK 1. ABC 2. CBS 3. NBC V. AIRDATE: DAY MONTH YEAR VI. NUMBER OF SOUND BITES VII. OCCUPATION/NON-OCCUPATION Occupational Categories: 1.Professional 2. Administrative 3. Diplomats 4. KGB or other secret service agents 5. Politicians 6. Entertainers 7. Blue collar workers 8. Non-professional White Collar 9. Military occupations

72 Non-occupational (Traditional) Categories 10. Family/social companionship with the countrymen 11. Companionship/marriage with foreigners (Americans) 12. Recreational 13. Decorative 14. Other:

VIII. TYPES OF STORIES 1. Animals 2. Protest/Coup 3. Culture 4. Disaster 5. Economics 6. Marriage and Family 7. Health 8. National Politics 9. Drugs and Crime 10. Education 11. Music 12. Environment 13. Other 14. Poverty 15. Diplomacy 16. Religion 17. Science 18. Tourism

73 19. Art 20. Military 21. Sports 22. Space Exploration 23. Human Rights 24. Fashion and Style

IX. TONE OF THE STORY 1. Positive 2. Negative 3. Neutral

X. CODER 1. Coder 1 2. Coder 2

74 CODING INSTRUCTION SHEET

Code any mention of Russian/Soviet women in the scripts and abstracts of the news stories according to category descriptions, operational definitions and the instructions to record each situation. If there are no Russian/soviet women mentioned in the script/abstract, stop and go to the next story.

Occupational Categories: 1. Professional (examples: doctors, lawyers, dentists, professors, educators and scientists); 2. Administrative (examples: managers, executives, supervisors, and sales representatives); 3. Diplomats; 4. KGB or other secret service agents; 5. Politicians; 6. Entertainers (examples: professional sports figures, actors, and musicians, public personalities (not including politicians) and celebrity models); 7. Blue collar workers (vendors, construction workers, and agricultural workers); 8. Non-professional White Collar (examples: secretary, clerical worker); 9. Military occupations (both professional and non professional) ;

75 Non-occupational (Traditional) Categories 10. Family/social companionship as portrayed with the countrymen; 11. Companionship/marriage with foreigners (Americans); 12. Recreational (when occupation is not clear); 13. Decorative (when occupation is not clear); 14. Other: Any role which cannot be defined in the former categories (non-functional role of Russian women portrayed by the story).

Categories describing types of the stories in which Russian/Soviet women were mentioned:

1. Animals,

2. Protest/Coup,

3. Culture,

4. Disaster,

5. Economics,

6. Marriage and Family,

7. Health,

8. National Politics,

9. Drugs and Crime,

10. Education,

11. Music,

12. Environment,

13. Other,

14. Poverty,

76 15. Diplomacy,

16. Religion,

17. Science,

18. Tourism,

19. Art,

20. Military,

21. Sports, 22. Space Exploration, 23. Human Rights, 24. Fashion and Style.

Categories describing the tone of the story in which Russian/Soviet women were portrayed: 1. The stories are considered to provide positive coverage when they emphasize international cooperation, a positive attitude toward former Soviet Union's reforms, social cohesion, political and economic stability, and moves toward democratic leadership. 2. The stories are considered to be negative when they emphasize social conflicts, disorganization, political and economic instability, international tension and a negative attitude towards reforms. 3. The stories are considered to be neutral when their content is balanced, betrays no controversial intention, or a tone is hard to determine.

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