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Localising Foreign Accents in Speech Perception, Storage and Production

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Localising Foreign Accents in Speech Perception, Storage and Production Localising foreign accents in speech perception, storage and production Yuki Asano Department of Linguistics, Faculty of Humanities University of Konstanz, Germany This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2016 Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS) URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-0-386434 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS For their insightful comments, suggestions, questions, ideas, for this thesis Bettina Braun Ryoko Hayashi Aditi Lahiri René Kager For making my research project financially possible Bettina Braun The German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) The German National Academic Foundation University of Konstanz For their general interest, comments, and inspiring ideas Bettina Braun Miriam Butt Nicole Dehé Bijarke Frellesvig Rolf Grawert Janet Grijzenhout Michele Gubian Carlos Guessenhoven Ryoko Hayashi Bari¸sKabak René Kager iv Aditi Lahiri Frans Plank Dominik Sasha Giuseppina Turco For correcting my English Filippo Cervelli For their technical support Michele Gubian Joachim Kleinmann Dominik Sasha Research assistants For their attendance of my experiments Participants For trusting in my research potential Bettina Braun Masahiko & Kyoko Asano For their mental support Masahiko & Kyoko Asano Bettina Braun Emilia & Filippo Cervelli Hannelore & Rolf Grawert Thank you very much! ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Dissertationsschrift beschäftigt sich mit der Suche nach möglichen Quellen eines fremdsprachlichen Akzents in der Prosodie, insbesondere in F0 und segmentaler Län- ge. Anhand der in den Kapiteln 2 bis 4 dargestellten Experimente wurde überprüft, ob ein fremdsprachlicher Akzent seine Ursache in der Perzeption, in der Speicherung oder in der Produktion der fremdsprachlichen Prosodie findet. Die Untersuchung konzen- triert sich auf die Sprachen Japanisch (als Zielsprache, L2) und Deutsch (als Ausgangs- sprache, L1), da diese ein kontrastives prosodisches System aufweisen: In Bezug auf F0, is im Japanischen ein Tonhöhenakzent lexikalisch, während es im Deutschen mit einer post-lexikalischen oder paralinguistischen Bedeutung verwendet wird. In Bezug auf die segmentale Länge, zeichnet sich Japanisch sowohl durch seinen vokalischen als auch durch seinen konsonantischen lexikalischen Kontrast aus, während Deutsch nur einen begrenzten vokalischen Kontrast aufweist. Deshalb interessiert in dieser Studie das Erler- nen von lexikalischem Tonhöhenakzenten und von lexikalischen konsonantischen Län- gekontrasten bei deutschen Japanischlernenden. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist die Feststellung der nicht- normentsprechenden Produktionen sehr häufig verwendeter japanischer Wörter im Experiment 1 (im Kapitel 2), die bei deutschen Lernenden auftraten. Im Experiment wurde ein halb-spontanes Produktionsexperiment bei deutschen Japanischlernenden und japanischen Muttersprachlern durchgeführt. Dabei produzierten die Teilnehemen- den japanische und deutsche Wörter (Sumimasen, Konnichiwa und Entschuldigung, alle bedeutend „Entschuldigung”, um jemanden zu rufen) in gegebenen fiktiven Situa- tionen und wiederholten sie dieselben Wörter dreimal. Die Analyse der Realisierung des japanischen lexikalischen Tonhöhenakzents und der segmentalen Länge zeigte, dass die deutschen Japanischlernenden 1) den japanischen lexikalischen fest definier- ten Tonhöhenakzent phonologisch stets variierten und 2) die japanische segmentale Längestruktur nicht normentsprechend produzieren konnten. Diese Abweichungen der L2-Produktionen von den L1-Produktionen führten zu der Annahme, dass die L2- vi Lernenden entweder L2-prosodische Information anders hörten (= Schwierigkeiten in der Anfangsphase der Sprachperzeption) oder diese in ihrem mentalen Lexikon anderes speicherten als L1-Sprecher (= Schwierigkeiten, die mit mentalen Repräsentationen verbunden sind). Oder möglicherweise hatten sie Schwierigkeiten bei der Artikulation. Diese drei Etappen der Sprachverarbeitung wurden Schritt für Schritt in den Experimen- ten 2, 3 und 4 genauer untersucht. Die Sprachperzeption sowie die Sprachproduktion, die entweder den Zugriff auf die mentalen Repräsentationen erforderten, oder die, das nicht notwendigerweise erforderten, wurden durch die Manipulation der kognitiven Belastung des Arbeitsgedächtnisses im Hinblick auf die Speicherauslastung getestet. Darüber hinaus wurden aufgaben-irrelevante prosodische Dimensionen den Stimuli hinzugefügt, um zu testen, ob die erhöhte Steuerung der Aufmerksamkeit zur Instabilität der L2-Sprachverarbeitung im Vergleich zu der L1 Sprachverarbeitung führen würde. Gleiche Stimuli wurden in den folgenden Experimenten verwendet. Dabei wurden dieselben Teilnehmenden getestet. In den Experimenten 2 und 3 (im Kapitel 3 und 4) wurden zwei der drei oben genann- ten Etappen, nämlich Sprachperzeption und mentale Repräsentationen untersucht. Ge- nauer gesagt, ging es um die Frage, ob L2-Lernende Schwierigkeiten haben, akustische Korrelate eines prosodischen Kontrastes wahrzunehmen oder diese phonologisch zu speichern und abzurufen. Im Experiment 2 wurden segmentale Längekontraste (voka- lische und konsonantische Längekontraste) und im Experiment 3 Kontraste eines Ton- höhenakzentes (flacher vs. fallender F0) untersucht. In beiden Experimenten wurden jeweils AX (same-different)-Diskriminationsaufgaben durchgeführt, bei denen die Teil- nehmenden entweder eine Antwort „gleich” oder „unterschiedlich” zu jedem Stimulus- paar gegeben hatten. Eine Besonderheit der beschriebenen Experimenten bestand dar- in, dass der Zeitabstand zwischen den zwei Stimuli (A und X) (= Interstimulus-Intervall, ISI) variiert wurde (300 ms vs. 2500 ms). Dabei wurde angenommen, dass die Bedingung mit einem kürzeren ISI die Sprachperzeption des akustischen Korrelates des Kontras- tes testete, während die Bedingung mit einem längeren ISI die Sprachperzeption testete, die mentalen Repräsentationen in einem größeren Ausmaß mit aktiviert hat. Unter der Bedingung mit einem längeren ISI hätten die phonetischen Informationen des ersten Stimulus gespeichert werden müssen, um diese mit denen des zweiten Stimulus verglei- chen zu können. Diese Annahme basiert auf der Theorie des Arbeitsgedächtnises, die besagt, dass eine phonetische Information nach etwa 2 Sekunden verloren geht. Zusätz- lich wurde die Komplexität der Stimuli dadurch erhöht, dass aufgaben-irrelevante flache und fallende Tonhöhebewegung für die Diskriminierung der segmentalen Längekontras- vii te (im Experiment 2) und aufgaben-irrelevante segmentale Länge für die Diskriminie- rung der Tonöhenkontraste (im Experiment 3) hinzugefügt wurden. Getestet wurden 24 japanische Muttersprachler, 48 deutsche L2-Lernende (des Japanischen) und 24 deut- sche Nicht-Lernende (=naïve Hörer). Analysiert wurden die d’-Werte (das Maß für die Sensitivität zu Kontrasten) und Reaktionszeiten. Die Ergebnisse des Experimentes 2 zeigten, dass die d’-Werte und Reaktionszei- ten der japansichen Muttersprachlern in allen experimentellen Bedingungen konstant gleich hoch waren. Was die L2-Lernenden und die Nicht-Lernenden anbetrifft zeigten sie unter den Bedingungen mit niedrigsten Aufgabenanforderungen (mit kürzerem ISI, ohne aufgaben-irrelevante fallende Tonhöhebewegung) genauso hohe Sensitivität für den nicht-muttersprachlichen konsonantischen Längekontrast wie japanische Mutter- sprachler. Sogar die Nicht-Lernenden konnten dies unterscheiden, weil sich der Kon- trast durch den Vergleich auf der phonetischen Ebene erkennen ließ. Allerdings konnte eine solche Abhängigkeit vom phonetischen Vergleich nicht lange dauern. Sobald das ISI länger wurde und die Speicherauslastung höher wurde, so dass die phonetische In- formation mehr phonologisch verarbeitet werden musste, verringerte sich die Diskri- minationsfähigkeit der L2-Lernenden und der Nicht-Lernenden. Die d’-Werte der L2- Lernenden verringerten und unterschieden sich von denen der Muttersprachler, und die der Nicht-Lernenden sanken deutlich, so dass sich die Werte der L2-Lernenden und Nicht-Lernenden voneinander unterschieden. Wenn die aufgaben-irrelevante Tonhöhe- bewegung ins Spiel kam unterschieden sich die d’-Werte der L2-Lernenden und Nicht- Lernenden bereits in der kürzeren ISI-Bedingung von denen der japanischen Mutter- sprachlern, und dies galt auch unter der längeren ISI-Bedingung. Das gleiche Ergeb- nis wurde in der Analyse der Reaktionszeiten gefunden. Die Reaktionszeiten der Nicht- Lernenden unterschieden sich nicht von denen der japanischen Muttersprachler in der flachen Tonhöhe- und kürzeren ISI-Bedingung. In der längeren ISI-Bedingung wur- den nur die Reaktionszeiten der Nicht-Lernenden länger. In der fallenden Tonhöhebe- dingung unterschieden sich die Reaktionszeiten der drei Gruppen bereits in der kür- zeren ISI-Bedingung voneinander. Zusätzlich hat die Analyse der Reaktionszeiten ge- zeigt, dass die L2-Lernenden für die Entscheidung generell länger brauchten als die Nicht-Lernenden. Die Reaktionszeiten der Nicht-Lernenden waren genauso kurz wie die der japanischen Muttersprachler wenn die aufgaben-irrelevante Tonhöhebewegung nicht vorhanden war. Mit der aufgaben-irrelevanten fallenden Tonhöhebedingung ver- längerten sich die Reaktionszeiten von den Nicht-Lernenden, so dass sie sich von de- nen der japanischen Muttersprachler unterschieden. Der Vergleich zwischen den Er- viii gebnissen der flachen und fallenden Tonhöhebedingungen zeigte eine konsistente Wir- kung der aufgaben-irrelevanten Tonhöhebewegung auf die Diskriminierung des nicht- muttersprachlichen segmentalen Längekontrastes: Der konsonantische Längekontrast dargestellt mit der fallenden Tonhöhenbewegung
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