The Freeman 1969
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All-Left.Net Alliance Aims to Be a Movement Journal for the Alliance Of
all-left.net This Radical Reprint brought to you by: ALLiance Journal ALLiance Journal: a grassroots, shop-floor, dirt cheap, tabloid aspiring to inspire the Left-Libertarian Movement to delusions of grandeur. We are full of piss and passion; and we will never stop even in the face of singularity, peak oil or Ragnarok. Check us out at alliancejournal.net or libertyactivism.info. ALLiance aims to be a movement journal for the Alliance of the Libertarian Left (ALL). The Alliance of the Libertarian Left is a multi-tendency coalition of mutu- alists, agorists, voluntaryists, geolibertarians, left-Rothbardians, green libertarians, dialectical anarchists, radical minarchists, and others on the libertarian left, united by an opposition to statism and militarism, to cultural intolerance (including sexism, racism, and homophobia), and to the prevailing corporatist capitalism falsely called a free market; as Advocates of Freed Markets Should Embrace “Anti-Capitalism” well as by an emphasis on education, direct action, and building alterna- tive institutions, rather than on electoral politics, as our chief strategy Gary Chartier for achieving liberation. Radical Reprints The Conscience of an Anarchist, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy by C4SS Advisory Panel member Gary Chartier by C4SS writer and researcher Kevin A. Carson A compelling case for a stateless society. Anarchists tend to look embarrassed when the sub- ject of economics comes up. Or we mumble some- Anarchy happens when people organize their lives thing about Proudhon and then sheepishly borrow peacefully and voluntarily — without the aggres- ideas from Karl Marx.... A specifically anarchistic sive violence of the state. This simple but powerful approach to economic analysis has lain dormant for book explains why the state is illegitimate, unneces- the last 130 years. -
Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Zora Neale Hurston on War, Race, the State, and Liberty
SUBSCRIBE NOW AND RECEIVE CRISIS AND LEVIATHAN* FREE! “The Independent Review does not accept “The Independent Review is pronouncements of government officials nor the excellent.” conventional wisdom at face value.” —GARY BECKER, Noble Laureate —JOHN R. MACARTHUR, Publisher, Harper’s in Economic Sciences Subscribe to The Independent Review and receive a free book of your choice* such as the 25th Anniversary Edition of Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government, by Founding Editor Robert Higgs. This quarterly journal, guided by co-editors Christopher J. Coyne, and Michael C. Munger, and Robert M. Whaples offers leading-edge insights on today’s most critical issues in economics, healthcare, education, law, history, political science, philosophy, and sociology. Thought-provoking and educational, The Independent Review is blazing the way toward informed debate! Student? Educator? Journalist? Business or civic leader? Engaged citizen? This journal is for YOU! *Order today for more FREE book options Perfect for students or anyone on the go! The Independent Review is available on mobile devices or tablets: iOS devices, Amazon Kindle Fire, or Android through Magzter. INDEPENDENT INSTITUTE, 100 SWAN WAY, OAKLAND, CA 94621 • 800-927-8733 • [email protected] PROMO CODE IRA1703 Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Zora Neale Hurston on War, Race, the State, and Liberty ✦ DAVID T. BEITO AND LINDA ROYSTER BEITO he ideals of liberty, individualism, and self-reliance have rarely had more enthusiastic champions than Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Zora TNeale Hurston. All three were out of step with the dominant worldview of their times. They had their peak professional years during the New Deal and World War II, when faith in big government was at high tide. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
The Freeman April 1954
1954 2r-'~f(f, The Great Tax Relief Hoax An Editorial Give the House A Treaty Vote Henry Hazlitt The Soviet Game at Geneva Boris Souvarine Freedom Needs Your Help! American freedom came into being through the actions of many working together for a cause. Today this freedom is being defended in the same manner. Get into the fight yourself by distributing FREEMAN reprints to opinion moulders in your community. They will influence the many! THE CHRISTIAN LEFT by Lawrence R. Brown THE RIGHTS AND WRONGS OF LABOR by Donald R. Richberg This discussion of the leftward trend in Christian thinking has ex A noted authority tackles the proposition: industrial peace in this ceptional importance. Removed from a concern with personalities country is impossible so long as the leaders of organized labor or denominations, it explains why many people today who can are unchecked in the power they wield over their fellow-men and truly be numbered among the faithful are promoting, consciously or in their war on private enterprise. A provocative and important unwittingly, the spread of the Communist conspiracy. article. ' Single copy .10: 12 copies $1.00: 100 copies $7.00: 1,000 copies Single copy .10: 12 copies $1.00: 100 copies $6.00: 1,000 copies '$60.00. Reprint #39 $45.00. Reprint #30 GIVE THE HOUSE A TRiEATY VOTE by Henry Hazlitt DENATIONALIZE ELECTRIC POWER by O. Glenn Saxon There is still a way to secure for the American people protection America's most decided advance toward collectivism to date has against treaty-made laws. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
The Art of Seduction and Affect Economy: Neoliberal Class Struggle and Gender Politics in a Tokyo Host Club
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by KU ScholarWorks THE ART OF SEDUCTION AND AFFECT ECONOMY: NEOLIBERAL CLASS STRUGGLE AND GENDER POLITICS IN A TOKYO HOST CLUB BY AKIKO TAKEYAMA B.A., University of Oregon, 1999 M.A., University of Oregon, 2001 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2008 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Karen Kelsky, Chair Professor Nancy Abelmann Associate Professor Martin F Manalansan IV Associate Professor Alejandro Lugo Associate Professor Brenda Farnell ABSTRACT My dissertation investigates the underground world of Japan’s increasingly popular host club scene, where mostly young, working-class men “sell” romance, love, and sometimes sex to indulge their female clients’ fantasy, often for exorbitant sums of money. I explore this commercialization of feelings, emotions, and romantic relationships — what I call ‘affect economy’— in the context of Japan’s recent socioeconomic restructuring, a reaction to globalization that is reshaping the nation’s labor and commodity forms. Based on ethnographic fieldwork I conducted in Tokyo between 2003 and 2005, I argue that selfhood, lifestyles, and social relationships have become commodifiable at the intersection of Japan’s postindustrial consumer culture and neoliberal globalization. My dissertation aims to provide a fine-grained ethnographic portrait of how hosts and their clients mutually seduce one another to foster a commodified form of romance whereby both sides seek alternative lives and cultivate their desirable selves —potentially successful entrepreneurial men and sexually attractive women—while it simultaneously underscores gender subordination, social inequality, and the exploitative nature of the affect economy in Japan. -
National Review</Em>
Linfield University DigitalCommons@Linfield Faculty Publications 2007 Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Susan Currie Sivek Linfield College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs Part of the Journalism Studies Commons, and the Social Influence and oliticalP Communication Commons DigitalCommons@Linfield Citation Sivek, Susan Currie, "Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement" (2007). Faculty Publications. Accepted Version. Submission 4. https://digitalcommons.linfield.edu/mscmfac_pubs/4 This Accepted Version is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It is brought to you for free via open access, courtesy of DigitalCommons@Linfield, with permission from the rights-holder(s). Your use of this Accepted Version must comply with the Terms of Use for material posted in DigitalCommons@Linfield, or with other stated terms (such as a Creative Commons license) indicated in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, or if you have questions about permitted uses, please contact [email protected]. EDITING CONSERVATISM 1 Running head: EDITING CONSERVATISM Editing Conservatism: How National Review Magazine Framed and Mobilized a Political Movement Submitted to Mass Communication & Society Revised September 7, 2007 Abstract (100 words): This paper examines how National Review magazine helped to spark the 1960s American conservative movement through its particular framing of conservatism, and how the magazine has worked to sustain that influence even until today. Using research on frame alignment in social movements, the first issue of National Review is analyzed and placed in context with contemporaneous events and publications. The creation and editing of the magazine is found to parallel the creative and deliberate framing of the early conservative movement. -
Market Anarchism As Constitutionalism Roderick T
Chapter 9 Market Anarchism as Constitutionalism Roderick T. Long A legal system is any institution or set of institutions in a given society that provides dispute resolution in a systematic and reasonably predictable way. It does so through the exercise of three functions: the judicial, the legislative, and the executive. The judicial function, the adjudication of disputes, is the core of any legal system; the other two are ancillary to this. The legislative function is to determine the rules that will govern the process of adjudication (this function may be merged with the judicial function, as when case law arises through precedents, or it may be exercised separately), while the executive function is to secure submission (through a variety of means, which may or may not include violence) to the adjudicative process and compliance with its verdicts. A government or state (for present purposes I shall use these terms interchangeably) is any organisation that claims, and in large part achieves, a forcibly maintained monopoly, within a given geographical territory, of these legal functions, and in particular of the use of force in the executive function. Now the market anarchist objection to government is simply a logical extension of the standard libertarian objection to coercive monopolies in general.1 First, from a moral point of view, among people regarded as equals2 it cannot be legitimate for some to claim a certain line of work as their own privileged preserve from which others are to be forcibly excluded; we no longer believe in the divine right of kings, and on no other basis could such inequality of rights be justified. -
Murray Rothbard's Philosophy of Freedom.Pdf
Murray Rothbard’s Philosophy of Freedom BY DAVID GORDON urray Rothbard (1926–1995) based his polit- viable alternative. A slave system in which slaves could ical philosophy on a simple insight: slavery is refuse to work, at the cost of not being supplied with Mwrong. Few, if any, would dare to challenge any provisions, would hardly strike us as much of an this obvious truth; but its implications are far reaching. improvement over simple slavery. It is Rothbard’s singular merit to show that rejecting And the income tax is far from the only area in slavery leads inexorably to laissez-faire capitalism, unre- which the state acts as a slave master. In the United stricted by the slightest govern- States, we do not now have a ment interference. compulsory draft. But the gov- If we reject slavery, then are we ernment in the past enacted not saying that each person owns conscription laws that directly his own body? Just what seems compelled people to serve in the immoral about slavery is that some armed forces, and may well enact people, the slave owners, have the such a law again. People serving right to control the bodies of those in the military must of course fol- under their domination.The own- low orders, even if doing so will ers can tell the slaves what to do end their lives. and force them to obey if they But once more, have we not refuse to comply. moved too fast? Measures such as One might at first think that the income tax and conscription, this point has little relevance to however much they interfere modern society. -
Liberty and Immigration by Thomas E
Liberty And Immigration by Thomas E. Woods, Jr. for the Foundation for Economic Education The extraordinarily high rate of immigration, legal and illegal, into the United States is an indication that our country is doing something right. The United States, while far from boasting a pure free market, clearly offers enough economic liberty to attract the migration of peoples from all over the world. Currently, half the world's immigrants come to the United States. Libertarians have generally welcomed immigration, and on very simple grounds. According to the “non-aggression axiom,” it is wrong to aggress against the person or property of anyone who has not himself committed such aggression. To restrict the free movement of peoples across borders is thus to engage in unjustified aggression, and is therefore anathema. Upon further reflection, however, it is puzzling why so many libertarians have so enthusiastically and uncritically accepted the “open borders” position. It leads, in fact, to an infringement on the property rights of millions of homeowners, and a tremendous increase in state power. In a 1993 address before the Mont Pelerin Society, the late Murray N. Rothbard suggested an alternative libertarian approach to immigration. Imagine the pure private- property, or “anarcho-capitalist” model, in which all property, from streets to parks, is privately owned. There is no such thing as a “public space” under such an arrangement, and therefore no “immigration problem.” Individual property owners or contractual communities would be able to set their own immigration policy, and determine for themselves who would or would not be allowed to enter their private property.[1] The situation becomes muddied when we insert public property into the equation. -
Capitalism and Morality ______
Capitalism and Morality _________________________ “A CRITIQUE OF LIBERTARIAN JUSTICE” Marissa Smith Aristotle, perhaps the greatest human mind ever to ponder the actions and affairs of men, asked, “What is justice?” Similarly, Plato dedicated one of his most august works to the discovery of a comprehensive idea of justice. So paramount an issue, justice and the conceptions thereof definitively mark political systems and positions as well as many economic theories. While many consider tyranny the absence of justice and democracy the pinnacle, few explicitly agree on a comprehensive definition of that justice. Given the general disagreement and variation of position, distinct ideas of justice mark each democratic political position and are generally in accord with the basic principles held by that position. Of the political and economic positions, libertarianism subscribes to a conception of justice intrinsically interlaced with natural and negative rights, individualism and charitable interdependency, personal responsibility, and the limited, minimal state1. While holding individuals to high standards of personal behavior, the libertarian notion of justice is often criticized as both too economic and too individualized. As it is so individualized, such justice is often predisposed to moral relativism, particularly its notion of charity. Conclusively, libertarian justice is held as utopian. Of principle importance to the libertarian understanding of justice is an understanding of the libertarian notion of human flourishing or eudaimonia. One can be said to flourish or to self-perfect when he fully actualizes his potentials, talents, abilities, and virtues. This is not to say that man may become perfect in the same sense as God is perfect, but rather that he may fully actualize or perfect his abilities and potentials on earth. -
The Fusionism of Frank S. Meyer Red Beginnings F
Minchew 1 Adam Minchew 27 August 2010 Between Traditionalists and Libertarians: The Fusionism of Frank S. Meyer Red Beginnings Frank Strauss Meyer was born into a wealthy, Reformed Jewish household on 9 May 1909. Although little is known about his early years, Meyer suffered from chronic illness and spent much of his time confined to the indoors. Restricted as he was by his parents and his illnesses, Meyer found solace in intellectual pursuits and read voraciously. As a teenager, Meyer developed an interest in history and politics and apparently saw himself as a progressive; later in his life, Meyer admitted to hanging a poster of Woodrow Wilson on his bedroom door.1 Meyer attended private school at Newark Academy and through hard work, gained admission to Princeton University at the age of seventeen. Although intellectually precocious, continued to be dogged by sickness and left Princeton University permanently in 1928. Meyer’s parents, unsure of their son’s future, kept him at home to recover, but eventually decided in the summer of 1930 to send him to England to further his education, particularly in the disciplines in which he showed most interest: the classics, English literature, and economics.2 But the progressive, economically vibrant and hopeful decade of the 1920’s gave way to the Great Depression of the 1930s. World War I had transformed many nationalist, idealistic young people into mature skeptics and political activists. They sought to remake the world according to one or another ideology that would prevent another slaughter on a global scale. The most severe economic downturn in the history of the West prepared the way, however, for a global conflict that would dwarf World War I in bloodletting.