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Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
The Making of a Leftist Milieu: Anti-Colonialism, Anti-Fascism, and the Political Engagement of Intellectuals in Mandate Lebanon, 1920- 1948
THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2017 1 THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2017 2 This dissertation is an intellectual and cultural history of an invisible generation of leftists that were active in Lebanon, and more generally in the Levant, between the years 1920 and 1948. It chronicles the foundation and development of this intellectual milieu within the political Left, and how intellectuals interpreted leftist principles and struggled to maintain a fluid, ideologically non-rigid space, in which they incorporated an array of ideas and affinities, and formulated their own distinct worldviews. More broadly, this study is concerned with how intellectuals in the post-World War One period engaged with the political sphere and negotiated their presence within new structures of power. It explains the social, political, as well as personal contexts that prompted intellectuals embrace certain ideas. Using periodicals, personal papers, memoirs, and collections of primary material produced by this milieu, this dissertation argues that leftist intellectuals pushed to politicize the role and figure of the ‘intellectual’. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
Histories of Humanitarian Action in the Middle East and North Africa
HPG Working Paper Histories of humanitarian action in the Middle East and North Africa Edited by Eleanor Davey and Eva Svoboda September 2014 HPG Humanitarian Policy Group Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank all those who contributed to this publication and to the conference that its papers are drawn from. First and foremost, thanks are due to the speakers and authors – all those included in this collection, as well as Elcin Macar and Mohsen Ghafory-Ashtiani – whose expertise and enthusiasm have been fundamental. Anicée Van Engeland, Heba Morayef, Keith Watenpaugh and Moncef Kartas were members of the project steering committee and gave invaluable support and guidance for which HPG is very grateful. Background research was provided by Samir Naser and Tabitha Poulton. The conference would not have been possible without the support of the Arab Thought Forum (ATF) in Amman, in particular Dr Elsadig Elfaqih and Rana Arafat. It is also thanks to the ATF that the conference report was translated into Arabic. Scott Taylor’s help with regard to HRH Prince El Hassan Bin Talal’s speech was much appreciated. Last but not least, we would like to thank the scholars, practitioners and individuals who put the editors in touch with authors, and who provided valuable comments during the peer review process. Humanitarian Policy Group Overseas Development Institute 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom Tel. +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 Fax. +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.odi.org/hpg ISBN: 978 1 909464 86 5 © Overseas Development Institute, 2014 Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce materials from this publication but, as copyright holders, ODI requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title Strife Among Friends and Foes: The 1958 Anglo-American Military Interventions in the Middle East Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/65h504r9 Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 17(0) ISSN 0276-864X Author Nadaner, Jeffrey M. Publication Date 1997 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 82 UCLAHistoricalJournal Strife Among Friends and Foes: The 1958 Anglo-American Military Interventions in the Middle East Jeffrey M. Nadaner ^ m ^ wight D. Eisenhower found it much easier to stop the British, >* # J French and Israelis at Suez than to maintain a pro-Western order * -^ in the Middle East afterwards. In the two years following the Suez imbroglio, the Eisenhower administration determined that it was locked in a struggle for the Arab world with Egypt and its Soviet patron, and that the West was about to lose. Post- Suez tension came to a head on July 14, 1958, when the Hashemite monarchy of Iraq fell in a coup d'tat. Fearing the demise of other pro-Western regimes, Eisenhower sent the marines to Lebanon and agreed to the British dispatch of paratroopers to Jordan. The administration, however, lacked a coherent idea on how to use the troops or what to do next. Using recently declassified sources, this article shows that the elements comprising a strategy evolved only later, in the days and weeks ahead. The Eisenhower administration would, over the course of the 1958 crisis, attain a modestly deeper understanding than before of the forces ani- mating Middle Eastern politics. Equally significant, the administration would begin to prioritize among Western interests in the region and develop a more sophisticated approach than it had earlier of how best to secure them. -
Read Middle East Brief 140 (Pdf)
Crown Family Director Professor of the Practice in Politics Gary Samore Director for Research Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor The Great Thaw in Arab Domestic Politics of Middle East History Naghmeh Sohrabi David Siddhartha Patel Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Associate Director for Research t has been a tumultuous decade in the Middle East since David Siddhartha Patel Ithe beginning of the Arab uprisings in 2010–2011. Bouts Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics of popular mobilization recur and echo across borders. Six Eva Bellin long-standing Arab rulers have fallen. Civil wars erupted Founding Director and continue in Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Regional and global Professor of Politics Shai Feldman powers jockey for influence, and, throughout the region, Henry J. Leir Professor of the states interfere in one another’s internal affairs. All this is Economics of the Middle East typically described as part of a regionwide revolutionary Nader Habibi hangover—the “post–Arab Spring period”—that will Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies inevitably subside as the dust settles. Pascal Menoret This Brief argues that, on the contrary, the unrest of the past decade seems like Founding Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly an aberration only because, in several important ways, domestic political life Khalil Shikaki in Arab states was frozen from the late 1970s until the 2000s. It is that period Goldman Faculty Leave Fellow of authoritarian stability—when Arab leaders almost never fell—that was the Andrew March real anomaly. Before a huge increase in oil rents from 1973 to 1986 dramatically strengthened states and regimes, the domestic politics of the Arab Middle East Harold Grinspoon Junior Research Fellow Alex Boodrookas were just as tumultuous as they have been since 2011. -
Critique of Maoist Reason
Critique of Maoist Reason J. Moufawad-Paul Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #5 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-11-3 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 The Route Charted to Date 7 Chapter 2 Thinking Science 19 Chapter 3 The Maoist Point of Origin 35 Chapter 4 Against Communist Theology 51 Chapter 5 The Dogmato-eclecticism of “Maoist Third 69 Worldism” Chapter 6 Left and Right Opportunist Practice 87 Chapter 7 Making Revolution 95 Conclusion 104 Acknowledgements 109 Introduction Introduction In the face of critical passivity and dry formalism we must uphold our collective capacity to think thought. The multiple articulations of bourgeois reason demand that we accept the current state of affairs as natural, reducing critical thinking to that which functions within the boundaries drawn by its order. Even when we break from the diktat of this reason to pursue revolutionary projects, it is difficult to break from the way this ideological hegemony has trained us to think from the moment we were born. Since we are still more-or-less immersed in cap- italist culture––from our jobs to the media we consume––the training persists.1 Hence, while we might supersede the boundaries drawn by bourgeois reason, it remains a constant struggle to escape its imaginary. The simplicity encouraged by bourgeois reasoning––formulaic repeti- tion, a refusal to think beneath the appearance of things––thus finds its way into the reasoning of those who believe they have slipped its grasp. -
The Religious Struggle Between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 2-1-2015 The Middle-Eastern Cold War: The religious struggle between the kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran Omar Zein Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Zein, O. (2015).The Middle-Eastern Cold War: The religious struggle between the kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1321 MLA Citation Zein, Omar. The Middle-Eastern Cold War: The religious struggle between the kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. 2015. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1321 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Middle-Eastern Cold War: The Religious Struggle Between The Kingdom Of Saudi Arabia And The Islamic Republic Of Iran By Omar Zein ID:900061386 Political Science Department D r . W a l i d Kazziha, Advisor 1 Table of Contents Acknowledgment…………………………………..………………….………………..…...3 Abbreviations…………………………………………………………………………...…...4 Abstract………………………………………………………………………………...……5 I. Introduction:………………………………………….……….…………………………....6 i.Origins of the Conflict………...….……….…………………….….………...6 ii.Research Question………………...…..………………………..…………...10 iii.Hypothesis………………….……………………………………………….11 iv.Conceptual Framework.....………………………………………..………...13 v.Literature Review …………………..……………………………………...20 vi.Objectives…………….. …………………………………………………...26 vii.Methods………………………………………………………………….…27 II. Identity, Islam and Pan Islamism in IR………….……….……………...………..........28 i. -
The Iraqi Quest for Autonomy Through Military and Diplomatic Interventions, 1968-2003
The Iraqi quest for autonomy through military and diplomatic interventions, 1968-2003 by Katelyn Karly Tietzen B.A., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2012 M.A., Clemson University, 2014 AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2019 Abstract This dissertation views the period of the Cold War and beyond through the eyes of Iraqi leaders, thanks to both the collections of the Conflict Records Research Center and the Baʿthist regime documents now housed at Stanford University. This study not only shows the complexity of how the tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union affected the Middle East; it also reveals how local and regional political, diplomatic, and military conditions played a crucial role in Iraq’s foreign policy initiatives and in its domestic security as well both before and after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. This work focuses on Iraqi foreign policy from 1968 through 2003. During this time period, the tension between the United States and the Soviet Union was intense and preoccupying—to them but not necessarily to all countries with whom they interacted. Various of those countries had their own agenda to pursue, and Iraq was one of them. This dissertation shows that Iraq was preoccupied first and foremost by its neighbors and the deep instabilities of the Middle East. Second, Baghdad was also fixated on regional concerns and extended its interests beyond the Arab world into the Horn of Africa. -
The Free Officers' Movement and the 1958 Revolution In
ASIAN AND AFRICAN STUDIES, 14, 2005, 1, 2 2 -4 4 THE FREE OFFICERS’ MOVEMENT AND THE 1958 REVOLUTION IN IRAQ Karol R. S o r b y Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia The ruling elite of the old regime in Iraq had been too much preoccupied with the problem of achieving independence from foreign control to pay attention to social reforms. After formal independence, the rulers argued that reforms required the capital and technical know-how which Iraq lacked. The new generation soon discovered that even when the capital became available, social conditions were not likely to improve in a way that would enable them to play their role in public affairs. Such devices as strikes and street demonstrations were quickly suppressed by the means at the disposal of those who controlled the state. Nothing short of a violent uprising in which the army participated would bring about a change in rulers, and this was accomplished by the Revolution of 1958. The military coup that finally overthrew the monarchy and inaugurated a new era in Iraqi history succeeded more because of luck and audacity than as a result of a long planning or extensive organization. The coup was unquestionably a reflection of deep-seated discontent among officers and among civilian politicians with the regime’s foreign policy and its slowness to reform. The Iraqi revolution, which put Iraq on the map of the Arab world among “progressive” rather than traditional countries, was generated by internal forces. These were inherent in the structure of the society and state, since no revolution ary movement can possibly be inspired by external pressures unless there is an internal readiness for it. -
The New Arab Cold War and the Struggle for Syria
Archived version from NCDOCKS Institutional Repository http://libres.uncg.edu/ir/asu/ The New Arab Cold War And The Struggle For Syria By: Curtis Ryan Abstract In his classic study, The Arab Cold War, Malcolm Kerr charted the machinations of inter-Arab politics during an era dominated by Egypt’s President Gamal Abdel Nasser. In another renowned work, The Struggle for Syria, Patrick Seale documented the links between Syria’s tumultuous domestic politics and the broader contest for supremacy in the region, stemming from factors ranging from inter-Arab conflicts to the global cold war. Today, amid the chaos in Syria and the transformations in the region, these texts, both originally published in 1965, seem all too contemporary. Once again, regional politics shows many signs of an Arab cold war and, once again, that broader conflict is manifesting itself in a struggle for Syria. In the Arab cold war of the 1950s and 1960s, inter- Arab relations were characterized by power struggles between “revolutionary” republics, led by pan-Arab nationalist military officers, and more conservative or even reactionary monarchies. The republics saw themselves as the future of Arab politics, with the aim of changing not only the type of regime in Arab states, but also the map of the region through repeated unification efforts. This pan-Arab project led to extensive intervention in the affairs of various states, by both sides, as the republics and monarchies waged proxy wars in civil conflicts in Yemen, Lebanon, Jordan and elsewhere. Many of the same elements - power struggles, ideological and identity conflicts, and proxy wars - are present today.