DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction 1. the City Had Very Few Black Inhabitants in the Early 1950S

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction 1. the City Had Very Few Black Inhabitants in the Early 1950S Notes Introduction 1. The city had very few black inhabitants in the early 1950s. The estimated 5,000 slaves who had been kept as servants in the eighteenth century had long since merged into the general population (Dresser, 1989, p. 310). 2. In the UK context, ‘Asian’ has a similar meaning to ‘South Asian’ in the U.S. context. 3. During an impromptu feedback to the head at the end of the day on how things went, I happened to mention that, after we had done some Math and some English, we then played some reggae. The response of the head teacher of this predominantly African-Caribbean multicultural school was, ‘oh, what’s that?’ 4. Perhaps such a challenge began with the sociologist Max Weber. Although Albert Salomon’s famous observation that Weber was involved in a debate ‘with the ghost of Marx’ (Salomon, 1935) may be somewhat overstated, ever since Weber (c. 1915) made a number of criticisms of Marx and Marxism the intellectual struggle against Marxist ideas has been at the forefront of academic writing. Weber suggested that social class might not be solely related to the mode of production; that political power does not neces- sarily derive from economic power; and that status as well as class might form the basis of the formation of social groups. Subsequent attempts to challenge Marxist ideas have ranged from the post-structuralist writings of Michel Foucault who believed that power is diffuse rather than related to the means of production, and of Jacques Derrida who stressed the need for the deconstruction of all dominant discourses; through the postmodernism of Jean-François Lyotard who was incredulous of all grand narratives, of Jean Baudrillard who argued that binary oppositions (such as the ruling and working classes) had collapsed; to the transmodernism of Enrique Dussel who has reworked the limited postmodern notion of multivocality (where all voices have equal validity) in favor of the prioritizing of the voices of ‘suffering Others’. Although renowned for his scholarly, thorough, ongoing and original reading of Marx, and for his numerous publications on vari- ous aspects of Marxism, Dussel, nevertheless advocates an ‘ex nihilo uto- pia’ (a utopia created from scratch) rather than socialism (see Cole, 2008d, Chapter 6). Elsewhere (Cole, 2008d), I have defended Marxism against these various challenges, but have also acknowledged some of the insights of these diverse theories. 158 NOTES 1 Critical Race Theory: Origins and Varieties 1. Analogic Reasoning, for the founder of transmodernism Enrique Dussel, is reasoning outside of the class struggle, whence the new utopia will be born (for a discussion of Analogic Reasoning, see Cole, 2008d, pp. 72–74). This is particularly problematic for Marxists since, for them, the new society will be born as a result of the class struggle. Marxists believe that social change comes about through struggle as part of a dialectical process via thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. The warring classes are always the products of the respective modes of production, of the economic condition of their time. Thus slaves were in struggle with their masters in the historical epoch of ancient slavery. This gave way to feudalism (synthesis). Feudal serfs were in struggle with their lords in times of feudalism, and workers are in struggle with capitalists in the era of capitalism. This struggle is exacerbated in the mode of neoliberal global capitalism and modern imperialism (see chapter 6 of this volume). Marxists believe, given the right circumstances (workers becoming class conscious and seeing through the interpellation process—discussed at the end of this chapter—and realizing that they are in struggle with capitalists), this can lead to the synthesis of socialism. 2. Analectic Interaction involves listening to the voices of ‘suffering Others’ and interacting democratically with them as a step towards liberation (see Cole, 2008d, pp. 74–75). 3. A distinction needs to be made between the Marxist usage of the term ‘work- ing class’ and sociological meanings of the term. For Marxists, the working class consists of all those who need to sell their labor power to survive rather than living off the labor power of others (see the appendix to chapter 8 of this volume). Sociologists such as Weber use the term to describe those and their children in lower status occupations with lower earnings. Both definitions have their advantages and both are used throughout this volume. 4. Legal realism is a family of theories about the nature of law developed in the first half of the twentieth century in the United States and Scandinavia. The essential tenet of legal realism is that all law is made by human beings and thus is subject to human foibles, frailties and imperfections. Thus, as Woodard (1986, p. 1) argues, for legal realists, policy choices ‘should be informed by the best knowledge, legal or extralegal, and not based soley on the the arti- ficial authority of earlier cases’. In the case of the United States, it disavowed mechanical jurisprudence in favor of insights from social science and politics and utilized policy judgment (Delgado and Stefancic, 2001, p. 150). 5. The term ‘liberalism’ tends, in popular (and academic) parlance, to be used differently in the United Kingdom and the United States. Traditionally in the United Kingdom, it has been used (in popular discourse by Marxists and other Left radicals) to describe ‘middle of the road’ politics. In the United States, it has often been used in everyday parlance to describe those who are viewed to be on the Left. The ‘Marxism-aware’ CLS writers discussed in this chapter, including Tushnet, tend to use ‘liberalism’ to describe ‘middle of the road’ politics, as do similarly Marxism-aware Critical Race Theorists. 6. Unger (1986) held similar views, arguing for an alliance between disaffected elites and the downtrodden, and urging CLS lawyers to wage a strategic cam- paign of ‘constructive dissidence’ (cited in Woodard, 1986, p. 3). 7. Reading the twenty or so leading law review articles on civil rights in the early 1980s, Delgado ([1984] [1995], p. 46) discovered that the authors were NOTES 159 all white males, and that those they cited were also white males. Given that there were at the time about one hundred black, twenty-five Hispanic, and ten Native American law professors teaching in U.S. law schools, many of whom were writing about civil rights and related issues (pp. 46–47), Delgado (p. 47) concludes that much of their scholarship ‘seems to have been con- signed to oblivion’. He goes to argue that a number of the white males’ ‘inner-circle’ articles showed a lack of awareness of basic facts of how minor- ity persons lived or how they viewed the world (p. 49). Delgado also found some of their arguments naïve and ‘hardly worthy of serious consideration’. Most troubling for Delagado was that such articles are not confined to acade- mia, but are cited by courts, and their ideas are ‘read and discussed by legisla- tors, political scientists, and their own students’ (p. 51). Arguing in a similar vein a couple of years later, Harlon L. Dalton ([1987] [1995]) suggested that ‘the quite distinct social circumstances of white males has led to a “rights cri- tique” that is oblivious to, and potentially disruptive of, the interests of peo- ple of color’ (ibid.). Delgado (1992) followed up his 1984 study, and found that, while some of the old ‘inner circle’ had retired, they had been replaced by a new ‘inner circle’. Unfortunately, although minority writers were writ- ing in top journals, not much had changed and these new minority writers had not been fully integrated into the conversations of the new ‘inner circle’ (Isaksen, 2000, p. 698). 8. As Du Bois (1915, p. 139) put it some twelve years later, too many have accepted ‘that tacit but clear modern philosophy which assigns to the white race alone the hegemony of the world and assumes that other races . will either be content to serve the interests of the whites or die out before their all-conquering march’. 9. Although the students at Harvard may have been the original impetus for CRT, as Richard Delgado (personal correspondence, 2008) notes, ‘when they graduated, the momentum at Harvard died. The school purged Derrick Bell . and is today more conservative than ever’. 10. ‘Racialism’ in the UK context at least, is an old-fashioned term for ‘racism’. 11. The article by Kennedy (1982) discussed in the chapter is a good example of a nondeterminist or anti-‘vulgar’ Marxist approach. At one point in the article, Kennedy specifically states, ‘law cannot be usefully understood, by someone who has to deal with it in all its complexity, as “superstructural” ’ (Kennedy, 1982, p. 599). 12. Althusser (1971, p. 174) uses this formulation to describe the way in which ruling class ideology undermines the class consciousness of the working class. For Althusser, the interpellation of subjects—the hailing of concrete individuals as concrete subjects—‘Hey, you there!’ (p. 175) involves a four- fold process: (1) the interpellation of ‘individuals’ as subjects; (2) their sub- jection to the Subject; (3) the mutual recognition of subjects and Subject, the subjects’ recognition of each other, and finally the subject’s recognition of himself; (4) the absolute guarantee that everything really is so, and that on condition that the subjects recognize what they are and behave accordingly, everything will be all right: Amen—‘So be it’ (p. 182). Althusser explains: Caught in this quadruple system of interpellation as subjects, of subjec- tion to the Subject, of universal recognition and of absolute guarantee, the subjects ‘work’, they ‘work by themselves’ in the vast majority of cases, with the exception of the ‘bad subjects’ who on occasion provoke the intervention of one of the detachments of the (repressive) State apparatus.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Contemporary Left Antisemitism
    “David Hirsh is one of our bravest and most thoughtful scholar-activ- ists. In this excellent book of contemporary history and political argu- ment, he makes an unanswerable case for anti-anti-Semitism.” —Anthony Julius, Professor of Law and the Arts, UCL, and author of Trials of the Diaspora (OUP, 2010) “For more than a decade, David Hirsh has campaigned courageously against the all-too-prevalent demonisation of Israel as the one national- ism in the world that must not only be criticised but ruled altogether illegitimate. This intellectual disgrace arouses not only his indignation but his commitment to gather evidence and to reason about it with care. What he asks of his readers is an equal commitment to plumb how it has happened that, in a world full of criminality and massacre, it is obsessed with the fundamental wrongheadedness of one and only national movement: Zionism.” —Todd Gitlin, Professor of Journalism and Sociology, Columbia University, USA “David Hirsh writes as a sociologist, but much of the material in his fascinating book will be of great interest to people in other disciplines as well, including political philosophers. Having participated in quite a few of the events and debates which he recounts, Hirsh has done a commendable service by deftly highlighting an ugly vein of bigotry that disfigures some substantial portions of the political left in the UK and beyond.” —Matthew H. Kramer FBA, Professor of Legal & Political Philosophy, Cambridge University, UK “A fierce and brilliant rebuttal of one of the Left’s most pertinacious obsessions. What makes David Hirsh the perfect analyst of this disorder is his first-hand knowledge of the ideologies and dogmata that sustain it.” —Howard Jacobson, Novelist and Visiting Professor at New College of Humanities, London, UK “David Hirsh’s new book Contemporary Left Anti-Semitism is an impor- tant contribution to the literature on the longest hatred.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism, History and Socialist Consciousness: a Reply by David North to Alex Steiner and Frank Brenner
    Marxism, History and Socialist Consciousness: A Reply by David North to Alex Steiner and Frank Brenner Dear Comrades Steiner and Brenner: The International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) has asked that I reply to your document, “Objectivism or Marxism,” on its behalf. This is a task that I undertake with a certain degree of regret. Notwithstanding the different paths our lives have taken over the past three decades, I retain warm recollections of the time when we worked closely together within the movement. However, that was very long ago, and your latest document serves only to underscore what your various writings over the past several years have made increasingly apparent: that you have traveled very far politically from Marxism, the political heritage of the Trotskyist movement, and the ICFI. This inescapable political reality must determine the content and the tone of this reply. Your letter begins by protesting that the ICFI has failed to answer your previous documents, from which you draw the most disturbing conclusions: The ICFI suffers from “an aversion to criticism” that is “symptomatic of deeper problems within the movement that every member and supporter of the IC should be concerned about.” The leadership of the movement “stonewalls political debate,” and seeks “to quell discussion in order to insulate itself from criticism.” Our alleged failure to respond to your documents “only underscores how alien a practice genuinely critical debate has become within the movement.” To the uninformed observer, the situation you describe can only evoke images of a besieged opposition tendency in a dictatorial political party, battling against a bureaucratic regime’s suppression of its democratic right to be heard by the rank-and-file membership.
    [Show full text]
  • Tory Councillor Calls for Jeremy Corbyn to Be Hanged As Bogus Anti-Semitism Campaign Intensifies
    World Socialist Web Site wsws.org Tory councillor calls for Jeremy Corbyn to be hanged as bogus anti-Semitism campaign intensifies By Robert Stevens 27 July 2019 On Wednesday, as Boris Johnson became prime minister, part of the problem. We have to stand for a serious, a Lincolnshire Conservative councillor, Roger Patterson, anti-racist, inclusive socialism.” tweeted that Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn was a Such was the Corbynites’ capitulation that after giving her “traitor” and supporter of terrorism who should be report outlining the new disciplinary measures to the “swinging from the gallows like Saddam Hussein.” Parliamentary Labour Party that evening, Formby received a Patterson has been suspended. But the campaign led by standing ovation. The following day Labour’s NEC backed Labour’s right wing and various Zionist groups accusing the plans for “legally robust rules” to be presented for Corbyn and the “left” of anti-Semitism has played a central adoption at Labour’s annual conference in September. role in creating the political climate for incitement to Corbyn and his backers have agreed to the disciplinary violence. Just two weeks earlier, Patterson tweeted, “The measures, even though everyone knows the claims of the only minorities to be cleansed are Corbyn’s terrorist Blairites and Zionists are a pack of lies. The text of the NEC sympathising anti semitic cult. They are a dirty stain on this ruling stated, “Anti-Semitism complaints relate to a small country.” minority of members,” and even this massively distorts the Corbyn has faced warnings of an armed forces mutiny if real picture.
    [Show full text]
  • David Ray Griffin Foreword by Richard Folk
    THE NEW PEARL HARBOR Disturbing Questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11 by David Ray Griffin foreword by Richard Folk CONTENTS Acknowledgements vi Forword by Richard Falk vii Introduction xi PART ONE THE EVENTS OF 9 / 11 1. Flights 11 and 175: How Could the Hijackers' Missions Have Succeeded? 3 2. Flight 77: Was It Really the Aircraft that Struck the Pentagon? 25 3. Flight 93: Was It the One Flight that was Shot Down? 49 4. The Presidents Behavior. Why Did He Act as He Did? 57 PART TWO THE LARGER CONTEXT 5. Did US Officials Have Advance Information about 9/11? 67 6. Did US Officials Obstruct Investigations Prior to 9/11? 75 7. Did US Officials Have Reasons for Allowing 9/11? 89 8. Did US Officials Block Captures and Investigations after 9/11? 105 PART THREE CONCLUSION 9. Is Complicity by US Officials the Best Explanation? 127 10. The Need for a Full Investigation 147 Notes 169 Index of Names 210 Back Cover Text OLIVE BRANCH PRESS An imprint of Interlink Publishing Group, Inc. Northampton, Massachusetts First published in 2004 by OLIVE BRANCH PRESS An imprint of Interlink Publishing Group, Inc. 46 Crosby Street, Northampton, Massachusetts 01060 www.interlinkbooks.com Text copyright © David Ray Griffin 2004 Foreword copyright © Richard Falk 2004 All rights reserved. No pan of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher unless National Security in endangered and education is essential for survival people and their nation .
    [Show full text]
  • Jean Shaoul Is Professor of Public Accountability at the University of Manchester, Uk
    “Neo-liberalism” Professor Jean Shaoul Manchester Business School, The University of Manchester, UK Abstract While there have been many reviews of neo-liberalism, there have been few attempts to explain its source and development within the workings of the economic systems itself and understand it as an expression of the crisis of the profit system as a whole and the correlation of class forces. This paper by way of contrast explains neo-liberalism not simply as a policy choice but as the response of big business and their political representatives to economic and technological changes taking place in world economy. Their ability to implement such policies was directly bound up with the absence of a politically conscious movement in the working class as the socialist conceptions that animated large sections of workers in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution came under attack from Stalinism, labour reformism and trade unionism, which together attacked genuine socialism and above all internationalism After analyzing the assumptions and policy prescriptions of the widespread opposition movements, the paper argues for revolutionary scientific socialism as opposed to the dominant, politically liberal, programme of national reformism – which is why the traditional organizations of the working class and intellectuals have been unable to mount any effective opposition or critique of the neo-liberal agenda. Jean Shaoul is professor of public accountability at the University of Manchester, Uk. She has written on privatisation and the use of private finance in transport and healthcare. She is a regular contributor to the World Socialist web Site (www.wsws.org) .
    [Show full text]
  • The Carnival King of Capital
    Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 17 • Issue 1 • 2020 doi:10.32855/fcapital.202001.006 The Carnival King of Capital Charles Thorpe Introduction: The Carnival King Brookings Institute writers Susan Hennessy and Benjamin Wittes complain that, while in the past, Presidents were expected to show certain standards of virtue and decency, Donald Trump’s life and candidacy were an ongoing rejection of civic virtue…. From the earliest days of his campaign, he declared war on the traditional presidency’s expectations of behavior. He was flagrant in his immorality, boasting of marital infidelity and belittling political opponents with lewd insults. He had constructed his entire professional identity around gold-plated excess and luxury and the branding of self. As a candidate, he remained unabashed in his greed and personal ambition; even his namesake charitable foundation was revealed to be merely a shell for self-dealing. He bragged that finding ways to avoid paying taxes made him “smart.”…He never spoke of the presidential office other than as an extension of himself (Hennessey and Wittes, 2020: 6-7). This description suggests that Trump represents a demoralization and deinstitutionalization of the role of President. Trump brings a condition of anomie to the Presidency, and this anomie is closely related to the trait of narcissism that Trump exhibits in spades (Merton, 1938; Frank, 2018). Hennessey and Wittes encapsulate what Trump signifies when they write that “The overriding message of Trump’s life and of his campaign was that kindness is weakness, manners are for wimps, and the public interest is for suckers” (Hennessey and Wittes 2020: 6-7).
    [Show full text]
  • The Inclusive Democracy Project: a Rejoinder - TAKIS FOTOPOULOS
    The Inclusive Democracy project: A rejoinder - TAKIS FOTOPOULOS The International Journal of INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY, Vol. 1, No. 3 (May 2005) The Inclusive Democracy project: A rejoinder TAKIS FOTOPOULOS I would like first to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all the contributors taking part in this special issue. It is indeed through the development of a comprehensive dialogue on the crucial issues that the Inclusive Democracy (ID) project raises that we could meaningfully assess its merits and possible weaknesses. In the lines that will follow the intention is not to engage in any kind of polemic against any of the distinguished contributors but simply to give alternative explanations, from the ID perspective, to the reservations, or even criticisms, raised against it. I hope that the bona fide spirit within which this debate takes place will be recognized by everybody and the fruitful dialogue developed here will function as a catalyst for its further expansion in the future. I hope that most in the radical Left would agree today on the need for the expansion of such a dialogue on the contours of a future society at a moment when many —particularly within the anti-globalization movement— assert that ‘another world is possible’ without even taking the trouble to define this world . But, if this movement is not capable of giving at least the contours of such an alternative world (and this is the objective of the ID project) then it is bound to register in popular memory as simply a protest movement and not as a liberatory movement —the kind of movement we need today to move forward towards a new society.
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative Media As Critical Pedagogical Intervention Against Neoliberalism and Racism
    D E M O C R A T I C C O M M U N I Q U É Alternative Media as Critical Pedagogical Intervention Against Neoliberalism and Racism Emil Marmol The corporate news media serves as the primary instrument by which the ideologies of neoliberalism and racism are transmitted and solidified in the public mind. In contrast, alternative news media provides counter-hegemonic content that disrupts corporate media messages. This paper calls for a transformative and revolutionary pedagogical intervention encouraging educators to fuse alternative media content with a critical media literacy framework in their classrooms. It provides examples of how to facilitate the introduction of alternative news into the curriculum to challenge and break classist and racist frames that are reproduced by the corporate media. Keywords: Alternative media; Critical Pedagogy; Race; Class; Neoliberalism Marmol, Emil (2018). Alternative Media as Critical Pedagogical Intervention Against Neoliberalism and Racism, Democratic Communiqué, Vol. 27. 2018 pp. 24–35. Marmol | Alternative Media 25 his paper calls for a critical pedagogical intervention, encouraging educators to fuse alternative media content with a critical media literacy framework in their classrooms. This intervention wil will facilitate an introduction of alternative news into the curriculum as a transformative and revolutionary pedagogy (Funk, Kellner, and Share 2015; Leban and McLaren 2010). Under the neoliberal paradigm, youth are facing a bleak world in which the state has abdicated its responsibilities to them (Giroux 2008, 2017), and where political decision-making power is exercised almost exclusively by corporations and economic elites (Gilens and Page 2014). Young people have limited economic and social opportunities.
    [Show full text]
  • North Korea and the Theory of the Deformed Workers' State
    North Korea and the Theory of the Deformed Workers’ State: Definitions and First Principles of a Fourth International Theory Alzo David-West James P. Cannon, Peng Shuzi, Pierre Frank, Michel Pablo, Ernest Mandel, and Tim Wohlforth Abstract This essay examines the academically neglected theory of the deformed workers’ state in relation to the political character of the North Korean state. Developed by leaders of the Fourth International, the world party of socialism founded by exiled Russian Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky, the theory classifies the national states that arose under post- Second World War Soviet Army occupation as bureaucratic, hybrid, transitional formations that imitated the Soviet Stalinist system. The author reviews the origin of the theory, explores its political propositions and apparent correspondences in the North Korean case, and concludes with some hypotheses and suggestions for further research. Copyright © 2012 by Alzo David-West and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Alzo David-West 2 Introduction On the centenary of the birth of Kim Il Sung in 2012, North Korea entered a period officially designated as “opening the gate to a great prosperous and powerful socialist nation.” Coming after the post-Soviet rise of markets within a planned economy, the initiation of capitalist Special Economic Zones in the early 1990s and 2000s, market- oriented economic and currency reforms in 2002, and the dropping of “communism” from the 2009 revised constitution, the reference to present-day North Korea as a “socialist nation” is evidently more symbolic than substantial. Still, over sixty years after the founding of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) on 9 September 1948, the political character of the North Korean state remains a more or less unresolved issue in North Korean studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Internationalist Asian Tsunami Disaster - Capitalist Tidal Wave of Death
    January-February 2005 No. 20 _$2 !2 "" " Internationalist Asian Tsunami Disaster - Capitalist Tidal Wave of Death Tsunam! refugees in Calang, Aceh, in northern Sumatra Island. Indonesian government is using disaster to tighte~ military control of rebellious province. 2 The Internationalist January-February 2005 In this issue... The Rape of Falluja: With the intensification of U.S. War Crime .................. ~ ...................... 3 repressive legislation and Marxism increasing police-state Vs. Boycott Colonial Occupation measures, an Bonapartisrn "Election" in Iraq ...................................... 4 examination of the Marxist analysis of and Imperial Coronation in D.C ........................... 8 policy toward bonapartism is vital. Asian Tsunami Disaster Readings include articles by Marx and Capitalist Tidal Wave of Death ................... 1 O Trotsky, as well as selections from the Lisbon Earthquake, 1755: From the present-day Enlightenmenttothe French Revolution .. 12 Trotskyist press. A "Natural Disaster" Foretold .................... 14 Indonesian Military Butchers US$1.50 Out of Aceh! ............................................ 16 Order from/make checks payable to: Mundial Publications, Box 3321, Don't Beg for Charity, Church Street Station, New York, New York 10008, U.S.A. Fight for Workers Revolution ................. 21 Marxism vs. Islamic Fundamentalism ....... 24 Visit the League for the Fourth International/ Beware of Not-so-Non-Governmental Organizations ......................................... 24 Internationalist
    [Show full text]
  • The World Economic Crisis: a Marxist Analysis
    The World Economic Crisis: A Marxist Analysis By Nick Beams, 19-25 December 2008, World Socialist Website The following is a lecture delivered by Nick Beams, national secretary of the Socialist Equality Party (Australia) and a member of the International Editorial Board of the World Socialist Web Site, to audiences in Perth, Melbourne and Sydney in November and December, 2008. It is now clear that the greatest financial According to official statistics, all the crisis since the Great Depression is on the major areas of the world economy are now in verge of becoming the deepest global slump recession: the United States, the eurozone, since the economic catastrophe of the 1930s. Britain and Japan. We could spend the entire time available for The growth estimates for China and the this lecture simply enumerating the myriad so-called emerging markets, which, once expressions of this crisis and examining their upon a time—and I use the fairy-tale form far-reaching implications. I propose here to advisedly—were supposed to provide a boost deal only with some of the most significant. to the world economy, are now being revised On November 24, Bloomberg News downwards virtually on a daily basis. reported that after the $306 billion bailout of Like the financial crisis that caused it, the the US bank Citigroup, organised at midnight economic slump is centred in the United the previous day, the US government had States. The number of private sector jobs has now committed itself to providing more than fallen for the past 11 months straight. Some $7.76 trillion to the financial institutions and 533,000 jobs were lost in November—the banks.
    [Show full text]
  • American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 40Th
    American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 40th National Convention November 20–23, 2008 Philadelphia Marriott Downtown Philadelphia, Pennsylvania American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies 8 Story Street, 3rd fl oor Cambridge, MA 02138 tel.: 617-495-0677, fax: 617-495-0680 e-mail: [email protected] web site: www.aaass.org iii CONTENTS Convention Schedule Overview ................................................................. iv List of the Meeting Rooms at the Philadelphia Marriott Downtown ............ v Diagrams of Meeting Rooms at the Philadelphia Marriott Downtown.....vi-ix Exhibit Hall Diagram ...................................................................................x Index of Exhibitors, Alphabetical................................................................ xi Index of Exhibitors, by Booth Number .......................................................xii 2008 AAASS Board of Directors ...............................................................xiii AAASS National Offi ce .............................................................................xiii Program Committee for the 2008 Convention ..........................................xiii AAASS Affi liates .......................................................................................xiv 2008 AAASS Institutional Members ......................................................... xv Program Summary ...................................................................................xvi Important Meeting Notes ......................................................................xxxvi
    [Show full text]