285 A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO 286

HOOFDARTIKELEN in many works the format of the most interesting exemplar of this ritual, VAT 9728, was simply ignored9). In 1986 E. Leichty referred to another unpublished dupli- A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO cate, BM 53655, which until now remains the only one known from southern Mesopotamia10). Strahil V. PANAYOTOV*) Here the most comprehensive copies of the manuscripts to date, made by M. J. Geller, will be presented, which include Abstract the signs, shape, holes and lines. Additionally, I present a This article offers new material and a new edition of a unique score text as transliteration and a translation with commen- ritual text from the first millennium BC in , which tary, which will be a useful point of reference for a deeper describes a ritual for increasing the profit of the innkeeper. One of research of this unique ritual text. Additionally, I offer a the text-representatives is written on a tablet with a handle, which short discussion of the so-called “amulet-shaped” tablets. was displayed in a Mesopotamian pub, which had the character of a bordello. The new score text presented here is based on collations of 2) The sources all known duplicates and on new copies by M. J. Geller. The primary A = VAT 9728, ca. 16,5 x 10,5 x 2 cm. Berlin. See the aim is to publish comprehensive copies, a reliable transliteration, and a translation. Additionally, a publication history and a descrip- copy of M. J. Geller below (Fig. 1). tion of the sources are presented. Furthermore, text and context com- mentaries will be offered, focussing on one of the representative objects, a so-called “amulet-shaped” tablet, or tablet with handle. Fig. 1 VAT 9728 obv.

1 1) An intricate publication history Although known since the pioneer times of Assyriology, at 5 least since 18731), this astonishing text still lacks a compre- hensive publication. H. Zimmern published a version in his editio princeps2), which was outstanding for its day but lacked 10 collations of the Ninive manuscript and copies. Zimmern worked with F. Lenormant’s copy and A. Boissier’s correction of the piece N 35543). For a treatment of the other part of the 15 same tablet, K 3464, he used J. Craig’s copy, some initial 4 results by F. Martin, and his own collations ). Both parts K 20 3464 + N 3554 have never been joined together and reliably copied until now5). Further, Zimmern collated the Assur tablet 6 VAT 9728 ), noticing that E. Ebeling failed to show the for- 25 mat of the tablet in his copy in KAR 1447). In 1992 S. Maul referred again to the shape of VAT 9728, and copied the sil- 8 houette of the obverse of the tablet ). Despite this rich body bore hole rev. of previous work, the tablet from Assur, like the tablet from 1 Ninive, has never been reproduced comprehensively, includ- ing a clear display of the signs, the shape, and the pierced 5 handle. The lack of these important features led to the fact that

*) First of all I would like to express my gratitude to M. J. Geller, for 10 providing me with his copies, collations, photos, encouragement and cor- rections. Further, thanks are due to the Trustees of the , to VAM Berlin, especially to J. Marzahn, for giving us the opportunity in 2011 to work in the Museum, and to F. Badalanova Geller for providing us 15 with high quality photos from N 3554 in the . I am very thankful to L. Vacín the corrector of my English and to W.J.I. Waal for sending me her PhD thesis. Furthermore, L. Verderame informed me on tablets from American collections, and alerted me to a recent investigation of J. Lauinger. Both are thanked for the communications. M. Stol read the article and made editorial notes and corrections. 1) LENORMANT, Choix (1873) 267f. no. 99. 2) ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 164-184. (Copy M.J. Geller) 3) BOISSIER, PSBA 23 (1901) 114-130. Cf. 115 note 1. He mentioned the study of STRASSMAIER, AV (1886). See also BORGER, HKL 1 (1967) 648f. 4) CRAIG, ABRT 1 (1895) 66f. ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 171 note 1. 9) For instance FOSTER, Before the Muses3 (2005) 1014. FARBER, TUAT He refers also to MARTIN, Textes religieux (1903) 242-247. K 3464 is cat- II (1987) 277-281. Also not mentioned in CAPLICE, SANE 1 (1974) 23, Text alogued in BEZOLD, Catalogue of Kouyunjik 2 (1891) 516, esp. 536 with a 14, although he mentioned such tablets in his dissertation CAPLICE, Genre copy of the catch-line. See also LANDSBERGER, ZDMG 69 (1915) 505. Namburbi (1963) 39, 41, 45, 47f., 133f. and 248f. XII. For KAR 144 see ibid. 5) See some remarks in ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 164. X - IB; See further EBELING, RA 49 (1955) 179ff. Among the authors, who 6) ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 170. have paid attention to it are: REINER, JNES 19 (1960) 155; MAUL, CRRAI 38 7) EBELING, KAR (1915-19) no. 144. Neither did he mention the shape in (1992) 396; MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 106, 179; HAAS, Liebesgarten (1999) 102. his later publication of the text (EBELING, RA 49 (1955) 179ff.) although he CRYER & THOMSEN, Witchcraft and Magic (2001) 61-64.; MAUL & STRAUß, mentioned a lot of “amulet-shaped” tablets in his previous work on Nam- KAL 4 (2011) 4 note 24; See also WASSERMAN, RA 88 (1994) 49-57. burbi: EBELING, RA 48 (1954) 7. See also ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 170. 10) LEICHTY, Tablets from Sippar 1 (1986) 116, 82-3-23, 4695 BM 8) MAUL, CRRAI 38 (1992) 396. 53655. Also mentioned in MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 179a. 287 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2013 288

This unbaked tablet in Assyrian script was found in 1904 usual21). The pierced handle of the tablet shows the typical during the German excavations in Assur, led by W. Andrae. criss-cross lines of the so-called ‘magical diagram’22). In It was unearthed in a bad state of preservation, together many cases there is an inscription within the diagram. This with ca. 39 unbaked tablets on the east corner of the Ziqqu- handle was also inscribed in antiquity, but unfortunately rat (hB4V), in remains of small houses11). The tablets were nothing remains of the inscription23). found in a nest with clay tablets in debris along a wall12). This can suggest that they have fallen from shelve(s), B = K 3464 + N 355424), London + Paris. Reconstructed on which the collection might have been kept. The tablet size of both parts ca. 20,4 x 9,3 x 3,1 cm. See the copy of M. dates to the 7th century B.C. and is in all probability the J. Geller below (Fig. 2 (obv.) and 3 (rev.)). earliest example of this ritual known today. Scholars have The states of preservation of these two baked pieces in referred to the curious format of this and other tablets as Assyrian script are different (Fig. 4a, b). On the one hand, ‘amulet-shaped’ or ‘Amuletttafel’13). This term is no longer the piece in Paris shows the beautiful contrast between the acceptable because not all such artefacts had a function whitish surface and the red core25). On the other hand, the similar to that of Lamastu-amulets and plaques, which whitish surface colour of the London piece is almost com- expelled the female demon14), or to that of the e.g. Nam- pletely lost. The different states of preservation suggest burbi texts15), Erra Epic16) or Îulbazizi17) preserved on that both pieces could not have been found together. This such tablets. Furthermore, there are ‘amulet-shaped’ tablets is also clear from the fact that each piece reached a with texts without any apotropaic function at all18). In such different museum. A. H. Layard apparently excavated K cases the texts were not written on a protective object–amu- 3464 in the 1850s26). In contrast, it is not clear how N 3554 let. Therefore, it is preferable to refer to such objects neu- reached Paris. Further, according to W. G. Lambert, tablets trally as ‘tablets with a projection, or handle’19). VAT 9728 with characteristic whitish surface and red core, which was modelled, lined, cut off with a knife, inscribed and sometimes turns black in the centre, were all baked in subsequently pierced with ‘decoration holes’ in empty antiquity. When overheated they lost their whitish surface places between the signs20). Such holes should be referred colour and showed signs of vitrification27). This is also to as ‘decoration holes’ rather than ‘firing holes’, as 21) The opinion of FINCKE, AfO 50 (2003-04) 126 note 124, ‘On the other hand, all tablets with firing holes published so far seem to have been baked in antiquity”, needs revision. For the ‘firing holes’ see the discussion in 11) ANDRAE, MDOG 22 (1904) 18f. Further, PEDERSÉN, ALA II (1986) WALKER, Cuneiform (1987) 21-25. For the see the thorough study of 29 no. N2. MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 179a states that the tablets were found WAAL, Source As Object (2010) Chapter 2, 3. As an additional argument near the Assur-Tempel, which is against the date in PEDERSÉN, ALA II against the opinion of J. Fincke, there are also baked tablets without ‘firing (1986) 29 no. N2. The structures of the small houses in which the tablets holes’, e.g. duplicates VAT 8780 = KAR 147 and ND 05545 = CTN 4 no. were unearthed are connected with the Ziqqurat and not with the Assur 58, which are tablets with handle. Sometimes, holes of different shapes were temple. pierced. See the tablet with oval holes in JEYES, Fs. Lambert (2000) 373. The 12) ANDRAE, MDOG 22 (1904) 18f. oval holes cited above could have been made with a stylus similar to some 13) Op. cit. in footnote 9. found in Hattusa, see WAAL, Source As Object (2010) Chapter 2.4.2. For 14) For the published Lamastu-amulets see recently WIGGERMANN, Fs. triangle holes on the bilingual text KAR 31, an incantation for protecting the Groneberg (2010) 407 note 4. exorcist; see EBELING, ZDMG 69 (1915) 89-103, resulting probably from 15) See MAUL & STRAUSS, KAL 4 (2011) 4 note 24f. impressing the front part of the stylus. Furthermore, for the shape of the stylus 16) See CAGNI, L’Epopea di Erra (1969) 16, 45, 135, 258f. To these see MESSERSCHMIDT, OLZ 9 (1906) 191-196, 304-312, 372-380. Another text texts add also VAT 8988 = KAR 166. A good photo can be found in with triangle holes can be found in: CLAY, BRM 4 (1923) no. 12. For a recent ANDRÉ-SALVINI, Babylone (2008) 324 no. 286. There, and in Cagni, op. cit., treatment on the holes, see TAYLOR, Tablets as artefacts (2011) 15f. not recognized as “amulet shaped” format. Note the double line of the 22) Term coined by REINER, JNES 19 (1960) 150-153. ‘Magical dia- criss-cross drawing above obv. ir-mu-ú su- . . . The rest of the bore hole is grams’ were incised in some cases both on the handle and on the tablet. also visible in ANDRÉ-SALVINI op. cit. She proposed that magical diagrams cancelled blank space on the tablet. 17) See WIGGERMANN, Demons of Time (2007) 106ff. and an excellent See also WASSERMAN, RA 88 (1994) 54. Nevertheless, the function of it is image of MAH 19228 in CDLI no. P283803. still elusive. Similarly, JEYES, Fs. Lambert (2000) 371 proposes that the 18) Among tablets with a handle, there are such with Syllabary A, the ‘firing holes’ were meant to ‘eliminate open spaces’. Assyrian King List, hemerologies, dedications, decrees, royal inscription, 23) According to ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 170: „Desgleichen hatte descriptions of temples, ritual descriptions, and etc. See e.g. the tablet in dieser Ansatz auf der Rückseite noch eine inschriftliche Legende, von der SALVINI, Tell Barri/KaÌat 2 (1998) 196f.; the administrative BM 103395 aber nur noch undeutbare Spuren zu sehen sind“. In contrast, MAUL, BaF (KING, CT 33 (1912) plate 15b), the hemerology VAT 8780 (EBELING, KAR 18 (1994) 180b writes: “Das “magische Diagramm” blieb jedoch wie in (1915-19) no. 147) and duplicate ND 5545 (WISEMAN & BLACK, CTN 4 KAR n144 und in LKA n129 unbeschriftet.” Yet, because of the much (1996) no. 58). Another hemerology is CLAY, BRM 4 (1923) no. 24, which earlier examination of the tablet, H. Zimmern’s description seems more is not cited in LAUINGER, JCSMS 6 (2012) 5-14, but is the most relevant plausible. The signs were on the edge of the broken handle, worn out in the text to the tablets with iqqur-ipus mentioned there. Furthermore, see the following ca. 80 years. A deterioration of tablets is not unusual, see LAM- royal inscriptions of Esarhaddon as crown prince under the name of Assur- BERT, BSOAS 44 (1981) 567. (For LKA 129 = A 148 (Istanbul) this cannot etel-ilani-mukin-apli, now in LEICHTY, RINAP 4 (2011) no. 75 (see also no. be stated, because the handle is broken behind the section where usually 74) and the list of priests VAT 9551 in SCHROEDER, KAV (1920) no. 26. the inscription within the magical diagram ends. Collations April 2012). See also VAT 9961+10335 = KAR 364, the measurements of Esagil and 24) Black and white photo in “Atlas database of exhibits“, Louvre offi- Ezida preserved on such a tablet that was not pierced. See the photo in cial website at:

Fig. 2 K 3464 + N 3554 Fig. 3 K 3464 + N 3554 obv. rev.

1 1

5 5

10 10

N 3554 15

K 3464 15

20

20 25

25 30

30

35

K 3464

40 N 3554 35

45

40

(Copy M.J. Geller) (Copy M.J. Geller) the case with K 3464, which was most likely overheated in the destructive fire at Ninive in 612 BC, after the Fig. 4 tablet was broken in two parts. In addition, the format of this artefact is portrait-oriented, single column, and according to the colophon dates to the later half of the 7th century BC.

c = BM 53655, ca. 4,1 x 3,1 x 2,1 cm. London. See the ab copy of M. J. Geller below (Fig. 5). H. Rassam excavated a small fragment in Babylonian (Photo S. Panayotov, (Photo F. Badalanova script in 1880s, either in Babylon or Borsippa28). What August 2011) Gloss to Geller, Juli 2011) remains of it does not allow any judgment on the format. The line 9 (K 3464 obv. 16) Glosses to line 30 (N fragment dates to the Late Babylonian period. 3554 rev. 3) 3) Text, score transliteration A = VAT 9728 B = K 3464 + N 3554 c = BM 53655 = 82-3-23, 4696 (The lower case siglum [c] identifies the text as coming from South obv. rev. BM 53655 Mesopotamia) 1’ 1) A obv. 1 [ana] [is-di-iÌ] [sa]-bi-i lu [lú]ÎAL l[u l]úA.ZU lu [lú] [MAS?].[MAS] t[um-mu É SI]D [ina] s[-si-(i)] (C M J G l B obv. 1f. ana [is-di-iÌ sa-bi-i lu lúÎAL lu lú] [A].ZU 2) lu [lúMAS. 1’ 5’ MAS t]um-[mu] É S[ID in]a [sur]-si-i

5’ 28 10’ ) See READE, Rassam’s Babylonian Collection (1986) esp. xxxii. The (Copy M.J. Geller) online catalogue of the BM states “Borsippa”. 291 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2013 292

[ ] d s S S 22) s 2) A obv. 2 DÙ.DÙ .BI SAÎAR É SAÎAR BARAG DINGIR B obv. 21f. ÉN I -tar le-e-et DINGIR.ME GAL.ME[ ] á-qú-tu4 [ ] [ ] s SAÎAR AB[U]L SAÎAR pal-gi SAÎAR ib -r[a-t]i u-pu-tu4 qá-rit-tu4 [SAÎAR] ti-t[ur-ri] [ ] [ ] d s s ø [ ] [d][ ] B obv. 3f. DÙ.DÙ.BI [SAÎAR] É [DING]IR SAÎAR BARAG DINGIR 14) A obv. 14 I -t[a]r mu-tál-la-tu4 ur-b[u-t]u4 : Ir -ni-n[a [ ] 4) [ ] [ ] S -tu s [Ò ] SAÎAR ABUL SAÎAR pal-g[i SA]ÎAR ib-ra -ti GA] AN* 4 a-na ya- i ru- i d s 23) s d S - SAÎAR ti-tu[r-r]i B obv. 22f. I -ta[r] mu-tál-la-tu4 ur-bu-tu4 Ir-ni-ni GA AN t[u4] 24) a-na ya-a-si ru-Òi 3) A obv. 3 [sá] dIs-tar nap-Ìa-tu SAÎAR SILA.LÍM [SAÎAR] [a]- c rev. 1´ [dIs-tar] m[u- . . . ] sam-su-ti SAÎA[R K]Á [É] [KAR].[KI]D SAÎAR [na]- [ra-mi] 15) A obv. 15 ba-n[a-a]t u a-di-rat: [d+En-líl]-[at] UN.MES [i]-lat zi- B obv. 5f. sá d15 nap-[Ìa]-t[i SAÎ]AR [SI]LA.LÍM.MA SAÎAR ik-ka-ri a-sam-s[u-t]i 6) SAÎAR KÁ [KAR].KID SAÎAR [KÁ] B obv. 24f. ba-na-at ù ad-di-ra[t] 25) d+En-líl-at ni-si i-lat zi-ik- n[a-r]a-mi ka-[ri] c rev. 2´ ba-na-at u a[d- . . . ] 4) A obv. 4 [SAÎAR] KÁ ka-Òi-ri SAÎAR KÁ [É].[GA]L SAÎAR KÁ [ ] s s [d][ ] ø d[ ] MUNU6.SAR SAÎAR KÁ s[a-b]i-i SAÎAR K[ASKAL] 16) A obv. 16 a-ni[n-t]i ni- i AN.ZÍ[B] 15 DUMU.MUNUS A - B obv. 7f. SAÎAR KÁ [ka]-Òi-ri SAÎAR [KÁ É].GAL 8) SAÎAR KÁ [num] nab-nit DINGIR.MES GAL.MES S [ ] s s d s [ ] 27) d E.MUNU6.SAR SAÎAR KÁ sa -bi-i [SAÎ]AR KASKAL B obv. 26f. á-nin-ti ni- i te-le-ti I - tar DUMU.MUNUS A-num nab-[ni]-it DINGIR.MES GAL.M[ES] [ ] gis [lú] ´ s 4´) S 5) A obv. 5 SAÎAR KÁ NU. KIRI6 SAÎAR KÁ .NAGA[R SAÎAR L] c rev. 3 f. a-nin-t[i . . . ] nab-ni-it DINGIR.M[E . . . ] Ú LUKUR SAÎAR. Î[Á a]n-nu-[ti] ka-li-s[u-nu] lú gis lú -at g[i]s gis -[e] s [ ] B obv. 9f. SAÎAR KÁ NU. KIR[I6] SAÎAR KÁ NAGAR SAÎAR. 17) A obv. 17 SUM GIDRU GU.ZA B[AL]A ana DÙ- ú- nu [ÎÁ] an-nu-tì 10) ka-li-sú-nu LUGAL.ME[S] [be]-[let] [KUR].KUR ana yá-a-si qú-li s s B obv. 28f. n[a-d]i-na-at gi GIDRU gi GU.ZA B[AL]A-[e] a-na [ka-li- s 6) A obv. 6 [ta]-Ìas-sal UR.BI ina A ÍD ÎE.ÎE [Ì] [gi SU]R.MÌN sú-nu-tu] [LUGAL.MES?29] 29) be-let KUR.KUR [a-na ina+SÀ tu-rak [KÁ] É [LÚ] ki-ma-a te-sé[r] ya-a-si] q[ú-li] s B obv. 10f. ta-Ìas-sal UR.BI ina [ÍD] ÎE.ÎE 11) Ì gi SUR.MÌN ina SÀ c rev. 5´ be-let KUR.KUR ana ya-[a]-[si . . . ] tu-rak KÁ É L[Ú k]i-[ma-a] te-sér ´ Ì s s [ Ì] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] S s c obv. 1 ta- [a . . . ] 18) A obv. 18 a-ru- ú - ti i - la - a - ti GA AN* ur-bu-t[u4 a] l-si-[ki] ana yá-[a]-[si] ru-[Òi] S S -di [ ] d s s ? Ì a 30) S s 7) A obv. 7 [Ù]R SAR A KUG.GA UB. UB G[I.DUÎ] ana IGI I -tar B obv. 29f. [ a-ru-ú] [ -ti il ti] GA AN ur-bu-tu4 al-si-ki [ana [GUB]-an [12] NINDA KESDA-a[s] ya-a-si ru-Òi] B obv. 12f. ÙR SAR A KUG.GA SUB.SUB-di GI.D[UÎ a]na IGI [d15] c rev. 6´ al-si-ka ana ya-[a]-[si . . . ] GUB-an 13) 12 NINDA KESDA-as s c obv. 2´ ÙR(GAZI!) SAR A KUG.G[A . . . ] 19) A obv. 19 lim-Ìur-ki NÍ[G.N]A gi [LI] [KUG] du-us-su-ú li[m-Ì] ur-ki É lúsa-bi-i [na]-[ram]-[ki] s 8) A obv. 8 NIN[DA].[Ì].DÉ.A LÀL Ì.NUN.NA GAR ZÚ.L[UM.MA z]ìESA B obv. 31f. lim-Ìur-ki NÍG.NA imLI el-lu du-[us]-s[u-u/ú] 32) lim- s [DUB-aq] NÍG.N[A ]imLI [GAR]-[an] Ìur-ki É sa-bi-i na-ra-a[m-ki] B obv. 13f. NINDA.Ì.DÉ.A LÀL [Ì.NUN].NA GAR-an 14) ZÚ.LUM.MA c rev. 7´ lim-Ìur-ki É sa-b[i . . . ] s zì[ESA] DUB-aq NÍG.NA imLI GAR-an c obv. 3´ LÀL Ì.NUN.NA GA[R . . . ] 20) A obv. 20 dIs-tar ana [a?]-[ma?]-[ti]-[ya] i-ziz-zi-im-ma si-[bu]- [ ] tu4 an-ni-tu4 lu si- bu-ut -ki [ ] s [Ò ] s d s 34) 9) A obv. 9 l[u NI]TA lu MUNUS ina ÙR tu- e-li-ma ina kin- i - u B obv. 33f. I -tar a-na a-ma-ti-ya i-ziz-zi-im-[ma] si-bu-tu4 s [ ] -an tu- ak-ma- su -ma a-na [ZA]G NU URUDU GAR an-ni-tu4 lu si-bu-u[t-ki] s [ ] Ò s ´ B obv. 15f. lu NITA lu MUNUS ana ÙR tu- e-li-ma ina kin- i- u c rev. 8 si-bu-tu4 an-ni-t[u4 . . . ] 16) tu-sak-mas-su-ma [a-na] ZAG NU URUDU A AN s (See fig. 4a) Gloss K 3464, GAR 21) A obv. 21 dIs-tar [u]m-[mi]-[di] SU-ki ø i[n]a gi GAN ú nam-[zi]-ti s c obv. 4´ LÚ lu NITA lu MUNUS ana [ÙR] [ . . . ] B obv. 35f. dIs-tar um-me-di SU-ki ina gi GAN-ni u nam-zi-[ti] s c rev. 9´ [i-n]a gi GAN-n[i . . . ] 10) A obv. 10 ki-[i]-a-am i-qab-bi dIs-tar d[Na]-na-a [d][Gaz]-ba- [ ] s Ò Ì [ ] [ ] [ ] ba e-li- u ru- i 22) A obv. 22 mi- i-ir-t[u4] lil -li-kám-ma a-a ip -pár- ku pi- 17) d s d [ ] d [Ì ] [ ] [ ] s [ ] B obv. 16f. ki-a-am i-qab-bi I -tar Na- na-a u Gaz-ba-a-a a - tú an- ni -tu4 na- á-ti at-ti ÉN 18) e-li-sú ru-Ò[i] ´ [ ] [d] Ì 37) Ì c obv. 5 [an-n]a- ti i-qab-bi [. . .] B obv. 36f. mi- i-ir-tu4 lil-li-kam-ma a-a ip-pá[r-ku] pi- a-ti s an-ni-ti na- á-ti at-ti TU6.É[N] [ ] s S s [ ] - 11) A obv. 11 an-n[a]m DUG4 .GA-ma a-ma-ti a À- ú DU11 .DU11 ub-ma [is]-di-Ìu a[n]a É lúsa-bi-[i] c rev. 10´ [x (x) -s]á?-t[i?-x] [ ] 19) s S s B obv. 18f. an-na-a DUG4.GA-ma a-ma-tu4 a À- u DU11. [-ub ] s Ì [ ] lú s Ì [l]ú DU11 -ma [i -di- ]u ana É sa-bi-i 23) A obv. 23 KA.INIM.M[A ]um4-ma mi- ir-ti ina É sa-bi-i pár- ´ c obv. 6 [x x an-n]nam DUG4.GA-m[a . . . ] sat

ø S [ ] -iq s Ì lú 12) A obv. 12 i-sa[d-d]i-ru É KA ana [EG]IR u4- mi SIG5 B obv. 38 KA.INIM.MA um4-ma mi- i-ir-tu4 ina É sa-bi-i pár- sa[t] S [ ] i[q] B obv. 20 i-sad-di-ra É KA ana EGIR u4-mì SIG5- s 24) A obv. 24 DÙ.DÙ.[BI] N[ÍG.NA i]mLI ana IGI dIs-tar GAR-an [KA]S c obv. 7´ [x x x (x) x] [É KAS?] x[x . . . ] lúsa-bi-i [BAL]-qí la tu-gam-[mar]

[d][ s] [ ] S S s [ ] 13) A obv. 13 ÉN I -tar le-e-et DINGIR .ME G[A]L.ME : á- qu5 - s [ ] tu[4 ]u-pú-tu4 qá- rit -t[u4] 29) Perhaps not enough space for MES. 293 A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO 294

s B obv. 39f. KÌD.KÌD.BI NÍG.NA imLI ana IGI dIs-tar GAR-[an] 40) [KAS] 38) A rev. 12 [SAÎAR K]Á [É?] [lú?30)MUÎALDI]M [SAÎAR] [KÁ] [É] [l] sa-bi-i BAL-qí la tu-gam-mar úKURUN sá [is]-[di]-[iÌ]-sú m[a’dû] B rev. 18f. SAÎAR KÁ É lúMUÎALDIM 19) [S]AÎAR KÁ É lúKURUN.NA 25) A obv. 25 [tus]-r[a-aÌ-ma tus-k]e-en ù KAS [BAL]-q[í-m]a is-di-iÌ sa is-di-iÌ-sú ma-a’-d[u] ana É lúsa-bi-[i] B obv. 40f. [tus]-ra-aÌ-ma 41) tus-ke-en u KAS BAL-qí-ma is-di-Ìu 39) A rev. 13 [PAP SAÎAR SA]ÎA[R.M]ES an-nu-[ti] [ø] [a-n]a IGI ana É sa-bi-i dIs-[tar] [GI].D[UÎ tukan] B rev. 20f. [PAP SAÎAR] SAÎAR.MES an-nu-ti ana IGI dIs-t[ar] 21) [ ] [ ] ø -iq -a n 26) A obv. 26 [i-sad-di-ra] a-na EGIR u4- mi SIG5 GI.DUÎ GU[B ]

-iq [ ] [ ] S s [s ] -[an] [ ] [ ] B obv. 42 i-sad-di-ra ana EGIR u4-mì SIG5 40) A rev. 14 3 PAD .ME NI[NDA mu-u ]- i GAR NÍG . NA s [ im][LI] GAR-an [KAS] [BAL]-q[í É]N [7]-[su SID-nu-ma 27) A rev. 1 [ÉN dIs-tar KUR.KUR qa-rit-t]i [i]-[la]-[a]-[ti] [an-n] tus-ken] s u-[ú] [gi]-[pa]-[ra]-ki Ìu-[di]-i u [ri]-[si] B rev. 21ff. 3 PAD.MES NINDA mu-us-si GAR-a[n] 22) NÍG.NA imL[I G] [ ] d s [ ] 44) -[an] [ ] S [qí] 23) s S nu B obv. 43f. ÉN I -tar KUR.KUR qá-rit-tu4 i-la- tu4 an-nu-ú UB ina KA .SAG BAL- ÉN 7- ú ID- - gi-pa-ra-ki Ìu-de-e u ri-[si] [ma] tus-ken

28) A rev. 2 [al-ki et-ru-bi a-na É-n]i it-ti-[ki l]i-[ru]-[ba] Òa-lil-li- 41) A rev. 15 SAÎAR.ME[S] [an]-[nu]-[ti] [ina] A.[MES] [ta]-[maÌ]- ki DÙG.GA Ì[a-a]Ì [ÉN] [7]-[sú] SI[D(-nu) KÁ É t]a-[sá]-Ì[at] B obv. 45f. [al]-ki et-ru-bi a-na É-ni 46) [it]-ti-ki li-ru-ba Òa-lil-ki B rev. 23ff. SA[ÎAR.ME]S sú-[nu-ti] 24) ina A.MES ta-[maÌ]-Ìa-aÌ [ S] †a-a-bu Gloss N 3554 + K 3464 ina KA (See the copy of M. J. Geller, fig. 3.) ÉN [7]-[sú SID(-nu)] 25) KÁ É ta-sá-Ìat ù 29) A rev. 3 [Ìab-bu-bu-ki u ku-lu-u’]-[ú]-[ki] [sap]-[ta]-a-[a] [l] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [ ] [s ] [ ] [ ]-[us] s u lal - la - ru qa - ta - a - a lu ku- uz - bu 42) A rev. 16 si-i[t-t]a- u NU [G]U4 DÙ -[m]a i[na ap-l] B obv. 47 -rev. 2 Ì[ab-b]u-bu-ki u ku-lu-u’-ú-k[i] Rev. 1) [s]ap-ta-a-a a-[an] [Ìa-r]e-[e] [te]-[te]-[mer] lu-ú lal-la-r[a] 2) [qa]-ta-a-a lu-ú ku-uz-b[u] s 26) -us s Ì B rev. 25f. si-t[a- u NU] GU4 DÙ -ma ina ap-la-an a-re-e 30) A rev. 4 [sa-pat ki-pat-ti-ya lu]-[ù] sá-[pat] [LÀL] [GIM] [MUS] [te-te-mer] [sa] i[s-t]u [Ìur]-[ri] È-ma MUSEN.MES ina UGU-sú i-Ìab-bu-bu 43) A. rev. 17 i[n]a pu-ut †up-pi [sa] ga[ba-r]i Babili([KÁ.DINGIRki]) B rev. 3f. [sa]-pat ki-pat-ti-ya lu-ú sa-pat L[ÀL] 4) GIM MUS sá sa†-ru istur([AN!].[SAR].[ÀM]) ibri([BA].[AN].[È]) (See fig. 4b) Glosses N 3554,: MAN is-tu Ìur-ri uÒ-Òa-am-ma MUSEN.ÎÁ ina muÌ-Ìi-sú i-Ìab-b[u-bu] B rev. 27 DIS NAna4KISIB-sú lu GAZ lu ZÁÌ lu a-na ÍD [nadi?] B rev. 28 DUB 1.ME.35.KAM* NAM.BÚ[R.BI.MES]31) 31) A rev. 5 [ina muÌ-Ìi-ya UN.MES-si-na] [lim]-tá[Ì-Ò]a ina gi- B rev. 29 É.GAL mAN.SÁR-DÙ-A LUGAL SÚ s[ar mat Assur] pa-ri [sa] [d][Is]-tar ina Ìa-re-e sá dNin-líl B rev. 30 sa a-na AN.SÁR ù dN[in-líl taklu] B rev. 5f. [in]a muÌ-Ìi-ya UN.MES-si-na lim-taÌ-[Òa] 6) [i]na gi- B rev. 31 sa dAG dPAPNUN GESTUII DAGAL-tu i[s-ru-ku-us/su] pa-ri sá dIs-tar ina Ìa-re-e sá dNin-lí[l] B rev. 32 i-Ìu-uz-zu IGIII na-mir-tu [ni-siq] [†upsarruti] B rev. 33 sa ina LUGAL.MES a-lik maÌ-ri-ya mám+ma [sip-ru] [su-a- 32) A rev. 6 [ina] [mar]-s[i-ti sa dNi]n-gis-[zi]-[da] Ò[a]b?-ta-nis- tú] l[a iÌuzu] sú bi-[la]-nis-sú mi-it-gu-ra-[nis]-sú B rev. 34 né-me-qí dAG ti-kip sa-an-tak-ki ma-[la] [basmu] B rev. 7f. ina mar-si-ti sá dNin-gis-zi-da 8) [Ò]ab-ta-nis-sú bi-la- B rev. 35 ina DUB.MES ás-†ur as-[niq] [ab-re]-[e-ma] nis-sú mi-it-gu-ra-nis-su B rev. 36 a-na ta-mar-ti si-ta-as-si-ya [qé]-[reb] [É].[GAL-ya ukin] B rev. 37 NIR.GÁL-ZU NU TÉS LUGAL DINGIR.[MES] A[N.SÁ]R 33) A rev. 7 [ru]-[qu] [li]-[is]-[saÌ]-[ra] ze-nu-u [li-tu]-ra GIM B rev. 38 man-nu sa i-tab-ba-lu ù lu-u [MU]-sú [KI] [MU]-ya [i-sa†- K[U]G.GI lìb-ba-sú li-[tu]-ra a-[a]-s[i] †a]-r[u] B rev. 9f. [ru]-qu li-is-saÌ-ra ze-nu-ú li-tu-ra 10) GIM KUG.GI lìb- B rev. 39 AN.SÁR ù dNin-líl ag-gis e[z-z]i-[is] lis-ki-pu-[su]-m[a] ba-su li-tu-ra ya-a-si B rev. 40 MU-sú NUMUN-sú ina [KUR] [l]i-Ìal-l[i-qu]

[ ]-ú [Ì ] [ ]-tu [ ] s 34) A rev. 8 [GI]M AN ir- u -u KI 4 im- i -du am-mu lim- [ ] [ ] s 4) Translation id ku -ru-up-pu ya- i T[U6.ÉN] 1) For the profit of the innkeeper: Either a diviner or a physi- B rev. 11f. GIM AN-ú ir-Ìu-ú er-Òe-ti im-i-du sam-mu 12) lim-id s cian or an exorcist shall recite (the incantation) “Conjured is ku-ru-up ya-a- i TU6.ÉN the house”. When (the profit) shall come about: 2) 35) A rev. 9 [KA.INI]M.[MA] ø is-[di-iÌ] lúKURUN. [ø] NA ka-r[i-ka] The ritual procedure for it: dust from a god’s house, dust from a god’s sanctuary, dust from a city gate, dust from a 3) B rev. 13 KA.INIM.MA is-di-iÌ sa-bi-i ka-ri-ka ditch, dust from a cult niche, dust from a bridge where- upon Istar (as the star Venus) shines, dust from a crossroad 36) A rev. 10 [DÙ.DÙ.B]I SA[ÎAR k]a-ri SA[ÎAR n]é-[bé]-ri SAÎAR of streets, dust from a sandstorm, dust from a door of a ti-[tur-ri] [SA]ÎAR pa-lu-ur-[ti] s[á 4 KASKAL.MES] prostitute, dust from (Var. B) a door of a lover, 4) dust from a B rev. 14f. DÙ.DÙ.BI SAÎAR ka-a-ri SAÎAR né-bé-ri 15) SAÎAR ti- door of a tailor, dust from a door of a palace, dust from a s S tur-ri SAÎAR pal-lu-ur-ti á 4 KASKAL.ME door of a maltster, dust from a door of an innkeeper, dust from a road, 5) dust from a door of a gardener, dust from a 37) A rev. 11 [SAÎAR SILA.LÍ]M.[MA] S[AÎAR AB]UL [SAÎAR] BA[RAG DINGIR SA]ÎAR É dIs-tar [SAÎAR] [É] Ìa-rim-ti s [SAÎAR] [KÁ] [É] lúNU gi KIRI [ . 6] 30 LÚ 17) ) Space is not enough, probably without . B rev. 16ff. SAÎAR SILA.LÍM.MA SAÎAR ABUL SAÎAR pa-rak-ki 31) This colophon has not been copied or edited as yet. See also CRAIG, d 18) SAÎAR KÁ É Is-tar SAÎAR É Ìa-rim-ti SAÎAR KÁ ABRT 1 (1895) 67. For duplicates see HUNGER, BAK (1968) no. 319, Asb. lú gis É NU. KIRI6 Typ c-e, see also no. 329, Asb. Typ q. 295 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2013 296 door of a carpenter, (Var. A) [dust from (the house) of the m] 34) Just as the sky inseminated the earth, (thus afterwards) the an of the naditu (= childless women), all these (kinds of) plants became plentiful, may the baskets (with malt?36)) dust 6) you shall crush together and mix (Var. A) in water from become plentiful! a river. You shall pour cypress oil in the middle (of the End of the incantation formula. 35) Wording for the profit of mixture). You shall smear the door of the man’s house from the innkeeper at your quay. outside (with it). 7) You shall sweep the roof. You shall 36) The ritual procedure for it: dust from a quay, dust from a sprinkle clean water. You shall place a portable altar in front ford, dust from a bridge, dust from the crossroad of four of Istar (as the Venus star). You shall arrange 12 breads. 8) roads, 37) dust from a crossroad of streets, dust from a city You shall lay down a cake with date syrup and butter. You gate, dust from a god’s sanctuary, dust from (Var. B) the door shall strew dates and fine flour. You shall put up a censer of the house of Istar, dust from the prostitute’s house, dust with juniper. 9) (Var. c) You shall bring a person, either a man from a gardener’s door, 38) dust from the door of a cook’s or a woman, to climb on to the roof, and then kneel on his/ house, dust from the pub’s door, whose profit is significant. her shins, then you shall put up a figure on their 39) All these kinds of dust — you shall place a portable altar right. 10) Thus he/she shall say: O, Istar, Nanaya and Gaz- in front of Istar. 40) You shall put up three pieces of bread, baba, rush to aid him! 11) This he/she shall say and shall talk formed like breasts. You shall put up a censer with juniper. in accordance with his/her thoughts, and then the profit for You shall libate with /(Var. B) premium/ beer. You shall recite the pub 12) will occur constantly. The house of beer will the incantation seven times, and then prostrate yourself 41). flourish in the future days. You shall dissolve these kinds of dust in water/ (Glosses of Var. B) 13) Incantation: O, Istar, the most able of the great gods, the in beer/. You shall recite the incantation seven times. You elevated one, the resplendent one, the valiant one. 14) O, Istar, shall smear the door of the house (with the mixture). (Var. B) the noble one, the very great one. O, Irnina, o, lady rush to aid From its (the mixture’s) remains you shall form a figure of me! She is beautiful (but also) frightening, Enlil — goddess an ox, and then you shall bury (it) under the Ìarû (kind of of the people, goddess of men. 16) The rival one of the people, vat). the very competent Istar, daughter of Anu, a creation of the great gods. 17) The Donor of the sceptre, of the throne, and of The colophons: the reign for all the kings. Lady of the lands, look after me! A 43) In accordance with the tablet, an inscribed copy from 18) The splendid one among goddesses, the very great lady. Babylon, he wrote and collated (the tablet with handle). I summoned you! Rush to aid me! 19) May you accept the pure B (Catch line) 43) = B. rev. 27) If the seal of a man is broken or abundant censer with juniper, may you accept the pub (and) vanished or [thrown?] in a river. your lover! 20) O, Istar, for my affairs stand by me! Let this 28) The 135th tablet of the Nambu[rbi-rituals.] 29) Palace brewing be your brewing! 21) O, Istar lay your hand over the of Ashurbanipal, king of totality, ki[ng of the Land Assur], rack and the mash vat!32) 22) May the income come to me and 30) who [trusts] in Assur and Ni[nlil], 31) to whom Nabû (and) never stop! You bear this responsibility by yourself! Tasmetu pr[esented] infinite understanding, 32) who acquired End of the incantation formula. 23) Wording (for the case) clear sight (and) high level of [scribal art.] 33) Nobody among that the income of the pub stopped. the previous kings before me [acquired] these skills; 34) the 24) The ritual procedure for it: You shall put up a censer with wisdom of Nabû, the cuneiform wedge marks, as many as juniper in front of Istar. You shall libate beer of the inn- they are [created], 35) I wrote, checked, collated on tablets, 36) keeper, but do not finish (the libation); 25) you shall leave [and then I deposited (them)] in[side of my palace] for view- (some beer), and then you shall prostrate yourself and libate ing and for my reading (them) aloud. 37) The one who trusts the (rest of) the beer, and then the profit for the pub 26) will in you will not be ashamed, king of the gods — Assur! 38) occur constantly. In the future days (the pub) will flourish! Anyone who carries off (this tablet) or writes his name 27) Incantation: O, Istar of the lands, valiant of the goddesses. instead of my name (on it), 39) may Assur and Ninlil furiously This (= the bordello) is your residence, be joyful and rejoice! overthrow him, and then 40) may they destroy his name and 28) Come, enter our house! With you, may the sweet one, his seed in the land! who sleeps with you, enter 29) your seducer and your para- mour. Let my lips be (as sweet as) lallaru (= kind of syrup), 5) Commentary let my hands be a sexual charm! 30) Let the lip of my ring (= The text consists of three main ritual ‘building blocks’37), vulva) be a lip of date syrup (= as sweet as date syrup). Like comprising ritual instructions, acts, and incantations or a snake (= penis), going out from a hole, and birds twittering prayers, introduced by rubrics38). It begins with the clear over him33) (= the snake/penis), 31) may their34) people fight statement: ana isdiÌ sabî “for the profit of the innkeeper“. each other for my sake in the residence of Istar, in the sanc- First act: The making of materia magica39) from different tuary of Ninlil! 32) Among the belongings of Ningiszida, kinds of dust, which resembles a medical prescription (Ll. grasp him, bring him, and reach a mutual agreement with 2-6). With the mixed materia one shall smear the door of him!35) 33) The distant one may turn to me, the angry one may return to me, may his heart return to me as if (to) gold! 36) See FOSTER, Before the Muses3 (2005) 1014 note 2. 37) HAAS, Liebesgarten (1999) 102 divides it in another way. See also FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 278 and CRYER & THOMSEN, Witchcraft and 32) See fig. 6 and references of the different plaques with reliefs under Magic (2001) 61. footnotes 95 and 96. 38) For different rubrics see GELLER, Fs. Lambert (2000) 225ff. and 33) The male suffix refers to the snake/penis. MAUL, OrNS 78 (2009) 69-80. 34) Feminine possessive suffix. It may refer to the goddesses of love 39) There is no study of materia magica in Akkadian and Sumerian Istar, Nanaya and Gazbaba. texts. Nevertheless, one can find references to different terms used by Hit- 35) The male suffixes on this line probably refer again to the snake as a tites in the thorough study by HAAS, Materia Magica et Medica (2003) Vol. metaphor for the penis. I and II. 297 A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO 298 the pub (L. 7), clean the roof and make offerings to Istar as the leftovers from the mixture, which at the end shall be the star Venus. Afterwards one shall make offerings and deposited under a special vessel in the pub itself. fumigate for Istar. After the material offerings, verbal offer- It has been suggested that the pub — bordello — is a dirty ings, in the form of incantations, shall be pronounced to and dangerous place, where magical harmful substances accu- different Istar manifestations (L. 10). Consequently, the ale- mulated with time, rendering it unsafe for the guests and house will flourish in the future (L. 12). Then another decreasing the income45). Therefore, one shall perform a rit- incantation40) to Istar is pronounced (Ll. 13-22) in which at ual to decontaminate the pub and therefore re-instate its profit. the end she is summoned as the goddess responsible for the In contrast, there are no references to dangers or harm in the profit of the alehouse as a bordello41) (L. 22). Second act: present text. Its phraseology46) rather suggests that the ritual’s Fumigation for Istar with an exact prescribed libation of the main goal was to stabilize the income of the innkeeper and beer from the pub (Ll. 24f.). In this case the beer functions ensure long-lasting profit for the pub or bordello. as a substitute for a major part of the pub’s climate — bor- dello — where it is consumed, with the sex (see fig. 6). 5.1) Notes L.1) In the beginning read DIS as ana47). For the expres- sion tu-mu bitu(É) imannu(SID) see also the ritual tablet of bit meseri in AMT 34 2: 548). At the end of the line read in manuscript B in]a [sur]-si-i (reading courtesy of M. J. Gel- ler). This is confirmed by collations on manuscript A as well49). Furthermore, this reading is supported by the phraseology in a hemerology, which described the right time, using a planet observation, for this very ritual: BRM 4 20: 25 is-di-Ìu sabî(lúKURUN.NAM) sur-si-i mul s s mul qaqqar(KI) alluti( AL.LU5) á-ni qaqqar(KI) Gula( GU. LA). There are two more hemerologies, which mention the right time for that ritual. In BRM 4 19: 14, the 29th day of the twelfth month is given as crucial for this ritual: XII 29 s UD.DA.KAM* is-di-iÌ erasure sabî(lúKURUN.NA) suzubi( uKAR) u attalâ(AN.TA.LÙ)50). Note also the earliest parallel text STT

45) „Das Abladen magischer Schadensstoffe vor und in der Schenke machte diesen Ort nicht nur potentiell für die Gäste gefährlich, ja, man war auch überzeugt, dass dadurch der Ertrag einer Schenke gemindert werden könnte. Deshalb ist es nur folgerichtig, auch gegen die Minderung des Gewinns bzw. für das Florieren einer Schenke auf ein passendes Ritual zu vertrauen.“ Haas, Liebesgarten (1999) 101. See also MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 105f., 420 note 35. Then another incantation to Istar follows (Ll. 27-34). In it 46) Compare lines: 1 ana isdiÌ sabî, 11f. isdiÌu ana bit sabî isaddira one can find a lot of sexual metaphors and plays on words42). bit sikari ana arkât umi idammiq, 22 miÌirtu lillikamma ai ipparku piÌatu 43 annitu nasâti atti, 23 ka’inimma summa miÌirtu ana bit sabî parsat, 25f. The prostitute shall recite this incantation ), which is isdiÌ ana bit sabî isaddira ana arkât umi idammiq, 35 ka’inimma isdiÌ sabî stressed as a wording for the profit of the innkeeper at the karika, 38 eper bab bit sabî sa isdiÌsu ma’dû. quay, where bordellos were common (L. 35, see below). 47) See also FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 277; Differently ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 176 and CAPLICE, SANE 1 (1974) 23. Third act: It is reminiscent of the first act, where dust was 48 used for making materia magica (Ll. 36-39). Then, one ) THOMPSON, AMT (1923) 34 2: 5. See also BORGER, JNES 33 (1974) s 188; EBELING, RA 49 (1955) 179 note 13. tummu is stative, see CAD T shall install in midst of the mixture an altar for I tar with 167b, 4b) and AHw 1318a, 4c). See esp. MEIER, AfO 12 (1937-39) 240: 2; three symbolic breads formed as breasts. Probably they FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 277f. This reading shows that the interpretation symbolise the three summoned Istars in the ritual: Istar, of the professions in OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia (1977) 303 note 13 Nanaya, and Gazbaba, or (Gazbaya). Then one shall libate and REINER, Astral magic (1995) 64 note 267 must be modified. s 49) The previous suggestion of ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 170: 2 [ana a special beer and recite an incantation to I tar. Subse- la m]a-si-i, must be corrected in CAD A/2 347a, d). Further EBELING, RA quently the door of the pub shall be smeared again with 49 (1955) 179 reads [imannu-ma i-ra-]as-si-i, and FARBER, TUAT II (1987) materia magica. The smearing of the door, in the first and 277f. [um (das Geschäft) zu he]ben, must be ignored. 50) For a recent treatment of BRM 4 19 and 20 see GELLER, Look to the the third acts, was most likely a magical means to sustain a s Stars (2010) 25-44 and passim. On suzubi ( uKAR) as “save” in BRM 4 19: steady flow of visitors, who are expected to pass through 14. UNGNAD, AfO 14 (1941-44) 274: 14 and 266. He leaves SU.KAR without this very door44). A figurine of a bull shall be modelled with explanation, but translates „Schankwirtes vom(?) Hafenkai“. He was prob- ably influenced by VAT 9728 r. 9, here line 35. This can be found slightly modified in RÖLLIG, Das Bier (1970) 50 note 194. SCURLOCK, AfO 51 40) For a designation incantation or prayer see MAYER, UFBG (1976) (2005-06) 143a translates „to take away the beer merchant’s profit or (to passim. For the incantations here see ibid. 390 no. 14 and no. 15. cause his) eclipse“. Such translation is most probably erroneous because 41) See LANDSBERGER, MSL 1 (1937) 133 and esp. FARBER, JAOS 106 the ritual has a clear positive purpose. GELLER, Look to the Stars (2010) 40 (1986) 449b. l. 25, thinks also that in this case SU.KAR shall be understood as suzubu. 42) See also FARBER, JAOS 106 (1986) 448f. This is supported by the lexical list Erim-Ìus V 2f. 2) su-kar: su-zu-bu 3) 43) See also CRYER & THOMSEN, Witchcraft and Magic (2001) 64. Ethno- su-kar-kar: e-†e-ri CAVIGNEAUX, GÜTERBOCK, and ROTH, MSL 17 (1985) 67. logical data show that in Thailand and in Mexico some prostitutes recite a Additionally, see the positive meaning of the verbs in STT 300 r. 14 sadari prayer to the responsible goddess before performing their job. See the docu- and BRM 4 20: 25 sursî. The AN.TA.LÙ eclipse is probably connected with mentary by M. Glawogger (Accessed 31 the mentioned 29th day of the month. The 29th day was the black-moon day, Aug. 2012). which was mentioned as crucial for the ritual. For the 29th day bubbulu or 44) See also SALLABERGER, Der babylonische Töpfer (1996) 9f. um bubbuli in Akkadian, see CAD B 298ff. 299 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2013 300

30051) which uses a different phraseology. Here, only days crucial in various other rituals, e.g. in Maqlû60), but in this are used as notification for the right time and no planets: case it is specifically connected to the normal time for visit- STT 300 r. 14 UD.[27].KÁM UD.DA.[KÁM] [is]-di-iÌ lúKÚRUN. ing a bordello61). The translation of Ìarimtu is controversial. NA sa-da-ri é-[lat][a]-k[a-li52) i]s-[di]-[iÌ] [KÚRUN].[NA]- For example, J. Assante suggests describing Ìarimtu as “not [su] [BÚR] KI.MIN. Furthermore, the exorcist almanac STT the daughter of a man“ or “not the wife of a man”62). On the 300 is a tablet with a pierced handle and the same script other hand more widely accepted is the use of “prostitute“ orientation as VAT 9728. as a translation for Ìarimtu, see the investigations of W. G. L. 2) Two sections exist in the present ritual text where Lambert, J. Cooper, and M. Stol63). I have followed that materia magica was made by mixing dust53). The different trend here. kinds of dust were substitutes for their places of origin54). It L. 5) In A LÚ is broken, but well visible64). is characteristic for the original places that they are con- L. 6) AHw 948b states that tu-rak is variant for ta-rak in nected with gods (e.g. L. 2: É DINGIR, BARAG DINGIR; L. 3: G-stem. This is based on a reading from E. Ebeling65). Now ib-ra-ti), transitional places (e.g. L. 3: pal-gi, ti-tur-ri), or (based on collations) the only reading for both manuscripts with professions (e.g. L. 4: esp. KÁ sa-bi-i). These kinds of must be tu-rak, which is understood as D-stem durative. The dust remind us of sections from the exorcist series Surpu. meaning of râku is not clear but a translation as “pour” The similarities in some kinds of dust illustrate their impor- seems plausible because the verb was used for different liq- tance and power for magical purposes. uids66). L. 7) ÙR = uru “roof“ was a crossing point in the archi- First act eperu: Second act eperu: Surpu III58) tecture of Mesopotamia, and an important place for perform- (L. 2) bit ili (L. 36) kari mamitu: ing rituals67). The roof is open to the sky, and one can directly parak ili neberi (L. 48) kari communicate with the gods in the form of stars. Here a e abulli titurri n beri word-play occurs between uru “roof” and uru “vagina”. The palgi pallurti57) sa erbe Ìarranati (L. 49) palgi (L. 37) u writing in BM 53655 ÙR(GAZI!*) SAR is probably mistaken ibrati s q erbetti titurri sar 68 (L. 33, 50) Ì a for the writing GAZI , the kasû plant ). titurri abulli arr ni s a (L. 3) u 55) /Text B (L. 74) L. 10) I tar Nan ya, and Gazbaba are closely related to s q erbetti parak ili parakki parakki 69 asamsuti56) /Text B bab/ bit Istar (L. 83) ibrati each other and are associated with sexuality ). Nanaya bab bit Ìarimti bit Ìarimti shares features with Istar70). Gazbaba (Gazbaya) is a daugh- bab narami bab bit nukarippi ter of Nanaya71). The trinity is active in sà-zi-ga rituals for (L. 4) bab kaÒiri (L. 38) bab bit nuÌatimmi increasing potency72), and can be labelled as “goddesses of bab ekalli bab bit sabî sa isdiÌsu love”73). bab baqili ma’dû 74 a a L. 14) Irnina is a variant to Innin ). She is related to Ning- b b s bî iszida (here L. 32)75). Ìarrani (L. 5) bab nukarippi a a 60) See the table in SCHWEMER, Abwehrzauber (2007) 39. b b nagg ri 61 /Text A amil naditi ) See the passage in GEORGE, Gilgamesh I (2003) 552: 230ff. 62) ASSANTE, UF 30 (1998) 5-96; ASSANTE, Bad Girls and Kinky Boys? s 59 (2009) 31-33. L. 3) The mentioning of I tar, as Venus ), is a clue for the 63 right time of performing the ritual. The phrase sa Istar ) LAMBERT, Prostitution (1992) 127-157; COOPER, RLA 11 (2006) Ì s 12-21; STOL, Vrouwen van Babylon (2012) 251ff. esp. 261f. See also nap atu/i “whereupon I tar shines” shows that the star was GEORGE, Gilgamesh I (2003) 148, who prefers the translation “harlot“ for visible, or the action occurs after sunset. Such timing is also SamÌat in her role as Ìarimtu. e 64) The reading [eper ba]b am lSAL.ME, ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 172: 5 and 178, can not be proven by collations. It is followed in CAD N 64b, e): [eper bab] LÚ.SAL.ME. The main argument against this reading is the 51) GURNEY & HULIN, STT II (1964) no. 300. See references in footnote lack of space on the tablet for KÁ. Further see „dust from the doors of the 50. naditu“ in ASSANTE, UF 30 (1998) 78. HAAS, Liebesgarten (1999) 103 52) Reading after GELLER, Look to the Stars (2010) 47: 41. The colla- translates „vom Tor einer naditu-Frau”. tions on STT 300 in April 2012 in Ankara confirm the signs. M. Stol 65) EBELING, RA 49 (1955) 178: 6 tu-raq, see note 5 ta-raq. proposes É.KUR as a possible reading. 66) See CAD R 110f. It reads also kidâ. Note that CAD K 363a and 53) For mixing the dust or clay see SALLABERGER, Der babylonische AHw 477b read kimâ. Töpfer (1996) 9f. 67) See AHw 1434f. BOTTÉRO, Magie, RLA 7 (1988) 219b. Demons are 54) See also CRYER & THOMSEN, Witchcraft and Magic (2001) 64. For not allowed to cross it over (nabalkutu) or to go up on the roof (elû). See the role of dust in witchcraft, see SCHWEMER, Abwehrzauber (2007) 18, 57 the references in GELLER, SAACT 5 (2007) 299 under ùr = uru. note 109, 91, 163. 68) For the plant see GELLER, AfO Bh. 19 (1982) 193f. and STOL, 55) For suq erbetti see CAD S 405f. See also SCHWEMER, Abwehrzauber HANE/S 6 (1994) 175ff. (2007) 57 note 109 and MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 105. Compare also summa 69) See MEINHOLD, Istar in Assur (2009) 257, 404. alu, Tafel 104, CT 39 45: 29 summa(DIS) amilu(NA) ina suq erbetti(SILA. 70) See AMBOS, ZA 93 (2003) 232ff. LÍM) sinnista(MUNUS) iÒbat(DUB)-ma itÌe(TE), summa amilu(NA) ina suq 71) DREWNOWSKA-RYMARZ, Nanaja (2008) passim and esp. 28. See also erbetti(SILA.LÍM) Ìarimti(KAR.KID) sa-dir. See also CAD S 406a „has inter- LITKE, An = Anum (1998) 165, IV: 274f. course with a prostitute“ against sadaru “jmdn. ständig (ver)folgen“, see 72) BIGGS, sà-zi-ga (1967) 21 no. 5: 13 (STT 280); 27 no. 10: 36f. (STT AHw 1001a IIb). The passage shows a connection between suq erbetti and 280); 44 no. 25: 16 (STT 280), also in the commentary to no. 25, l. 24´. Ìarimtu. 73) WIGGERMANN, RLA 12 (2010) 414b. 56) The sand storm was probably much more rare than nowadays, see 74) See THUREAU-DANGIN, Lettres et contrats (1910) 61f. HAAS, VON SODEN, Einführung (1992) 8. Liebesgarten (1999) 183 note 188. See also DEIMEL, Pantheon (1914) 147 57) For this writing see the discussion in BORGER, MZ (2010) no. 121 no. 1594; TALLQVIST, Götterepitheta (1938) 329; GELB, JNES 19 (1960) Chapter 3. 72-79. 58) See REINER, Surpu (1958) 19-24 and BORGER, Surpu II, III, IV und 75) WIGGERMANN, RLA 9 (2000) 369b. See also Litke, An = Anum VIII in “Partitur” (2000) 36-55. (1998) 192 V: 260: dNI.NI.na. For Ningiszida in the third millennium see 59) See also FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 278 note 3. recently VACÍN, Fs. Hruska (2011) 253-258 and passim. 301 A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO 302

L. 15) The word Enlilat stresses the crucial position of signs belong together. Bordellos were common on quays, Istar in the text as a patron for the pub. It is conceivable which is also proven by the etymology for the Sumerian that the word was specifically chosen for that very text. Note writing KAR.KID or KAR.AK “(she) who does (it on) also the unique word Ìabbubu. the quay” for the Akkadian word Ìarimtu “prostitute”88). L. 25) The unclear word in VAT 9728 must be read as Note that Siduri, the ale-wife par excellence, known from [tus]-ra-aÌ-ma, 2. S-stem, durative from râÌu, based on col- Gilgames, is also referred to as: “Siduri [was an ale]-wife lations of N 3554. who lived by the sea-shore”89). L. 29) Ìabbubu “seducer, lover” is a rare word, see also L. 40) I have translated in manuscript B KAS.SAG, probably Enlilat (L. 15). It is most likely a substantive built from the sikaru restû, as “premium beer“, but this kind of beverage verb Ìababu (here L. 30) “to moan”, which is used as a could also refer to “date-beer“90). metaphor for sex76). L. 43) The scribe of VAT 9728 states in the colophon that L. 30) The sentence kima Òeri sa istu Ìurri uÒÒâmma iÒÒ- the original of the text comes from Babylon. In the archive uru ina muÌÌisu iÌabbubu has a connotation with the special where the text was found there is a further text designated as bird iÒÒur Ìurri. Its crushed head was used in the potency coming from the South91). Furthermore, the scribe wrote the incantations sà-zi-ga as materia magica and medica. The sign AN twice, B 9 an-nu-tì and B 16 A AN (See fig. 2), in gloss here caused a lot of ambiguity in various studies77). quasi Old Babylonian orthography. This might suggest that Now (based on collations) one should probably understand the writer copied the sign shape from an earlier example the gloss as: MAN “read like this“ (see Fig. 4b). from the South. “The lip of my ring“ glossed “read it so!“ is a metaphor for the vulva78). L. 31) Ìarû versus Ìarû on line 42. The words are homo- 6) The context phones79). The Ìarû-vat played an important role in different The ritual was clearly meant for a pub or bordello, where rituals. A probable connection between Ìarû and Nabû-sa- both alcohol and sex were consumed. Therefore, the power Ìarê cannot be confirmed80). Here, I translate Ìarû as “sanc- of the gods Istar as patron of sex (also linked to pubs, in tuary“81) because of the preceding giparu, which designates different manifestations92)), and Ningiszida (esp. as “lord of a location82). the innkeeper“93)) was invoked. Similar evidence was pre- L. 32) Ningiszida’s function here is analogous to served on various Old Babylonian reliefs, often Dumuzi83). The chthonic god is not only associated with sex, showing alcohol consumption and sexual activities together but also with the pub and drinking (See below: 6) The con- (See fig. 6)94). It probably represents typical activities of a text). In Namburbi-rituals Ningiszida acts together with the Mesopotamian bordello95), and was most likely displayed in beer-god Siris as a helper of the pub’s guests: Siris u Nin- a bordello96). They have a only on the front, so they gizzida lipsuruninni iqabbi „Siris and Ningiszida may release were meant to be leaned against, or fixed on a wall in order me, shall he say“84). to be displayed97). In view of the fact that VAT 9728 was so L. 33) R. Caplice reads KUG.GI as a cryptogram for qu5- taru(GI) „smoke (by fumigation)“85). I read KUG.GI as ÌuraÒu

“gold” because the line speaks about returning, whereas 88 smoke normally rises and goes away, as seen from the per- ) See LAMBERT, Prostitution (1992) 157 addenda. 89) Translation after GEORGE, Gilgamesh I (2003) 675 X 1. For Siduri spective of a person on earth. Therefore, I assume that the see ibid. 148. For sabî kari see also LAMBERT, BWL (1996) 136: 157f. 86 metaphor here is the gold and not the smoke ). 90) See STOL, HANE/S 6 (1994) 161-164. For further literature see L. 34) Note the word play between kuruppu “basket” and BORGER, MZ (2010) 321 no. 358. 91 s a karabu “to pray, bless”87). ) See umma lu 35 (KAR 376-377), but as a copy from wax tablet, see PEDERSÉN, ALA II (1986) 29f., 33, N2 (31). L: 35) The scribe of VAT 9728 placed the ‘decoration 92) Most recent WIGGERMANN, RLA 12 (2010) 417 and MEINHOLD, Istar hole’ between KURUN and NA. Manuscript B shows that these in Assur (2009) passim, see the index under Sexualität. See also the image of the ale-wife Siduri, discussed in GEORGE, Gilgamesh I (2003) 148f. 93) See the epithet in KÖCHER, BAM 6 (1980) 565: 4´ [d]Nin-gis-zi-da 76) See WIGGERMANN, RLA 12 (2010) 411a. EN sa-bi-i. Further WIGGERMANN, RLA 9 (2000) 368-373. 77) EBELING, RA 49 (1955) 182 note 8. His reading was later modified 94) Although the reliefs (Old Babylonian period) and the ritual (Neo from FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 280 note 30)a. See also the proposal of Assyrian - Late Babylonian period) have come down to us from different ASSANTE, UF 30 (1998) 80 note 228, which must be ignored now. centuries, here it is assumed that the functions are comparable. The drawing 78) For metaphors of the vulva see HAAS, Liebesgarten (1999) 130. See is done after the erotic plaque in the British Museum = ME 116731, see also ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) 175: 50 and FOSTER, Before the Muses3 (Accessed 31 Aug. 2012) thinks that Istar recites this prayer. 95) For the terracotta reliefs see OPIFICIUS, Terrakotta (1961), ASSANTE, 79) See also FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 280 and HAAS, Liebesgarten Erotic Reliefs (2000) and ASSANTE, CRRAI 47/1 (2002) esp. 29, fig. 1-2. (1999) 106. Most recently see STOL, Vrouwen van Babylon (2012) 252, esp. 255, fig. 80) See ZGOLL, Neujahrsfest (2006) 36f. 19. 81) See AHw 328f. ein Heiligtum? CAD Î 118 (mng. uncert). 96) Additionally, it has been suggested that plaques like the “Queen of 82) See HARRIS, RLA 3 (1957-71) 379a and ZIMMERN, ZA 32 (1918-19) the Night” were also displayed in a bordello, and functioned like a cult- 182: 53. relief, see JACOBSEN, The Burney Relief (1987) 1-11. esp. 6. Similar reliefs 83) FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 280 note 32a and EDZARD, WM (1983) 112. are: BM 103226, ANE 1994-10-1,1 and AO 6501 (goddess standing on See also WIGGERMANN, RLA 9 (2000) 368-373. two (he-) goats) see FRANK, Dämonologie (1941) 30. See COLLON, Queen 84) MAUL, CRRAI 38 (1992) 392: 5. See also MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) of the Night (2005) esp. 13-18, 45, and figs 5a-b and 6c. See also the dis- 103: 5, 104 note 25, 361: 82. cussion against an identification of the goddess of the “Burney Relief” 85) CAPLICE, SANE 1 (1974) 23f. note 6. For that reading see BORGER, with Ereskigal in WIGGERMANN, Demons of Time (2007) 113f. note 13 and MZ (2010) 415 no. 745. 112 note 9. After T. Jacobsen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, Kilili will be the 86) See also FOSTER, Before the Muses3 (2005) 1014 note 1. most likely identification for the goddess. 87) See FARBER, JAOS 106 (1986) 449a and FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 97) WIGGERMANN, RLA 12 (2010) 421 §6.5, considers the terracotta 280 note 34a. plaques as “kind of visual hymns for domestic use“. 303 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2013 304 modelled, one may assume that the Assur tablet was likewise tablet from Ninive was designated as a Namburbi. According displayed indoors in a bordello98). If the tablet was hung on a to its colophon, the tablet served as a reference work in the string, one had to read the text from top to bottom, and from so-called Ashurbanipal library, (B rev. 36) “for viewing and right to left. In order to read the whole ritual inscribed on for my (Ashurbanipal’s) reading aloud”. In contrast, the tab- VAT 9728 one had to turn it 90° vertically, in the same way let from Assur, VAT 9728, gives us a glimpse of an entirely as one turns a book page (Fig. 7). Among different tablets different purpose. First, the tablet’s handle was pierced, so it must have been shaped to be hung up, using a string105). Sec- rev. obv. ond, the text tells us clearly that this ritual was to be per- formed when a bordello needed to sustain its income, suggest- ing that the displayable tablet belonged to the bordello, in which case, one may ask whether the tablet was meant to be read at all106). Although VAT 9728 is large enough and the script is clear107), how many persons of Mesopotamian bor- dello could read a tablet? Even if the visitors could read cuneiform, would they care about the profit of the innkeeper? The only person who definitely cared about the profit, was the innkeeper, but could he read? Furthermore, the text instructs a prostitute to recite a prayer to Istar, but could a Mesopota- mian prostitute read cuneiform? The plausible answer can be found in line one of the text, where it is said that: “Either a diviner or a physician or an exorcist shall recite (the incanta- tion) ‘Conjured is the house’, When (the profit) shall come about”. This implies that such persons were summoned, in case of the diminishing profit, in order to perform the ritual, (Copy M.J. Geller) and possibly to read aloud108) and/or instruct the prostitute and the other performers (compare L. 9 “You shall bring a person, either a man or a woman, to climb on to the roof, and with handle, two reading orientations are known, the more then kneel on his/her shins, then you shall put up a bronze common one from left to right, and from top to bottom and figure on their right.”). Therefore one can assume that for right to left. The latter provides the opportunity the potential performing the ritual at least three persons were needed: one reader to go around a tablet, and to read the whole text with- specialist, a prostitute, and either a man or a woman. This out the need of flipping or touching the tablet99). might suggest that the specialists performed the ritual while However, the archaeological context of the tablets’ discov- there were visitors in the bordello. It gets even more compli- ery site provides almost no information regarding their func- cated if we imagine that, if the specialists did not have the tion100). Moreover, VAT 9728 was found alongside other materia magica in readiness, they had to gather all kinds of texts, unrelated to bordellos101). This suggests that the tablet dust for the materia magica and then perform the ritual. was manufactured for the purpose of hanging in a bordello, I assume that the very presence of the tablet with a handle, but was not actually found in one102). VAT 9728, had a significant meaning, beside the ritual text. The ritual aimed to ensure a constant, long-lasting profit The text on the tablet was meant for the specialists, but the for the owner of the bordello. When ominous signs were rec- displayed tablet, as an object, had also a practical function. A ognized, forecasting the loss of profit, this ritual had to be possible explanation for the function of VAT 9728 could be performed in order to secure the income for the innkeeper and that, although the ritual on it was intended to increase the profit his bordello. It is thus understandable why this ritual was des- of a bordello, the tablet as an object with that very text served ignated as the 135th tablet of the series of apotropaic rituals as a substitute109) for the whole ritual process, performers and Namburbi in the colophon of Ashurbanipal103). The omen wordings. This happened by turning the text of the ritual into a indicator was the diminishing profit and the performance of hanging visual object, thereby displaying it, and making it vis- this ritual was a way of repairing such damage104). Only the ible to owner(s), to the prostitute(s), and to the public. There- fore, the very presence of the ritual in the shape of VAT 9728 had magical powers to ensure the well-being of the bordello. 98) See also the opinins: “Ferner hing man im Hause – wahrscheinlich This example illustrates how texts on tablets were not only an der Tür . . .“, JASTROW, Religion I (1905) 285f., and “im Torbereich“, kept in archives, but also displayed, and made visible as well, MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 106. which suggests an everyday practical use. 99) A similar possibility was observed and mentioned for other tablets as well, see WATANABE, ASJ 10 (1988) 265f. 100) ANDRAE, MDOG 22 (1904) 18f. Furthermore, see PEDERSÉN, ALA II (1986) 29. N2. 105) Normally the string is not preserved. But in the case of BM 118998 101) Description of the texts in PEDERSÉN, ALA II (1986) N2. He says (Erra 3), see REINER, JNES 19 (1960) 149 plate 2 and BM 118796, see that this library was a private one. POSTGATE, SAAB 1 (1987) 57-63 esp. 57: a copper wire is still recognizable 102) Up till now there is no suggestion for a pub localisation in Assur. nowadays. For a plan of an excavated pub in , see TRÜMPELMANN, IranAnt 16 106) CAPLICE, Genre Namburbi (1963) 47, asks a similar question. His (1981) 35ff. See also the plan of the pub excavated in Beycesultan, in WIG- point is that ‘they (the tablets with handle) were often in the possession of GERMANN, Phoenix 56 (2010) 31ff. picture 12. Second reference is courtesy persons who could not read cuneiform script’. of F.A.M. Wiggermann. 107) See also ANDRAE, MDOG 22 (1904) 19. 103) See FARBER, TUAT II (1987) 277 and MAUL, BaF 18 (1994) 105 108) See also CAPLICE, Genre Namburbi (1963) 91. note 46, 179, 420 note 35. 109) In a similar way, similia similibus, the dust functioned as materia 104) See the description of the Namburbi in MAUL, RLA 9 (1998) 92-94. magica of this ritual, see CRYER & THOMSEN, Witchcraft and Magic (2001) 64. 305 A RITUAL FOR A FLOURISHING BORDELLO 306

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