Desiderio and Diletto: Vision, Touch, and the Poetics of Bernini's Apollo and Daphne Author(s): Andrea Bolland Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 82, No. 2 (Jun., 2000), pp. 309-330 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3051379 Accessed: 29/10/2009 07:49

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http://www.jstor.org Desiderio and Diletto: Vision, Touch, and the Poetics of Bernini's Apollo and Daphne AndreaBolland

The gods, that mortal beauty chase, Daphne and to the subtleties of Bernini's statue. Indeed, one Still in a tree did end their race. might even say that the subject and Bernini's treatment of it Apollo hunted Daphne so, not only elicit paradoxical readings but that paradox is at the Only that she might laurel grow. heart of the group's meaning. Rather than undertaking a And Pan did after Syrinx speed, radically new reading, this essay will focus on these paradoxi- Not as a nymph, but for a reed. cal relationships-specifically, the intertwined themes of sen- -Andrew Marvell, from "The Garden"1 suality and antisensuality and of desire and artifice-that by common consensus seem to lie at the heart of the statue In Baldinucci's Gian LorenzoBernini (1682), the Filippo Life of group. marble of and 1) is cast as the group Apollo Daphne (Fig. These themes will be placed in a larger Renaissance critical first After youthful sculptor's great public triumph. invoking tradition in which a crucial role is played by vision and the that mere words cannot describe the topos "meraviglie" touch-senses that Bernini uses to great effect in his statue (marvels) that the in to the sculpture "displayed every part group, and which are central to the literary tradition of the of all," Baldinucci on to describe the statue's eyes goes story. In this critical discourse, poetry, painting, and sculp- reception: ture-sister arts, united by the common end of mimesis- were in that on their address to the [I]mmediately when it was seen to have been finished, unequal ways hinged and on the value to the senses there arose such a cry [se ne sparse un tal grido] that all senses, comparative assigned in their abilities to concurred in seeing it as a miracle [tutta Roma themselves, provoke desire, provide and access to The Renaissance concorse a vederla per un miracolo], and the young artist delight, grant knowledge.10 of sense that of the was not an absolute himself (not yet eighteen years old), when he walked hierarchy (like arts) one: if vision was often exalted for its immaterial through the city, drew after him the eyes of all the people, (hence it was also the sense most and who gazed upon him and pointed him out to others as a spiritual) nature, easily fooled, if touch was the surest of the it could also be prodigy... .2 senses, maligned for its base association with the sexual act. These criteria were The grido described by Baldinucci has barely abated in the particularly significant, since not only did the three arts hold 375 years since the statue's completion-if anything, the in common the deceptions of fiction, but also (as we shall see) clamor has recently increased with the reopening of the Villa Renaissance commentators had located the origins of poetry, Borghese (for which the Apollo and Daphne was made and sculpture, and painting in mythic stories revolving around where it is still displayed), the cleaning and scientific examina- erotic desire. The merging of artist and artwork hinted at in tion of the statue group, and the quadricentennial of Berni- Baldinucci's text (the crowd's desire to see the statue gives way ni's birth. All three of these events generated catalogues to the need to lay eyes on its maker) also takes us back to the containing beautiful photographs, probing essays, and bibliog- intersection of art and myth: if Bernini's own transformation raphies listing such a quantity of secondary literature that one during these watershed years in his career is broadly analo- might reasonably ask if anything remains to be said about the gous to that of Daphne (who, after all, emerges from her Apollo and Daphne.3 (Indeed, one might dispute Baldinucci: metamorphosis immortalized), it was the poet-god Apollo the work's visual meraviglieseem to compel words rather than who would provide the young sculptor with a template from inhibit them.) Yet in spite of the ample documentary evi- which to fashion his mythic-artistic identity and recast the dence relating to the statue group's creation, the picture that poetics of his own art. emerges of its meaning and context is anything but clear. In a series of equally plausible arguments, the Apollo and Daphne is said to celebrate the sense-based pleasures of art (by way of its Bernini, , and Maffeo Barberini reference to the paragone debates),4 or to be about the evils of Bernini created the Apollo and Daphne over a three-year sensual poetry (by way of the inscription on its base, warning period, with some interruptions, beginning in the summer of against the bitterness of worldly beauty);5 it is an erotic 1622, when he was twenty-three years old.11 Commissioned by artwork, made for a hedonistic patron,6 or it is a Neoplatonic Cardinal Scipione Borghese, it was the third in a series of allegory of the sublimation of sensual lust into art, made for a life-size marble sculptures he ordered from Bernini to adorn discerning cardinal;7 it is Marinist and Petrarchan in its his luxurious villa outside the Porta Pinciana, the others being imagery,8 or it is anti-Marinist and anti-Petrarchan in its the Aeneas and Anchises (1618-19), the Pluto and Proserpinaof message.9 1621-22 (Fig. 2), and the (1623-24).12 The group's That these readings can happily coexist in the modern delivery to the Villa Borghese in the fall of 1625 not only literature (and sometimes even appear as parts of the same completed that series of impressive statues, it also effectively argument) testifies to the richness of the story of Apollo and marked the end of Bernini's large-scale work for the cardinal 310 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

1 , Apolloand Daphne.Rome, (photo: Scala/Art Resource, New York) DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 311

2 Bernini, Pluto and Proserpina.Rome, Galleria Borghese (photo: Alinari/Art Resource, New York)

and signaled a turning point in the lives of both patron and which Borghese cannily presented to the new papal nephew, sculptor. 13 Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi), and also poetically, in its subject As has often been noted, Scipione Borghese's status plum- of loss (the immense power held by the cardinal's nephew- meted in early 1621, shortly after the death of his uncle Pope like Daphne's human beauty-is ultimately short-lived, and Paul V and the subsequent accession of the Bolognese pope the eager pursuer of each is in the end but a witness to its Gregory XV (who had not been the cardinal's first choice in transformation).16 Bernini's sculpted metamorphosis also the conclave). 4 While Borghese eventually recovered from coincides with a period of transition in his own career; in the his fall from grace, his role had changed; he was never again mid-1620s his principal source of patronage shifted from the the powerful Cardinal Nephew, responsible for setting the -which, between Paul V and Scipione, had taste of the papal court, as he had been when Bernini began employed two generations of Berninis-to the newly ascen- to work for him in the 1610s.15 We may even view Bernini's dant Barberini family, which, after the short summer conclave Apollo and Daphne as an emblem of that change in fortune: following Gregory XV's death in 1623 could claim its own both concretely, in the apparent circumstances of its commis- pope.17 It could even be said that the change marked for the sion (it replaced Bernini's tour de force Pluto and Proserpina, artist a sort of passage into artistic maturity, a symbolic 312 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2 severing of paternal bonds (it was, after all, Maffeo Barberini- return Cupid wounds Apollo with a golden arrow, inducing the future Urban VIII-who had first prophesied that the love, and wounds Daphne-a young nymph who had already young Bernini would surpass his father, and it was he who declared a desire for perpetual virginity-with a leaden arrow, took almost immediate advantage when this came to pass).18 causing flight from love. "Phoebus," writes Ovid, "loves Gian Lorenzo had apparently known Maffeo Barberini for Daphne at sight, and longs to wed her."27 The love that begins some time. According to the artist's seventeenth-century with sight continues to be fueled by vision: "He looks at Paul V had the under the biographers, placed young sculptor [spectat] her hair hanging down her neck in disarray, and says: care of then-Cardinal Barberini-a choice to propitious 'What if it were arrayed?' He gazes at [videt] her eyes gleaming mold the since besides young prodigy's mind, being deeply like stars, he gazes upon her lips, which but to gaze on does the cardinal was himself a of the creative learned, practitioner not satisfy [videt oscula, quae non est vidisse satis]" (lines arts-in this the art of In the case, poetry.19 biographers' 497-500). Apollo tirelessly pursues the nymph, but just as he the cardinal is cast as of a second father accounts, something is at the point of overtaking her (having "breathed on the the Bernini the rudiments of literature figure, teaching young hair that streamed over her neck [crinem sparsum cervicibus even as his actual father him how to hold a drill.20 taught adflat]"), Daphne begs her father, the river god Peneus, to Bernini had to execute several works for the Barbelini begun rescue her by destroying the beauty that inspires her pursuer. over the course of the 1610s (often in with family conjunction Thus begins the frightful transformation of her soft flesh to his father, who for the Barberini provided statuary family thin bark, her unbound hair to fluttering leaves, her out- in S. Andrea della Valle).21 But if one is to believe the chapel stretched arms to upturned branches. Yet despite the plea to anecdotes of the biographers, Maffeo's interest in the sculp- her father, her beauty remained (lines 553-65): tor became especially intense during the period that Bernini was working on the Borghese commissions.22 If he studied the But even now in this new form Apollo loved her; and young sculptor's abilities during the final years of his cardi- placing his hand upon the trunk, he felt [sentit] the heart nalate and his first year as pope, it was only in the summer of still fluttering beneath the bark. He embraced [comple- 1624-while Bernini was absorbed in working on the Apollo xusque] the branches as if human limbs, and pressed his and Daphne23-that Barberini rewarded him with a number of lips upon the wood [oscula dat ligno]. But even the wood large-scale commissions: remodeling the church of S. Bibi- shrank from his kisses [refugit tamen oscula lignem]. And the ana, creating a life-size marble statue of that saint for the god cried out to this: "Since thou canst not be my bride, church's main altar, and-grandest of all-designing the thou shalt at least be my tree. My hair, my lyre, my quiver baldacchino for the crossing of St. Peter's.24 I reiterate this shall always be entwined with thee, O laurel..... And as my rather familiar history to underline the fact that the Apollo and head is ever young and my locks unshorn, so do thou keep Daphne may be placed at crucial turning points in the lives of the of leaves three men: the artist who carved the work (and for whom it beauty thy perpetual." would be the last of the mythological groups that had Ovid's narrative of desire and pursuit is punctuated by characterized his youthful artistic production), the worldly references to the senses of touch and vision. While the story is cardinal who commissioned it, and finally Maffeo Barberini, implicitly set into motion with two touches-the arrows that who was cardinal when the work was and leader of the begun wound both beloved and would-be lover-its affective content Roman Catholic world when it was finished.25 begins with frustrated vision and ends with frustrated touch. It is within this nexus that the poetic meaning of the story, Sight kindles in Apollo a desire that it alone ultimately cannot and the implications of that meaning, must be placed. Let us satisfy ("videt oscula, quae non est vidisse satis"), and when begin to locate that meaning by examining the text on which the desire is finally rewarded through touch, the object the statue group is most likely based. obtained is no longer the same as that which was desired ("oscula dat lignum"). Even the one point at which desire and its initial interact is one of frustration: can The Ovidian Story and the Metamorphosis of Sense object Apollo touch the locks of hair with his insubstantial The canonical poetic treatment of the story of Apollo and only Daphne's breath. Daphne-certainly available to Bernini in either Latin or Bernini's statue this culminat- Italian-is found in book 1 of Ovid's Metamorphoses(lines group spectacularly captures transformative moment in terms of the ex- 452-567).26 The tale follows the stories of the origin of the ing precisely between touch and In a sort of doubled cosmos, the re-creation of the human race from stones by changes sight. trope, turns her head to back toward her would-be Deucalion and Pyrrha, and the slaying of the Python by Daphne gaze even as she turn into Apollo; it is introduced, almost parenthetically, to explain the captor begins to a new substance, the origin of Apollo's laurel crown. Daphne is said to be Apollo's laurel. This detail is not found in Ovid, yet it is a suggestive primus amor, and the tale of Apollo and Daphne is also Ovid's addition with regard to the play between the senses: the first full-scale love story in the Metamorphoses;perhaps fittingly, mutual gaze that has begun to be realized is the one instance he begins his epic-scale poem with a tale told on the god of in which sight actually matches the reciprocity inherent to the poetry. sense of touch.28 The expression that passes over Daphne's The story begins with a fateful insult: Phoebus Apollo face at that instant likewise seems to betray a transformation: chides Cupid for playing with adult weapons (his weapon- the fear of being caught gives over to horror at the means by the bow, with which he had just killed the Python), and in which she will avoid capture (Fig. 3). Apollo's mouth also falls DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 313

3 Bernini, Apolloand Daphne,detail (photo: Alinari/Art r !; .t; K N Resource, New York) 4 Bernini, Apolloand Daphne,detail (photo: Alinari/Art Resource, New York)

open as Daphne begins her transformation (Fig. 4). Yet it meanings the story had acquired over the centuries between 7 would seem that his sense that something is desperately C.E. and 1622; indeed, they are important factors in the story's wrong is informed not primarily by his gaze (which is fixed, at role as an emblem of the origin and functions of the art of close range, on the still-human face that turns toward him), poetry. Already for Ovid, the story seems emblematic: just as but rather from the sensations on his flesh: the roots beneath he begins his collection of love stories with Apollo's decree his toes, the branch that goads his loins, and finally-most that his beloved laurel shall live in eternal verdure and strikingly-what his left hand reveals to him. The hand that provide a crown for poets, so he concludes the Metamorphoses reaches toward the soft flesh of Daphne (which Apollo still with a claim for the eternity of his own poetic work and his sees), touches a surface of rough bark (Fig. 5).29 Thus, the own consequent immortality (Fig. 8).31 For Bernini (and for transformation that Bernini portrays is not only that of the his audience), the Ovidian story came wrapped in even more object but also of the means of knowing that object: sight and complex veils of meaning. distance, with their sweet promises, give way to touch and proximity, with their harsh realities. Distance and Desire: Marino, Petrarch, Barberini Art historians have pointed out a variety of possible visual A number of art historians have suggested that a figure more sources for Bernini's statue group. The turn of Daphne's immediate than Ovid may have provided Bernini with a head and the flourish of drapery off Apollo's shoulder both model for his representation of the Daphne story: the recall Cherubino Alberti's engraving after Polidoro da Cara- Neapolitan poet Giambattista Marino, who treated the myth vaggio (Fig. 6), and the position of Apollo's left arm may on at least six occasions throughout his career.32 The claims derive from the woodcut by Master IB with the Bird (Fig. 7).30 for Marino's influence rest largely on the similarities of Yet identifying the quotations is in some ways less interesting virtuosic and ornate treatment of transformation-on the than measuring the distance from those models. Bernini meraviglie pursued by both poet and sculptor.33 Beyond reduces the distance between the pair-doubtless in part to providing a repertoire of effects that are at least mirrored by render the sculptural group more stable, but this change also Bernini's sculpture, one particular example of Marino's allows him to wrap Apollo's arm fully around Daphne and to retelling of the myth can also give us a clue as to the meaning fix his gaze on her face, making more obvious the discrepancy this story held for an early seventeenth-century audience. between vision and touch. This significance emerges in the final lines of Marino's These nuances of sight and touch, of inaccessibility and longest and final treatment of the theme, the eclogue possession that Bernini explores are vital to the accretion of "Dafni" in his collection La sampogna (Paris, 1620). After a 314 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

_Marino enlivens the Ovidian tale with some characteristic touches (the "thousands and thousands" of kisses are a fitting addition from the author of the Canzone dei baci), but it is in his conclusion that Marino most interestingly builds on his model. In essence, he ties the end of the poem to its beginning: the "istoria dolorosa" in the penultimate line is implicitly the poem that we havejust read, and Daphne's hair, which in Ovid's version Apollo had so wished to arrange artfully ("quid, si comantur?"), is now woven, as leaves, into the instrument that provides the accompaniment to her artfully combed and curled story.35 Marino treats the confla- tion of the metamorphosed Daphne with the poet's instru- ment and song at length, perhaps in order to strengthen the connection with the eclogue that directly follows it in his collection, entitled "Siringa." There, in her desperate at- tempt to flee the satyr-god Pan, the nymph Syrinx is trans- formed into reeds, which ultimately become the instrument by which Pan will himself effect a transformation: his rueful sighs (he is literally dispirited) pass through the hollow shafts of Syrinx's new body and emerge as sweet music.36 The two stories are linked by a common poetic theme: the sweetness of art issues from (and in some sense compensates for) the bitterness of loss. As another seventeenth-century poet, An-

5 Bernini, Apolloand Daphne,detail (photo: Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, Rome)

long account of the chase and transformation, the poet ends the story of Apollo's pursuit with these lines:

Cola fermossi, e con sospiri e pianti tra le braccia la strinse, e mille e mille vani le porse, e 'ntempestivi baci. Indi de' sacri et onorati fregi del novello arboscel cinto la fronte, coronatane ancor l'aurata cetra, del'avorio facondo in atto mesto sospeso il peso al'omero chiomato e col dolce arco dala destra mosso tutte scorrendo le loquaci fila, . ----iPyh -. - cant6 l'istoria dolorosa e trista de' suoi lugubri e sventurati amori.

(There he stopped, and with sighs and tears, he embraced OL DO her in his arms, and offered her thousands and thousands of vain and ill-timed kisses. Then, his having girt temples R with the sacred and honored ornaments of the new tree, A he also crowned with them his golden cithera; and with the eloquent ivory weighing on his tressed shoulder and the . sweet bow in his right hand, gliding over the loquacious ' strings, he sang the dolorous and sad story of his mournful 6 Cherubino Alberti, after Polidoro da , Apolloand and unfortunate loves).34 Daphne.London, British Museum (photo: ? British Museum) DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 315 drew Marvell, has it in the lines quoted at the beginning of this essay, the metamorphosed beloved may be moredesirable than the original.37 Marino's delicacy in treating Apollo's sad tale is-at least in light of his reputation as a poet of the lascivious-somewhat unexpected, yet it demonstrates the special status of the subject among love stories and also, I would argue, betrays the still-potent force of a poetic model from whom Marino otherwise attempts to distance himself: Petrarch.38 Petrarch's vernacular poetry turns on the ultimate inaccessibility of the beloved and on writing's function as consolation for that distance; the myth of Apollo and Daphne provided him a means of endlessly refiguring that equation.39 While the centrality of the myth to Petrarch's Rime sparse is signaled by the name of his beloved (Laura-the laurel-is of course _0lPv $VL-_MONEQ M IV.V Daphne), specific narrative elements of the Ovidian tale are fr:CVU: COFAVNO DOSODVM TIVS bA.tWC.RJ -oVfOYALWODONO DERDT. scattered more sparingly throughout his canzoniere. One of the more overt which the is examples-in myth tersely 8 Petrus van der Borcht, Portraitof Ovid,from P. Ovidii Nasoni retold-is "Si traviato e '1 folle mi' In this poem 6, desio." Metamorphoses,argumentis brevioribus ex LuctatioGrammatico poem, mad desire pulls the weary poet after she "che 'n fuga collectisexpositae, Antwerp, 1591 (photo: Getty Research Institute, e volta" (who is turned in flight), finally bringing him to the Research Library) point of spiritual death:

sol per venir al lauro onde si coglie acerbo frutto, che le piaghe altrui (only to come to the laurel, from whence is gathered bitter gustando affligge piu che non conforta. fruit that, being tasted, afflicts the wounds of others more than it comforts them.)40

Petrarch refigures the moment when the lover comes together with his newly transformed beloved: Apollo's unan- swered kisses in Ovid's tale are here cast as bitter fruit, the sense of taste substituting for the related sense of touch. It is striking that the poet himself does not seem to sample this fruit (it "is gathered"-in the passive voice-and it afflicts the wounds "of others"); in effect, he denies himself even the frustrated embrace granted Apollo. In fact, consummation with the beloved-bitter or otherwise-is not to be found within the Rime sparse.The absent or unreachable beloved is a leitmotif for Petrarch, and he overtly thematizes its relation to writing in several of his poems-providing the model for Marino's elegant turn on the Apollo story in "Dafni."41 This idea is nowhere more evident than in the group of canzoni numbered 125, 126, 127, and 129. In the last of these, "Di pensier in pensier," the poet shadows forth the absent Laura's face onto various objects he sees, and then, when even that dolce error (sweet error) is dispelled, sits down, "cold, a dead stone on living rock [pietra morta in pietra viva-a petrous pun on his own name], like a man who thinks and weeps and writes [pensi et pianga et scriva]."42 The poet is metamor- phosed, as are his figurations of desire (seeing becomes thinking) and his means of expression (weeping turns into writing). Adelia Noferi has written suggestively on this relationship of poetic discourse and absence in Petrarch's verse, both generally and with regard to his use of the Daphne myth. She notes the latter's similarity to, as well as difference from, another myth central to the art of poetry, that of Orpheus, in which: 7 Master IB with the Bird, Apolloand Daphne.Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preussischer Eurydice, under the gaze of Orpheus (of the poet- Kulturbesitz Orpheus) descends again into night and death, removing 316 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

herself forever from his sight and from his possession to Scipione Borghese and Cardinal Escoubleau de Sourdis, disappear into shadow. In the myth of Apollo and Daphne, defended the sensuously nude Daphne to the scandalized Daphne (Laura-Daphne) also perpetually flees the "de- French prelate by composing the following verses: sire" of Apollo ... escapes his pursuit, but does not disappear from sight, swallowed up by shadow. Instead, she QVISQVISAMANS SEQVITVR FVGITIVAE GAVDIA FORMAE is transformed (in the same moment in which she has been FRONDE MANVS IMPLET BACCAS SEV CARPIT AMARAS caught up with, touched) into something other than (Whoever, the of beauty fills herself: into the laurel, the evergreen plant, sacred to loving, pursues joys fleeting his hands with leaves or seizes bitter berries)48 poets, poetry itself, both visible and tangible in its objec- tive, material, literal but which in this presence, presence The distich transforms the seminude marble couple into an confirms the absence of the lost peculiarly irreparable adornment proper to a cardinal's villa, although Barberini's of desire. The "letter" of the name of Laura object conceit differs strikingly from the interpretation more typi- becomes an emblem, an literal image in and of image-a cally found in moralizing literature, where Daphne is allegori- discourse.43 poetic cally read as a figure for Chastity.49 Here, the poet Barberini puns on the bitterness of love (the traditional paronomasia of As Noferi suggests, this distance between lover and beloved amarus and amare), as well as the double meaning offugitivus is articulated in Petrarch's poetry through a play between (Daphne's literally fleeing form also stands for the fleeting, sight and touch-very much like that found in Ovid's treat- time-bound beauty of all pleasures experienced through the ment of the Daphne story. Laura remains untouched, yet is, senses). The rejection of worldly sensuality is in keeping with almost in consolation, the constant object of sight-of first the tone of much of Barberini's poetry, whose principles are the external vision of the poet's eye, and then the potent and laid out in the "Poesis probis et piis ornata documenti, inexhaustible internal gaze of his memory and imagination. primaevo decori restituenda," published in 1631-a poem The vocabulary of vision in the Rime sparse is of course that Marc Fumaroli has called his "encyclical" on Christian inherited from the late thirteenth-century poets of the dolce poetics.50 Barberini's language may derive from an epigram stil nuovo, yet Petrarch stretches it to its limits: vision becomes on Apollo and Daphne by his Tuscan predecessor Politian, more acute, and also more in the absence of its complex, which concludes with the lines: companion erotic sense, touch.44 If occhi (or eyes, both Petrarch's and Laura's) is one of the most common nouns in Utque novas gustu baccas tentavit: eandem the canzoniere, one of the uses to which those eyes are heu mihi servat (ait) nunc quoque amaritiem put-the mirar fiso (intent gaze), with its combination of wonder or and (admiratio meraviglia) immobility-crystallizes (And just as he tested the fresh berries by tasting, alas (he the collection's intertwined themes of desire and its inhibi- says) now still she delivers the same bitterness to me.)51 tion.45 Yet vision is not merely a means for fixing on the object of desire; sight implies space (forjust as touch does not admit The ultimate source for the conceit of bitter berries in distance, vision fails with contact), and it functions as a means Politian's poem (as Lodovico Castelvetro had pointed out in for recognizing, even measuring (as in canzone 129) the aria his commentary on the Rime sparse) was Petrarch's sonnet "Si (air) that separates the poet from the beloved.46 Ultimately, traviato," cited above.52 Here, then, Barberini actually has it another sense is brought into play in the Rime sparse, for if both ways: the warning against the pleasures of earthly beauty Petrarch's desire for base touch is first sublimated into the in the distich adorning Bernini's statue is expressed through the higher sense of sight, it is finally refigured within the equally imagery (the bitter fruits) that ultimately derives from elevated sense of hearing: the sonorous words of his sonnets sensual realm of secular poetry. and canzoni, evoking the absent beloved, finally offer a Urban's use of a Petrarchan conceit is not altogether substitute for the tactile pleasures of consummation. The surprising; in his youth he had composed amorous poetry, corporeal, mortal beloved (Laura) is lost, yet she is reconsti- and he continued to use language with a Petrarchan flavor tuted in the sounds, the sighs, of the lover's poetry (literally, even in his later, moralizing vernacular poems.53 Inasmuch as in l'aura, the air), and in return she bestows immortality on Urban "emphatically rejects the vain ambition of acquiring the lover, as the laurel crown (lauro) of his eternal fame. fame by means of the poetic craft" (as Ludwig von Pastor has Petrarch's recasting of the story of Apollo and Daphne it), by the 1630s Apollo's laurels were almost as much a part of provided a lens through which not only Marino but all his personal iconography as they had been of Petrarch's.54 Renaissance readers, writers, and even artists viewed the Why Barberini would choose to emulate a Petrarchan classical myth; it may be argued that any subsequent represen- conceit at this particular moment may be explained by a tation of the myth carries with it an implicit reference to the closer look at the immediate literary context.55 It has been great trecento poet.47 Yet the Petrarchan treatment of the noted that in 1620, even as the first edition of Maffeo myth (and Petrarchan poetics generally) may have also held a Barberini's Poematawas being printed in Paris, another poetic special significance at the moment that Bernini made his work, of much different character, was being prepared for the Apollo group-a meaning we may begin to understand by French royal printer: Marino's L'Adone,which finally came out looking more closely at the poetic inscription composed by in April 1623.56 The work's popularity (not to mention Maffeo Barberini that adorns the statue's base. The sculptor notoriety) was quickly established, and the editio princeps was recalled the occasion for its invention many years later: followed by a succession of Italian editions.57 Vehement the Barberini, viewing the sculptural group in the company of attacks on the Adone and its author also began to appear, DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 317 first published salvo being the poet Tommaso Stigliani's this climactic moment, distance and difference are con- Occhialeof 1627. Though the anti-Marinist tracts attacked the quered simultaneously, and the two lovers become one body, Adone primarily for faults of style and language, it was a hermaphrodite of sorts.64 A more forcefully modern rejec- Marino's candid celebration of sensual pleasures-especially tion of the courtly Petrarchan tradition could scarcely be those of touch and its concomitant, sexual consummation- made.65 that made the work a target for the censors.58 This frankness, If Barberini's inscription for Bernini's statue group has its however, also had the effect of rescuing at least one aspect of place in the opposition between Petrarchan poetics and Petrarch's legacy, for not only did the latter provide a stylistic Marinismo, it is equally likely that Bernini made his statue, alternative to Marino (and Petrarch's style was praised by with its carefully worked-out exchanges between vision and Stigliani himself in the 1623 edition of his own Rime, dedi- touch, in full awareness of the literary debates going on cated to Cardinal Borghese), but also his chaste sublimation around him.66 For all the gloriously polished marble flesh that of sight's desires into poetic utterance served as one alterna- the statue group displays, it is at base an illustration of erotic tive to the excess of baci and abbracci in the Adone.59 The frustration-and implicitly of the translation of sight's desires anti-Petrarchists of the late cinquecento and early seicento into art. If the art that emerges from Apollo's frustration is may have cast aspersions on the courtly ideals that dominate poetry, we might ask what the implications of this formula the Rime sparse,yet Marino's humid evocation of physical love were for the young sculptor who was on the verge of his own brought the alternative rather too clearly into focus.60 transformation at the hands of the new pope (the poet-pope, If the insurmountable distance between lover and beloved at that). Surely the topic of the two arts' relationship would in Petrarch, figured in the Apollo and Daphne myth, marks have been of interest to a young man who from childhood was the birthplace of the poetic art (and even Marino's evocation held to be the reincarnation of that superb artist and poet of the Ovidian/Petrarchan myth, as we have seen, follows this Michelangelo, the "nuovo Apollo, e nuovo Apelle" (new reading), much of Marino's love poetry resolves itself in a Apollo and new Apelles) of his age.67 It is worth recalling that proximity that threatens to meld the participants into a single the first edition of Michelangelo's strongly Petrarchan po- identity.61 This can be seen in his rendering of Venus's and ems-bearing a dedication to Urban VIII-was published in Adonis's courtship, and it is seen in its most concentrated 1623, during the course of Bernini's work on the Apollo and fashion in the notorious "Canzone dei baci" (which Marino Daphne.68And if he wished to find a connection between the in fact quarried for his description of the lovers' pleasures in Daphne myth and the origins of his own art, Bernini needed canto 8 of the Adone).62 In the penultimate stanza of the look no further than the explanation provided by Leon canzone, Marino writes: Battista Alberti, at the beginning of De statua (composed in the fifteenth century but first published, in Cosimo Bartoli's Miro, rimiro ed ardo, vernacular translation, in 1568): bacio, ribacio e godo, e mirando e baciando mi disfaccio. I think that the arts of those who wished to apply them- Amor tra '1 bacio e '1 guardo selves to expressing and portraying the effigies and resem- scherza e vaneggia in modo blances of bodies created by nature had their origin in this ch'ebro di tanta gloria i' tremo e taccio; way: that they by chance sometimes discerned either in ond'ella che m'ha in braccio, tree trunks or in clods of earth, or in other similar bodies, lascivamente onesta, certain lineaments by means of which certain similarities gli occhi mi bacia, e fra le perle elette could be transmuted into them, thus rendering them frange due parolette: similar to those faces made by nature. They then began, -Cor mio!-dicendo, e poi, applying all their diligence, to consider mentally and baciando i baci suoi, examine, and to try and strive to see what they might add di bacio in bacio a quel piacer mi desta, or take away, or whatever might be needed so that it might che l'alme insieme allaccia e i corpi innesta.63 not appear that anything was lacking, in making that effigy appear almost to be truly the thing itself [da far apparir (I gaze, gaze again, and burn, I kiss, kiss again and take quasi uera & propria quella tale effigie], and to finish it pleasure, and in gazing and kissing, I am undone. Love, perfectly. Thus, by ... emending ... now the lines, and between the kiss and the gaze, plays and mocks in such now the planes, and cleaning and repolishing, they ob- fashion that, drunk with such glory, I tremble and fall tained their desire, and this truly not without delight for silent; whence she who has me in her arms, lasciviously them [ottenneroil desiderioloro, & questo ueramentenon senza modest, kisses my eyes, and amidst exquisite pearls crushes loro diletto].69 two little words: My Heart! Saying, and then kissing her kisses, from kiss to kiss she stirs me to that pleasure that Here is a reversed version of the Daphne myth: a tree (or a binds together souls and grafts body on body.) clod of earth) is metamorphosed into human form by the sculptor's act of looking and then of pleasantly touching- Gazing and kissing alternate distance and proximity, desire forming and polishing with his tools.70 This reversal is and pleasure; in this duel, the latter finally triumphs as the important, for it suggests a gap between poetry-which, beloved kisses the poet's eyes and renders him, at least according to the Petrarchan model, begins with the absence momentarily, sightless. Utterance here, such as it is ("Cor or loss of a physical, tangible, object-and sculpture, whose mio!") is born of blindness, as a cry in the heat of passion. At mental and manual labors produce just such an object. 318 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

which he was doing that he devoured, rather than worked [divorava, non lavorava] the marble."73 There were in fact time-honored classical examples of such passion for works of art by both spectators and artists. The story of the stain left by a young man on Praxiteles' Cnidian Venus was a well-known (if scandalous) example. A more poetic and suggestive account of the erotic appeal of statues could be found in the mythical tale of the sculptor Pygmalion, who swore off real women but became enamored by the beauty of one of his own creations.74 Moreover, the canonical account of Pygmalion's story-in Ovid's Metamorphoses-is rich in its exchanges between vision and touch. The sculptor is first enamored by sight: he "looks in admiration and is inflamed with love for the semblance of a form" (10.252-53). He then proceeds to exercise various forms of touch upon it (10.254-58):

Often he lifts his hands to the work to try whether it be 9 Van der Borcht, Pygmalion,from P Ovidii Nasoni flesh or ivory. He kisses it and thinks his kisses are ... Research Institute, Research Metamorphoses (photo: Getty returned. He speaks to it, grasps it and seems to feel his Library) fingers sink into the limbs when he touches them and thus he fears lest he leave marks of bruises on them [credit tactis digitos insidere membris et metuit, pressos veniat ne livor in artus]. Indeed, while sculpture might be included in general compari- sons of poetry and the visual arts, it nonetheless usually fell by Seized by his love of her, the sculptor even makes a bed for the wayside, ceding place to painting when these comparisons his statue and "rests its reclining head upon soft, downy were pursued in any depth: ut poesis was far from a sculptura as if it could them" (10.268-69). formula.71 In the second of this I will pillows, enjoy Pygmalion's commonplace part essay, concern for the statue's comfort is rewarded when Venus suggest that these two facts are related: that the irreducible answers his prayers and brings her to life, a miracle that is physicality of sculpture-verified in part by its ability to give certified, but also apparently accomplished, through touch and to grant certain knowledge through the sense of pleasure (10.282-86): touch-played a part in its exclusion from the sorority shared had at least since an art of by poetry (which been, Petrarch, Again he kissed her, and with his hands also he touched if not a visual and Bernini's vision, art) painting. Thus, her breast. The ivory grew soft to his touch and, its of the foundational of Petrarchan sculptural rendering myth hardness vanishing, gave and yielded beneath his fingers, as an of touch and be poetry-figured exchange vision-may as Hymettian wax grows soft under the sun and, moulded read in of as a these issues. I will end light (and response to) by the thumb is easily shaped to many forms and becomes to the between artist and artwork by returning relationship usable through use itself. addressed in the passage by Baldinucci with which the paper began, suggesting that the statue sealed the young Ovid's tale ends happily with marriage and finally (through a Bernini's credentials as a poetic sculptor, nuovo Apollo e nuovo more traditional means of procreation and animation) the Michelangelo. birth of a daughter. The vocabulary of tactility used here ranges from the Bernini and Cinquecento Tradition: The Origin and artificer's manipulations (which begin as the carving and Comparison of the Arts polishing of ivory and end, metaphorically, as the modeling of The alternation of looking and touching in Alberti's explana- wax) to the lover's erotic touch.75 The implicit similarities tion of sculpture's origins is of course a feature of any factive between the two types of touch are played on in the myth's art, and it need not be read with any connotations of Eros. Yet illustration in an edition of Luctatius's Ovidian Argumenta of there is evidence that, in his early years especially, Bernini 1591 (Fig. 9).76 With this rich array of touch, it is not characterized his own art in just such erotically charged surprising that the story found its way into the background of terms. We see this in a pair of anecdotes in Domenico a mid-sixteenth-century allegorical print of that sense (Fig. Bernini's Vita of his father. According to Domenico, in his 10).77 youth Gian Lorenzo would often spend whole days in the Pygmalion's virtuosic artifice, which even seduces him into Vatican collections, drawing those ancient statues that he believing his own fiction, would doubtless make him a fitting referred to as his "Innammorate" (girlfriends).72 If it was love mythic role model for any ambitious young sculptor, and of sculptural models that lay behind his desire to make art, elements in Bernini's early works suggest that he was a rather this love apparently also extended to the process and prod- closer student of the story than most. In addition to Scipione ucts of his own art. When asked how he achieved the marvels Borghese's commissions for new sculptures, Bernini was in his Villa Borghese statues, Bernini reportedly replied that asked in the late 1610s to carry out restorations on the "in working he felt so inflamed, and so enamored by that cardinal's ancient statue of a Sleeping Hermaphrodite(Fig. 11). DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 319

11 SleepingHermaphrodite, Roman copy of 2nd-century Greek 10 Jacob de Backer, Senseof Touch.Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum original, with base carved by Bernini. Paris, Musee du (photo: ? Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam) (photo: Giraudon/Art Resource, New York)

Beyond repairing the creature's body, he also created a discussion), the fact that they were constantly and canonically stunning base for its eternal rest: a plush marble mattress invoked points to the centrality of the issues they address.83 carved and polished with extreme delicacy.78 Whether or not These issues included the validation of artifice through the idea of resting the statue on a bed was inspired by the tale difficultd, art's address to the senses through imitation of the of the mythic sculptor, the Ovidian example would have substance and external particulars of things, and perhaps suited the young Bernini in an even broader sense. Certainly most important, its ability to suggest what lies beneath the one of the hallmarks of the artist's style-his ability to surface of living things-the invisible anima or spiritus that transform materials from actual hardness to the appearance distinguishes a living, breathing being from mere inert of softness-recalls Pygmalion's miraculous feat of making matter. the hard ivory yield "beneath his fingers, as Hymettian wax The two stories of statue love were used in the paragone grows soft under the sun...." Here it is not soft flesh into arguments to support the sculptors' claims that three- which his superhuman skills seemingly transform marble, but dimensional imitation was more convincingly lifelike (since it cloth-and it is noteworthy that an eighteenth-century visitor fooled erotic sense) than the two-dimensional kind, and that tells of passing his hand over it and believing it to be "a real their art surpassed its pictorial counterpart by providing a mattress of white leather or satin which has lost its sheen."79 more complete sensory experience, pleasing not only sight Bernini borrows Ovid's words in his criticism, recorded by (as did painting) but also touch. Here, erotic gratifica- Baldinucci, of those sculptors who did not "have it in their tion-the caress, the kiss, the sexual embrace-was allowed to heart to render stone as obedient to the hand as if it were stand emblematically for the powers of touch, and inasmuch dough or wax," an expression echoed by the seventeenth- as sculpture was an art associated with that sense, it was also century critic Luigi Scaramuccia, who describes the sculptor's implicitly linked to a particularly physical evocation of love. finished marbles as appearing to be modeled in wax.80 The Paintings can also yield erotic delight, yet since the object of demonstration piece for the artist's abilities to achieve just delectation itself does not repay touch, these pleasures must this transformation is from the period immediately after the ultimately remain more chaste. In one of his sonnets on Hermaphroditerestorations and before the Apollo group: the Simone Martini's portrait of Laura (cited by Varchi as an Pluto and Proserpina (Fig. 2). In that piece, Pluto's grasping illustration of painting's capacity to produce vaghezza and hands in fact appear to create indentations on Proserpina's diletto,or charm and delight), Petrarch even seems to acknowl- marble flesh-imprints that, as Paul Barolsky has noted, seem edge that limitation, expressing his envy toward Pygmalion, the very echo of those which Pygmalion feared to leave on his who "received a thousand times what I yearn to have just beloved ivory maiden.81 once."84 There were those who objected to the use of such Even if Bernini had not been reading his Ovid and Pliny, he stories (Raffaele Borghini remarked that "di cose tanto could have become familiar with the tale of Pygmalion (as stemperate e disoneste non si pu6 far derivare nobilta n6 well as the anecdote of the Cnidian Venus) in a different perfezzione" [one can draw neither nobility nor perfection context, since both were cited throughout the art literature- from such intemperate and shameful things]), yet they and especially the paragone arguments-of the previous cen- provided a model for writers who wished to convey the tury.82 Rudolf Preimesberger has demonstrated that these affective powers of modern sculpture.85 For instance, in I debates were current in Bernini's youth, and while it is true marmi (published 1552, reprinted 1609), Anton Francesco that they may have lost some of their freshness by the end of Doni writes of a visitor's suggestive pronouncement before the sixteenth century (some fifty years after Benedetto Var- Michelangelo's Aurora in the New Sacristy: "Oh what stupen- chi's Due lezzioni, published in 1549, formally kicked off the dous things are these! I touch her in stone, and she moves my 320 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2 flesh [mi muove la came] and delights me more than if I were counterpart in Daphne's fleeing form: both are unattainable to touch living flesh; indeed, I am marble and she is flesh."86 objects of desire, stirring the mind through vision while If the mythological tale of Pygmalion, as used by cinque- remaining unavailable to erotic touch. That the two myths cento theorists, grounds the mimetic powers of sculpture in share certain features was not lost on Renaissance and the erotic appeal of touch, it stands in stark contrast to the artists and viewers; the two tales were sometimes amorous myth that had been earlier used, in Alberti's De paired in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century paintings.92 pictura, to explain the origins of painting.87 This is, of course, So in essence we have three mythological love stories, each the tale of Narcissus. The story is cited near the beginning of of which came to be emblematically linked in the Renaissance book 2; after praising painting's ability to overcome both to a different art. In two of these tales-those associated with distance and mortality, by making the absent present and the poetry and painting-the love remains unfulfilled, grounded dead seem to live on for centuries, Alberti argues that in vision but unredeemed by touch, while in the third- painting stands above all of the other manual arts. He writes: associated with sculpture-desire is not only satisfied but produces living progeny. While the stories offer little insight But principally painting was honored by the ancients with into the working procedures of artists or poets, they are this honor, that while most of the other artificers were nonetheless telling with regard to the generalized perception called Fabri, according to the Romans, the painter alone of each art by its practitioners and audience. In this trio, was not numbered among the Fabri. Such being the case, I sculpture remains odd man out, by its physicality and its am accustomed to say among my friends that the inventor association with touch, and if the sculptors, citing the tale of of painting was, according to the meaning of the poets, Pygmalion, might claim this as a positive feature (demonstrat- that Narcissus who was transformed into a flower. Because ing the convincing lifelikeness of their art), the painters painting is the flower of the arts, indeed it seems that the might note that the virtuality of their medium (its association whole story of Narcissus is most well-suited to this. For what with the spiritual, elevated sense of sight) was one of the bases other thing is painting, than embracing and capturing on which it could be related to the equally immaterial, aural [abbracciare& pigliare] with art that surface of the pool?88 art of poetry.93 There is a structural similarity in the transfor- mations that occur in poetic and pictorial acts of mimesis: Alberti's use of this originary myth has been the subject of painting, like poetry, operates figurally, metaphorically, trans- much art historical speculation; here, it will suffice to make forming a flat surface into a fully three-dimensional world in a several brief points.89 First of all, though the tale of Narcissus feat of illusion that is ultimately completed in the internal was never considered particularly exemplary (the moral vision of the viewer's imagination. Poetry also depends on might be that excessive self-absorption leads to death), it is at figuration to transform the world through a mimetic act; it least the story of a chaste love that-unlike Pygmalion's for does this by employing metaphorical (rather than literal) his statue-is never consummated, and in which even the language-words that are traslati (transferred) or trasportati simplest act of touch is never satisfied (when the reflection (transported; "taken," as one sixteenth-century poetics ex- was visible, it was untouchable; when touched, it became plains it, "from their proper signification and placed in invisible). Since Alberti links the story to the fact that painting another").94 It is in traversing the distance between the is distinct from all the other arts ("such being the case .. ."), proper and the figured (in the case of painting, the proper is we might even say that he is distinguishing the pure visuality the flat canvas covered with pigments; the figured, the of painting, its untouchability, as its hallmark-that quality world the viewer makes of it) that one discovers that quality that separates it from the other, more tactile arts, such as most sought after in late Renaissance and Baroque poetics: sculpture.90 Second, there is an element of displacement, or meraviglia.95 transference, at the heart of both the Ovidian story and It is noteworthy that these same terms, distance and marvel, Alberti's use of it: just as Narcissus, beloved and lover, dies and were used to make the case for painting in the letter that is transformed into a flower, so painting (likewise, as Alberti Galileo wrote to Lodovico Cigoli in June 1612, apparently has it, a flower-that is, the product of a metamorphosis) offering his friend a "script" to use in paragone discussions (a involves a double transformation. By means of metamorphos- letter sent, as Preimesberger has noted, just at the time when ing the formless substance of individual pigments, the painter Cigoli was working alongside Bernini's father, Pietro, in the is able to transform the shimmering, evanescent world into Pauline Chapel at S. Maria Maggiore).96 As part of his general something that can be captured, even held, albeit with the argument for the superiority of painting, the great scientist metaphorical embrace of the eye, the only sense that grasps its wrote, "The more the means by which one imitates are distant two-dimensional illusions as if they were substance.91 As [lontani] from the thing to be imitated, the more admirable Alberti states in the passages preceding the Narcissus story, [meravigliosa] the imitation."97 Hence painting, which imi- there is a presumption of absence and substitution at the tates the three-dimensional world on a two-dimensional heart of painting: it comes into being because its object is not surface, produces greater meraviglia than sculpture. Galileo present. illustrates this observation with the example of a musician Even as Narcissus's story is distant from that of Pygmalion, who can move the audience by singing the quarrels and it nonetheless has something in common with the tale of sorrows of a lover, expressing pain in the sweet medium of Apollo and Daphne. At a superficial level, both involve vegetal song (and hence imitating more admirably than someone metamorphoses, and more centrally, the fugitive reflection in who might simply stand on the stage and cry). A singer of love Narcissus's pool (Ovid-certainly the source of Alberti's songs is not unlike a poet, as Galileo, who wrote at length on knowledge of the story--called it a simulacra fugacia) has its literature, wrote poetry himself, and was an avid reader of DESIDERIO AND DI.ETTO: BERNINI'S APOI.L.O ANI) I)DAPllHN 321

Petrarch, well knew.98 Similar terms were used in the six- teenth century to discuss poetry, as we may see in Sperone Speroni's undated Discorso in lode della pittura. In that text the Paduan philosopher and letterato dismisses sculpture as "a much cruder thing [than painting], rough and without marvel," because it represents a body with another body-an imitative act that depends not on similarity (the achievement of which requires skill) but on essential identity. He adds, "And I give the example of poetry: to imitate prose with verse is beautiful and delightful poetic imitation, but to imitate prose with prose is neither a poetic nor a marvelous thing; rather, it delights little."99 Hence, by implication, ut pictura poesis; ut sculpturaprosa. These arguments (both Galileo's and Speroni's) were specifically aimed at one of the most frequently citedjustifica- tions for sculpture's superiority: that sculpture was more proper or truthful (propria)than painting in its representation of the world, and this truthfulness could be proven by the test of that most certain of senses, touch.l00 This was illustrated by an anecdote which the sculptor Nicolo Tribolo gave in an especially elaborate version, responding to Benedetto Var- chi's 1546 survey about the comparative nobility of painting and sculpture. Tribolo contrasted sculpture's status as true or proper imitation ("la cosa propio") with painting's status as lie ("la bugia"), demonstrating his claim by means of the following example: if a blind man came upon a statue, he would understand through touch that the sculpted man represented a man; but if he encountered a picture of a man that same sense would find nothing but a flat surface and 12 Jusepe de Ribera, Senseof Touch.Pasadena, Calif., Norton judge it to be a faulty representation.101 This conceit was Simon Foundation dutifully repeated over the course of the century by writers such as Raffaele Borghini and was even cited by Bernini himself, during his French sojourn of 1665.102 The anecdote itself seems calculated to be read against a sculptor's argument for superiority, this is the work of a pair of Plinian stories (duly cited by painters) in which the painter, and the artist's skillfully foreshortened painting on fictive marvels of painting are revealed through acts of touch: the foreground ledge may be read as a riposte, challenging Zeuxis's painted grapes, at which hungry birds attempt to sculpture on the criterion of difficultd. The sculptors' case is peck, and Parrhasius's painted curtain, which Zeuxis attempts further dissected in an image, attributed to a follower of to lift in order to reveal the painting he believes is under- Guercino, that cleverly brings us back to the question of neath.'03 In these instances, the spectator's touch certifies the eroticism (Fig. 13).105 In the undated drawing containing the painter's skills and also serves to heighten his own visual motto "Della scoltura si della pittura no" (sculpture's, yes; delight (for the pleasure of illusion paradoxically depends on painting's, no) the sculpted bust that the blind beggar realizing that one is deceived). Indeed, touch here deflects indiscriminately touches is contrasted with a framed painting pleasure back to the eye, and ultimately to the imagination. If depicting a turbaned male-his hands significantly out of painting's delights hinge on its status as immaterial (hence sight, behind his back-who appears to be inspecting ex- untouchable) fiction, then this makes an instructive compari- amples of nude female beauty. Sculpture's claims for certainty son with the manner in which pleasure and touch functioned (here, of substance; elsewhere, of sexual gratification) are in the sculptors' stories of the Cnidian Venus and Pygmalion: answered by a painting that figures the more subtle delights of there, the statues give delight not only to the degree that they the discerning erotic gaze. It is notable that this same general may be verified through touch, but also to the degree that period produced a number of paintings about eroticized they may function properly, as actual surrogates for the bodies vision with an implicit pictorial referent, in the form of they represent. Alberti's mythical inventor of painting, Narcissus.106 It was in Tribolo's anecdote of the blind man seems to have ap- the earliest years of the new century that Caravaggio painted pealed to seventeenth-century artists and patrons, testifying his version of the story (Fig. 14), in which Narcissus is to the fact that the comparative role of the senses was one of seemingly frozen in rapture-held forever at arm's length the issues that continued to provoke interest in the paragone. from his beloved reflection, his embrace denied (as if to The first datable representation of the blind man and a statue reaffirm that the reflection/painting incites yet cannot satisfy comes from the period of Bernini's youth: Jusepe de Ribera's desire).107 Not long after, Pietro Bernini's colleague Lodovico Sense of Touch, part of a series of the Five Senses painted in Cigoli produced a sketch of Narcissus (Fig. 15), perhaps Rome about 1615 (Fig. 12).104 Though it represents the inspired by the contemporary paragone discussions hinted at 322 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

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in Galileo's letter, or perhaps even related to his own treatise on perspective, in which he echoes Alberti by placing the origin of painting in the reflections of the world on a watery surface.108

Bernini's Apollo and Daphne These, then, were the issues, addressed in both literature and art, that formed the backdrop for Bernini's sculptural group of 1622-25. In the statue, Bernini thematizes the two senses that were not only at the base of erotic love and at the heart of two contrasting modes of amorous poetry, but which were also a vital part of the literature on his own art. At a very basic level, Bernini's Apollo and Daphne is art about art: first, by way 15 Lodovico Cigoli, Narcissus.Paris, Musee du Louvre (photo: ? of its subject matter, the art of poetry, and second, by RMN-Michele Bellot) thematizing vision and touch, the art of sculpture itself. Bernini plays on and conflates both functions of touch found in the paragone debates, the touch motivated by erotic desire viewer who might attempt to caress the transformed marble of as well as the touch that certifies knowledge. Yet both types of Bernini's statue, which looks as soft as modeled wax, would be touch, as represented here, are transformed from their surprised to touch cold, hard stone.109 In a sense, the statue normal associations with sculpture: erotic satisfaction is con- group thematizes the conditions of illusion itself: what you see founded, rather than satisfied, by touch, and the touching is not what you get (and if Apollo's face records his wonder at hand discerns something that belies, rather than confirms, the distance between what he sees and what he feels, that what is seen, functioning as touch did in the painters' meraviglia is an equally appropriate response to Bernini's anecdote of Zeuxis and Parrhasius. Here it is not sculpture's artifice). Bernini here makes a demonstration piece of the essential, proper truth that is suggested, but the opposite: fact that sculpture can make the same claims to being Apollo sees soft flesh and is shocked to feel hard bark,just as a convincing fiction as painting: the distance between the hard DESIDERIO AND 1)11IETTO: BERNINI'S APOI.O AND) )APHNE 323

marble and the reality of flesh is as great as (if not greater than) that between the flat panel and the three-dimensional world. Finally, if the Apollo group is about poetry and about sculpture, it is also in some sense about the relationship between the two. Bernini uses his gifts of metamorphosing marble to create a work that is less remarkable for its propria dire than for its metaphorical, poetic speech. His ensemble also plays on the most charged element of the story at the level of its poetic meaning: the space between lover and beloved, pursuer and pursued (in Petrarch, that space in which poetry arises). Here the gap between the marble statues is not merely empty but is depicted as filled with breath-the gasp of astonishment that seems to issue from the opened mouths of both Apollo and the turning Daphne. Instead of the kiss that Apollo ardently wishes might bond them together, there is immaterial spiritus, or in Petrarchan terms, aria. The Apollo and Daphne followed immediately on Bernini's sculpture of a rape scene (Fig. 2), an image of desire rewarded, cleverly sculpted to echo the artifice of the sculptor- lover Pygmalion. But Apollo and Daphne presented different challenges, and perhaps through the agency of Maffeo Barberini-the "Apollo Vaticanus"-Bernini was able to ponder other models. The famous story that Cardinal Bar- berini, while visiting Bernini's studio, held up a mirror in which the young artist studied his face while sculpting the David is doubtless a topos of the biographers, but it was a 16 Bernini, Ecstasyof Saint Teresa.Rome, S. Maria della Vittoria, chosen one, for Barberini (who, after all, wrote love cleverly Cornaro Chapel (Alinari/Art Resource, New York) poems in his youth) was the instrument with whose help Bernini refashioned his artistic identity.110 The mirror image (reflecting what Baldinucci refers to as a "terribile fissazione d'occhi," a fearsomely intent gaze) recalls Alberti's use of the additionally be fashioned, like Michelangelo before him, a new as Narcissus story, though here the Albertian formula is compli- Apollo (an unrequited lover; sculptor poet). Pygma- lion the but he loses the his art cated with a second participant: the love and self-knowledge may get girl statue, conquered on the other is born of love's loss. from which art is born is facilitated by a mentor. As in the tale by love; Apollo's art, hand, human children; works of art.112 of Narcissus, the reflecting medium (the mirror, but also, Pygmalion generates Apollo, metonymically, the man who holds it) is transformed by the Coda: Sense and Spirit reflected object. Urban's oft-quoted statement to Bernini- The particular circumstances by which the Apollo and Daphne "it is your great fortune, Cavaliere, to see Maffeo Barberini has recently received so much scholarly attention have also to pope, and even greater is our fortune that Cavaliere Bernini a degree determined the nature of that attention. The group lives in our pontificate"-suggests the reciprocity of the has been placed within the context of the artist's early relationship between the two and underlines the fact that sculptural production-so spectacularly showcased at the Bernini provided a means for Urban to fashion his own Galleria Borghese exhibition-and it has also been read in identity."' Indeed, if Bernini's emulation of Michelangelo light of the ambitions and tastes of the patron who commis- guaranteed him a place in the Roman court, it also provided sioned it. This scholarship has the great virtue of intricately the Tuscan Maffeo Barberini the to cast himself opportunity tying the work to its historical moment, a goal in large part as II as well as to emulate a fellow (and Julius countryman shared by this article. Yet by treating the sculpture as "meta- fellow first mentor, Lorenzo de' Medici. poet): Michelangelo's critical"-a comment on the poetics of sculpture itself-and Thus, the of Petrarch via Politian in Barberini's quotation by suggesting that it marks a moment of passage for the distich on and not stakes a claim for a Apollo Daphne only sculptor, this essay should also have relevance for the discus- ideal but also creates a to an particular poetic linkage sion of Bernini's later works and shed light on the mixture of illustrious Tuscan tradition that intertwined spirituality, po- sensuality and spirituality that is at the core of so much etry, and the laurel. seventeenth-century art. While this is not the place to elabo- When he began the sculptural group that filled all Rome rate on these themes, I would like to conclude by touching with the need to regard both artwork and artist, Bernini was briefly on one last, very familiar, work. something of a modern Pygmalion (sculptor as lover); at its Although at first glance Bernini's Ecstasy of Saint Teresafor completion, and with Urban VIII's full support, he could the Cornaro Chapel (1647-51, Fig. 16) has little in common 324 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2 with the Apollo and Daphne, the two works are compellingly Frequently Cited Sources linked, forming a kind of parenthesis around the most intense period of Bernini's friendship with Urban VIII (which Baldinucci, Filippo, Vita di Gian LorenzoBernini, ed. Sergio Samek Ludovici Edizioni del ended with the pope's death in 1644).113 The two stories, in (Milan: Milione, 1948). Barocchi, Paola, ed., 1960-62, Trattatid'arte del manierismoe if the and is about cinquecentofra fact, have structural affinities: Apollo Daphne contrariforma,3 vols. (Bari:Laterza). frustrated erotic love that is spiritualized through its transfor- ____, 1971, Scrittid'arte del cinquecento, vol. 1 (Milan:Ricciardi). mation into the art of the Teresacould be said to be Bernini, Domenico, Vitadel cavalierGio. Lorenzo Bernino (Rome: R. Bernab6, poetry, 1713). about spiritual love that is translated (by Teresa, in her Chantelou, Paul Fr6art de, Diary of the CavaliereBernini's Visit to France,ed. autobiography, and by Bernini, in his statue group) into the Anthony Blunt, annot. George C. Bauer, trans. Margery Corbett (Prince- ton: Princeton of Eros. In the later this love is UniversityPress, 1985). physical language group Coliva,Anna, and SebastianSchfitze, eds., Berniniscultore: La nascitadel barocco between a chaste mortal woman and an incorporeal, invisible in CasaBorghese, exh. cat., GalleriaBorghese, Rome, 1998. D'Onofrio, Cesare, Romavista da Roma Liber,1967). God (similar to, but also distant from, the radiant sun-god (Rome: Giraud,Yves F.-A., La fable de Daphne, Histoire des Idees et CritiqueLitt6raire, Apollo). Unlike the Apollo and Daphne, amorous reciprocity vol. 92 (Geneva:Droz, 1968). and even consummation are suggested in the Ecstasy;yet, as in Herrmann Fiore, Kristina, "Apollo e Dafne del Bernini al tempo del in e the earlier the one of contact between Cardinale Scipione Borghese," Apollo Dafne del Bernininella Galleria group, point physical Borghese,ed. KristinaHerrmann Fiore (Milan:Silvana, 1997), 71-109. the lover (here, a surrogate lover, God's messenger) and his Lavin, Irving, "FiveNew Youthful Sculpturesby Gian Lorenzo Bernini and a Revised of His ArtBulletin 50 223-48. beloved is played out not across flesh but across an integu- Chronology EarlyWorks," (1968): Mirollo,James V., The Poet of the Marvelous:Giambattista Marino (New York: ment that is its metaphorical substitute. In the Daphne group, ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1963). Apollo's left hand caresses the bark that has begun to encase Pastor, Ludwig von, The Historyof the Popes,40 vols. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner,1894-1953). and protect the chaste nymph, while in the Ecstasy,the angel's Petrarch, Francis, Petrarch'sLyric Poems: The 'Rimesparse' and OtherLyrics, ed. left hand delicately grasps a fold of the voluminous drapery and trans.Robert M. Durling (Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press, that both shields and replaces Teresa's enraptured body.114It 1976). Rudolf, "Themes from Art in the Works of is worth that one of the central late medieval defenses Preimesberger, Theory Early noting Bernini," in Gian Lorenzo Bernini: New Aspects of His Life and Thought, ed. of poetry-articulated, among others, by Petrarch-defines Irving Lavin (UniversityPark, Pa.: Penn State UniversityPress, 1985), 1-18. that art as a play between sensible, seductive surface (often referred to as a garment or rind) and substantive, philosophi- cal truths to be penetrated (not by sense but by intellect) beneath.115 The displaced caresses of both Apollo and Te- Notes resa's angelic visitor allude to (and redeem) sculpture's This article develops arguments first presented at the MidwestArt History tactility, but they also thematize sculpture's poetic nature in a Society Conference in Dallas, 1997. I thank Heather Dubrow and Frances Huemer for the suggestions and encouragement they offered on reading the broader sense. If sculpture is in the end a medium of text of that paper. I am deeply grateful to CarolynAllmendinger, Elizabeth inviolable surfaces, those carefully worked surfaces are at the Teviotdale, Christin Mamiya, Wendy Katz, and especially Mary Pardo for reading and commenting on this manuscriptat variousstages of its composi- same time the viewer's cognitive opening to its deeper tion and revision. I also thankJohn Paoletti, Irving Lavin,and an anonymous truths-whether poetic or theological. Art Bulletinreviewer for helpful suggestions and for probing and difficult which will continue to bear on work. I had the fortune himself underwent a transformation with questions, my good Bernini spiritual some years ago to take a seminar on artists' biographies from Catherine age, although, judging from his biographers, the youthful Soussloff, in which I was introduced to some of the broader issues addressed if I do not do them it is nonetheless thanks to that themes of his were shifted rather here; justice, experience mythic self-fashioning subtly that I have had the courage to take them on. Finally,my gratitude goes to than abandoned.116 Both Baldinucci and SusanArthur, who encouraged me to pursue the topic of visualityand tactility inform us that in the artist's old he still worked in art, and whose paintings demonstrate its continuing relevance. Transla- age, longer tions, unless otherwise noted, are my own. hours than many of his younger assistants, and when the latter 1. Andrew Marvell, The CompletePoems, ed. Elizabeth Story Donno (New York: 100. tried to him to rest, he would respond, "Leave me alone Penguin, 1996), get 2. Baldinucci,78-79. here, [Can't you see] I'm in love?" He would then remain at 3. See Anna Coliva, ed., GalleriaBorghese, trans. Donald Garstang and work, Baldinucci tells us, "fixated [fisso], so that he seemed Edward Steinberg (Rome: Progetti Museali, 1994); Coliva and Schuitze; KristinaHerrmann Fiore, ed., Apolloe Dafne del Bernininella GalleriaBorghese ecstatic, and it seemed as though from his eyes he wished to (Milan:Silvana, 1997); as well as the volume-published immediately before send forth a spirit which would ensoul the stone."117 Even in the artist'sanniversary, though not overtlyoccasioned by it-by CharlesAvery, Bernini:Genius of theBaroque (Boston: Bullfinch Press, 1997). his advanced years, Bernini still recalls the Pygmalion myth, 4. Preimesberger,9; idem, "Zu Berninis Borghese-Skulpturen,"in Antiken- but here it becomes spiritualized, transformed by the lan- rezeptionim Hochbarock,ed. Herbert Beck and Sabine Schulze (Berlin: Mann, 1989), 122-24; and Hans Kauffmann, GiovanniLorenzo Bernini: Die figiirlichen guage of poetic desire and sublimation (the Petrarchan mirar Kompositionen(Berlin: Mann, 1970), 76. fiso), and by the loving gaze of Narcissus.118 5. Preimesberger, 12-13; idem, 1989 (as in n. 4), 124; idem, "David," in Coliva and Schfitze, 218; Anna Coliva, "Apollo e Dafne," in Coliva and Schfitze,262; Herrmann Fiore, 79. 6. See FrancisHaskell, Patronsand Painters:Art and Societyin BaroqueItaly, 2d ed. (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1980), 27-28, on Cardinal Scipione Borghese as a "man of few intellectual attainments"with a collection that "to Andrea Bolland received her Ph.D. from the University of North the modern eye, appears to have been formed on no guiding principle other Carolina at Chapel Hill and is currently assistant professorof art than an enthusiastic and undiscriminatingappetite," and whose villa was the "centre of the most hedonistic society that Rome had known since the history at the Universityof Nebraska-Lincoln.She has published on Renaissance." Italian art and art literatureof thefourteenth and fifteenth centuries 7. Coliva (as in n. 5), 262-63. For a rather different reading of the sculpture that nonetheless Cardinal seriousness as Art and Art Nebraska-Lincoln, emphasizes Borghese's patron (by [Departmentof History, Universityof arguing that the workwas part of a decorativeprogram exalting the Borghese 207 Nelle CochraneWoods Hall, Lincoln, Neb. 68588-0114]. family'srole in the renewal of Rome), see Herrmann Fiore, 72-73, 78. For an DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 325

of the villa and its works of art interpretation generally in this vein, see idem, shortlyafter the family'sarrival in Rome in 1605-6: a relief of the Assumptionof "VillaBorghese and the Public Image of the Borghese Pontificate," in Coliva theVirgin (executed between 1607 and 1610) as well as caryatidsand a relief of in (as n. 3), 360-81. the Coronationof ClementVIII for that pope's tomb monument (1611-13). 8. While Stanislao Fraschetti had already made a general comparison Between 1616 and 1617, Pietro also made sculpture for the entrance to the between Bernini and the early 17th-centurypoet GiambattistaMarino in 1900 Pauline Chapel in the Quirinal Palace, and from 1616 to 1620, he created (II Bernini:La sua vita, la sua opera,il suo tempo[Milan: Hoepli], 417), the decorative sculptures for Scipione Borghese's villa. See Valentino Martinelli, suggestion that Bernini's Apolloand Daphnereflects the spirit of Marino's "Contributoalla sculturadel seicento IV:Pietro Bernini e figli," Commentari4 verses was first put forwardby HowardHibbard (Bernini[New York:Penguin, (1953): 133-54; and more recently, PietroBernini: Un preludioal Barocco,exh. 1965], 235-36); who was followed by Kauffmann (as in n. 4), 73; and byJoy cat., Teatro la Limonaia and Villa Corsi-Salviati,Sesto Fiorentino, 1989. In Kenseth, "Bernini's Borghese Sculptures: Another View," Art Bulletin 63 addition to the help Gian Lorenzo provided his father on the decorative (1981): 195, 200-201. On Petrarch'ssignificance for the story of Apollo and sculptures (see Alberta Campitelli, "Erme," in Coliva and Schutze, 18-37), Daphne, see Coliva (as in n. 5), 264. and to the life-size sculptures he then made for the Villa Borghese between 9. Preimesberger,12-13; Herrmann Fiore, 78-79. 1618 and 1625, the young artist made a series of portrait busts for the 10. From practicallythe moment they were separated into discrete entities Borghese, probably beginning in the late 1610s (see Rudolf Wittkower, and associated with specific bodily organs, the senses were configured into Bernini,3d ed. (Ithaca,N.Y.: Cornell UniversityPress, 1981), 175-77, 180-81). various hierarchies, with their ordering determined by the concerns of the Gian Lorenzo'searly GoatAmaltheaNursing Zeus (Villa Borghese, Rome) wasin particularwriter. With regard to the period being discussed here, a number of the cardinal's collection by Aug. 1615, though it is unknown whether it was scholars-largely, though not entirely Francophone and ranging chronologi- actuallycommissioned by Scipione; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 429. cally and methodologically from Lucien Febvre to Roland Barthes to Walter 18. Barberini'sprediction to Pietro Bernini (made, according to Bernini, Ong-have maintained that sight's position at the top of the hierarchy when he was eight yearsold) is one of Gian Lorenzo's reminiscences recorded (replacing hearing, smell, and/or touch) is a relatively recent acquisition, by Chantelou, 15-16. occurring in tandem with the development of a scientific method relying 19. See Baldinucci, 74-75; and Bernini, 11-12. Our knowledge of the early more on heavily visual observation, the invention of the printing press, and relationship between Gian Lorenzo and CardinalBarberini is largely depen- the formulation of Counter-Reformationdevotional practices. Hence, the dent on Bernini's biographers,whose chronologies are admittedlynot always changes in sense hierarchy in the early modern period would seem to be easyto reconcile with documented facts.For a caveatagainst using Renaissance- bound up with changes in the systematizationand hierarchy of knowledge Baroque artistic biography as a historical source, see Catherine M. Soussloff, itself. Some of this literatureis discussed in Ezio Raimondi, "La nuova scienza "Livesof Poets and Painters in the Renaissance," Wordand Image6 (1990): e la visione in his I degli oggetti," sentieridel lettoreII: Dal seicentoall' ottocento 154-62; and idem, TheAbsolute Artist: The Historiography of a Concept(Minneapo- (Bologna: Societa Editrice il Mulino, 1994), 9-60; for arguments against the lis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997). While I would not claim that the idea that vision was not highly valued or trusted in the Middle Ages and sources necessarilygive access to the factual truth of Bernini's day-to-daylife, Renaissance, see David C. Lindberg and Nicholas H. Steneck, "The Sense of they do encode an artistic "myth"that (at leastjudging from the testimonyof Vision and the Origins of Modern Science," in Science,Medicine and Societyin Chantelou) Bernini himself played no small role in fashioning. We know that the Renaissance: to Honor Essays WalterPagel, ed. Allen G. Debus (New York: Barberini returned from his mission as papal nuncio to France in late Sept. Science History Publications, 1972), 29-45; and MartinJay, Downcast Eyes: The 1607 and remained in Rome until he was awardedthe see of Spoleto, in late Denigrationof Visionin Twentieth-CenturyFrench Thought (Berkeley: University of Oct. 1608. He resided outside Rome-first in Spoleto, then in Bologna, to CaliforniaPress, 1993), 34-36. The simple dichotomies that have been said to which he was named legate (1611-14), and again in Spoleto-untilJuly 1617, structurethe hierarchyof the senses have been problematizedby recent works when he returned there for good; see Pastor,vol. 28 (1938), 29-32; and Pio addressing the complex history of the senses in the early modern period; see, Pecchiai, I Barberini(Rome: Biblioteca d'Arte, 1959), 137-38, 143-48. It is for instance, David Summers, TheJudgmentof Sense:Renaissance Naturalism and possible, then, that Barberinimade the reported prediction to Pietro Bernini the Rise of Aesthetics(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1987); Charles (see n. 18 above) in 1607, when the artistwas indeed eight years old, and that Burnett, Michael Fend, and Penelope Gouk, eds., TheSecond Sense: Studies in he may have served as his protector in the years between 1607 and 1608 Hearingand MusicalJudgementfrom Antiquity to theSeventeenth Century (London: (though see D'Onofrio, 154-55, for the view that the two did not meet until WarburgInstitute, 1991); ClaireJ. Farago, Leonardoda Vinci's"Paragone": A late 1617). On Maffeo Barberini as poet, see Lucia Franciosi, "Immagini e CriticalInterpretation with a NewEdition of the Textin the CodexUrbinas (Leiden: poesia alla corte di Urbano VIII," in Gian LorenzoBernini e le arti visive,ed. E. J. Brill, 1992); and W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter, eds., Medicineand theFive MarcelloFagiolo (Florence:Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1987), 85-90; Senses(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). D'Onofrio, 33-48; and Pastor,vol. 29 (1938), 408-21. On his earliest Latin 11. The payment records for the group begin in Aug. 1622 and end in Oct. poetry, see MarinaCastagnetti, "Variazioni su una statua di Amor dormiente: 1625. The relevant documents for the Apolloand Daphnewere published by A proposito di alcuni epigrammilatini di MaffeoBarberini," in Studidifilologia Italo Faldi, "Note sulle sculture borghesiane del Bernini," Bollettinod'Arte 38 classicain onoredi GiustoMonaco (Palermo: Universita di Palermo, Facolta di (1953): 140-46; idem, "Nuove note sul Bernini," Bollettinod'Arte 38 (1953): Lettere e Filosofia, 1991), vol. 4, 1693-1703; and idem, "La 'Caprarola'ed 310-16; and by HowardHibbard, "Nuove note sul Bernini," Bollettinod 'Arte43 altre 'Galerie': Cinque lettere di Maffeo Barberini ad Aurelio Orsi," Studi (1958): 181-83; this material is republished in Marina Minozzi, "Appendice Secenteschi34 (1993): 411-50; for his earliest volgarepoetry, see Mario documentaria:Le opere di Bernini nella collezione di Scipione Borghese," in Costanzo, Criticae poeticadel primo seicento, vol. 2, Maffeoe FrancescoBarberini, Colivaand Schfitze, 437-40. Cesarini,Pallavicino (Rome: Bulzoni, 1969), 15-31. 12. The David was apparently originally commissioned by Alessandro 20. Bernini, 21, reports that his father alwaysreferred to Barberini as his Peretti, Cardinal Montalto (for whom Bernini also made his Neptuneand "primo Benefattore." The pope long remained an important figure for ,Victoria and Albert Museum, London), rather than Borghese, but the Bernini; in his account of Bernini's visit to France twenty-one years after latter obtained the unfinished block after Montalto's death in June 1623; see Barberini'sdeath, Chantelou, 15, reports that the artist "is alwayseager to Coliva (as in n. 5), 261. quote Pope Urban VIII." 13. See Minozzi in n. (as 11), 439. Bernini did undertake one last project 21. Pietro Bernini was commissioned to make a Saint John the Baptist involving the cardinal in 1632: the marble portraitbusts of Scipione Borghese (1613-15) and four marble cherubs (1618) for the family chapel in S. Andrea now in the Galleria Borghese. See Anna Coliva, "Scipione Borghese," in della Valle (see Lavin,232, 234). Gian Lorenzo made two busts for the chapel, Colivaand Schfitze, 276-89. representing Maffeo's parents, in 1619-20, and Lavin suggests that he 14. See Haskell (as in n. 6), 28; and most recently, Anna Coliva, "Casa executed the cherubs as well, workingfrom his father's model (235-37). Lavin Borghese: La committenza artistica del Cardinal Scipione," in Coliva and (233-34) also concurs with the hypothesisof Wittkower(as in n. 17), 174, that Schfitze,412-14; on the conclave of 1621, see Pastor,vol. 27 (1938), 29-41. On Gian Lorenzo's Saint Sebastian(Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection, Madrid), in Scipione's political and financial position in the years after his uncle's death, the possession of the Barberini family by 1628, was made for a niche in the see V. Castronovo,"Borghese Caffarelli,Scipione," in Dizionariobiografico degli family chapel but never installed. Another early work by Bernini, Boywith a Italiani, vol. 12 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1970), 622; and Dragon (J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles) is recorded in the Barberini Volker Reinhardt, KardinalScipione Borghese (1605-1633): Vermogen,Finanzen inventories in 1628 (Lavin,230), though it is not known when, or under what und sozialerAufstieg eines Papstnepoten (Tfibingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984), 169-81. circumstances,it entered the familycollections. 15. On Borghese's role as collector and patron during his time as "Cardinal 22. See Baldinucci, 76, 78-79; and Bernini, 16, 19-20, for anecdotes see most Nephew," recently Coliva (as in n. 14), 391-420; and idem, "The recording Barberini's responses to Bernini's Bust of Pedrode Foix Montoya Borghese Collection: Its History and Works of Art," in Coliva (as in n. 3), (completed ca. 1622), David,and Apolloand Daphne. 28-35. 23. After an interruption in his work on the Apolloand Daphne,presumably 16. For the suggestion that the Apolloand Daphnewas made as a replacement to carve the Davidin 1623-24, Bernini received paymentsagain in for the Apr.,June, Proserpinagroup (or that the promise shown in the early stages of the and Sept. 1624; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 438. The statue was completed with the Daphnegroup reassured Borghese about giving the earlier work away), see help of the sculptor Giuliano Finelli, who was apparentlyresponsible for the Hibbard in n. 48. The (as 8), Proserpinawas transportedfrom Bernini's studio fine details of the leaves, roots, and hair. Finelli's work on the group is to the Villa Borghese on Sept. 23, 1622, and moved to the Villa Ludovisi mentioned by his biographerG. B. Passeri.On Finelli'sshare in the statue, see as as possibly early a month later; see Coliva (as in n. 14), 414; but see also Jennifer Montagu, RomanBaroque Sculpture: The Industry of Art (New Haven: MatthiasWinner, "Rattodi Proserpina,"in Colivaand Schutze, 187. Yale UniversityPress, 1989), 104-6; Herrmann Fiore, 103-4; and Coliva (as in 17. Camillo Borghese--commissioned a number of worksfor n. 5), 268-69. If Urban did not immediately give Bernini commissions, he the Pauline in S. Maria Chapel Maggiore from Gian Lorenzo's father, Pietro, nonetheless quickly began to bestow favors on the artist, appointing him 326 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2 overseer of the foundries of Castel Sant Angelo and commissioner of the god and his metamorphosingprey. Kenseth argues that the sequence of views conduits and fountains of PiazzaNavona; see Fraschetti(as in n. 8), 41. experienced by the viewer-from motion to stasis-parallels Marino'snarra- 24. Payments for the baldacchino began on July 12, 1624, and Bernini tion of the chase in his "Dafne." For a different proposal on the original received payment for the marble block out of which Santa Bibianawould be position of the sculpture in the the room (and thus a different sequence of carved on Aug. 10, 1624. See Wittkower(as in n. 17), 189. The reconstruction viewsexperienced by the spectator), see Herrmann Fiore, 98-103. of the church of S. Bibianabegan on Aug. 8, 1624; SandraVasco Rocca, Santa 34. GiambattistaMarino, La sampogna,ed. Vaniade Malde (Parma:Fondazi- Bibiana, Le Chiese di Roma Illustrate (Rome: Istituto Nazionale di Studi one Pietro Bembo and Ugo Guanda, 1993), 363. Romani, 1983), 41. 35. Apollo's almost comical fascination with Daphne's hair in Ovid's verses 25. In addition to the GoatAmalthea (see n. 17 above), Boywith a Dragon(n. could certainly have been read as a metaphorical evocation of the process of 21), Neptuneand Triton(n. 12), and Plutoand Proserpina,Bernini's other early literaryor poetic composition, which was described in similarterms in certain mythological figures and groups include a Faun Teasedby Putti (Metropolitan classical and medieval sources. The term Ovid uses for the arranging of Museum of Art, New York) and PuttoBitten by a Dolphin(Staatliche Museen Daphne's hair-comere-designates the ornamenting of speech in Cicero, De PreussischerKulturbesitz, Berlin). That Bernini viewed the Daphneas pivotalis partitioneoratoria 19, and Quintilian, Institutiooratoria 8.3.42. Other instances suggested by the fact that during his 1665 visit to France, he told Chantelou in which the adornment or combing of hair is used to describe the adornment that he completed the work at age eighteen-placing it, effectively,at the very of literary compositions are found in Dionysius of Halicarnassus,On Literary beginning of his adult career;see Chantelou, 102. Composition25: "combing" (ktenizon), "curling" (bostruchizon), "replait- 26. The classic study of the variousliterary and visualversions of the theme ing" (anaplekon); see Dionysius of Halicarnassus,The CriticalEssays, vol. 2, is Wolfgang Stechow, Apollound Daphne,Studien der Bibliothek Warburg,23 trans. Stephen Usher, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard (Leipzig: Teubner, 1932); see also the wide-ranging survey of the various University Press, 1985), 224, 225; and Geoffroy of Vinsauf's late medieval retellings of the myth from antiquityto the end of the 17th century (with some PoetriaNova, in Edmond Faral,Les artspoetiques du XIIeet du XIIIesiecle (Paris: attention to the visual tradition) in Giraud.While the Ovid translationmost LibrairieAncienne Honor6 Champion, 1924), 257. familiar to art historians is Lodovico Dolce's Trasformationi(first published 36. The story of Syrinx is found in Ovid, Metamorphoses1.689-712. Marino 1553), the most widely known translationof the later cinquecento and early had paired the Daphne and Syrinx stories earlier in his career, in the Ecloghe seicento was GiovanniAndrea dell'Anguillara'sMetamorfosi d'Ovidio, which was boscherecce;see Mirollo, 67. reissued in over twentyeditions between 1561 and 1624. On Anguillara,see C. 37. On the theme of poetry's dependence on absence and frustrationin the Mutini, "Anguillara,Giovanni Andrea dell'," in Dizionariobiografico (as in n. 17th century,see Gordon Braden, "BeyondFrustration: Petrarchan Laurels in 14), vol. 3 (1961), 306-9; and Giraud, 174-76. Anguillara'sedition is discussed the Seventeenth Century,"Studies in EnglishLiterature 26 (1986): 5-23. I thank in relation to Bernini's statue by Herrmann Fiore, 77. Heather Dubrowfor pointing out the aptness of Marvell'sconstruction to the 27. Ovid, Metamorphoses1.490. All the English translations (and the Latin broader reading attempted here. text) of Ovid used in this article are taken from the Loeb ClassicalLibrary 38. For Marino's complex relation to Petrarch, see Alessandro Martini, edition, trans. FrankJustusMiller, rev. G. P. Goold, 2 vols. (Cambridge,Mass.: "Marinopostpetrarchista," Versants 7 (1985): 15-36. HarvardUniversity Press, 1994). 39. The literatureon Petrarch'suse of the Apollo and Daphne myth is large; 28. While the 16th-centurytranslators of the Metamorphosesfollow Ovid in see, for instance, Marga Cottino-Jones,"The Myth of Apollo and Daphne in not indicating any eye contact during or after the chase, both Anguillaraand Petrarch's'Canzoniere': The Dynamicsand LiteraryFunction of Transforma- Dolce include a moment at which the god pleads with the fleeing nymph to tion," in FrancisPetrarch: Six CenturiesLater, ed. Aldo Scaglione (Chapel Hill, turn around and look at him: "Deh volgi un poco a me la fronte, e '1core: / N.C.: Dept. of Romance Languages, University of North Carolina, 1975), Tien nel mio volto i tuoi begli occhi intenti: Non sai, stolta, non sai chi fuggi; e 152-76; P.RRJ.Hainsworth, "The Myth of Daphne in the 'Rerum vulgarium credi / Forse molto veder, ma nulla vedi" (Oh, turn your brow,and your heart, fragmenta,'" Italian Studies 34 (1979): 28-44; and Sara Sturm-Maddox, a little toward me, hold your beautiful eyes intently on my face; you do not "Apollo and Daphne: The Ovidian Subtext," chap. 2 of her Petrarch's know, foolish one, you do not know whom you flee; and you perhaps believe Metamorphoses:Text and Subtextin theRime Sparse (Columbia, Mo.: Universityof you see much, but you see nothing; Metamorfosidi Ovidio,trans. Gio. Andrea MissouriPress, 1985). dell'Anguillara,annot. Giuseppe Horologgi [Venice: Giunti, 1584], 15); and 40. Petrarch,40, 41. I amend somewhatDurling's reading of the final lines, "RivolgiNinfa la sdegnosa fronte, / E vedi chi per te piagato ha il core" (Turn which does not account for the term altrui (of others). Admittedly,the term your haughty brow,nymph, and see whose heart you have wounded; Dolce, Le may refer to those other than Laura/the laurel (rather than to those other trasformationi[1568; reprint, with an introduction by Stephen Orgel and than the poet), yet the word choice still renders the construction strangely illustrationsfrom the 1558 ed., New York:Garland, 1979], fol. 10v). Compare impersonal (in contrast with the first-personvoice used for the preceding this with Ovid's much simpler version of Apollo's plea at 1.512: "cui placeas, lines). inquire tamen" (nay,stop and ask who thy lover is). 41. This central idea of poetry's origin in unfulfilled desire is even 29. See MatthiasWinner, "Paragonemit dem BelvederischenApoll: Kleine underlined by the poems that frame his canzoniere:at the beginning of poem 1, Wirkunggeschichteder Statue von Antico bis Canova,"in II cortiledelle statue: "Voi ch'ascoltate," Petrarch describes the rimesparse that follow (perhaps in DerStatuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan,ed. MatthiasWinner, Bernard Andreae, glancing allusion to Pan and Syrinx) as "the sound of those sighs with which I and Carlo Pietrangeli (Mainz:Philipp von Zabern, 1998), 244. nourished my heart during my first youthful error" (lines 1-3), and in the 30. The Alberti engraving is presented as one model among many by final, redemptive Canzone to the Virgin, he acknowledges that if he had Herrmann Fiore, 89, and the woodcut by MasterIB with the Bird is discussed achieved the consummation so ardently wished for in many of the 365 in Avery (as in n. 3), 57; and Kauffmann(as in n. 4), 69; both are reproduced preceding poems, it would only have resulted in death to him and dishonor to and discussed by Coliva (as in n. 5), 264, 265. It should be said that the most Laura (poem 366, lines 92-97); see Petrarch,36, 37, 580, 581. obvious quotation in Bernini's group comes not from a rendering of the story 42. The lines cited are 48-52, from Petrarch, 266, 267. See Ugo Dotti's itself, but (as art historians have long recognized) from the ApolloBelvedere in introduction to his edition of Petrarch's Canzoniere,vol. 1 (Rome: Donzelli, the Vatican. 1996), xli-xlvii ("La poesia dell'assenzae la funzione della parola"), as well as 31. Metamorphoses,15.871-79: "And now my workis done, which neither the his commentaryon the individualpoems. wrathofJove, nor fire, nor sword, nor the gnawing tooth of time shall ever be 43. Adelia Noferi, "II canzoniere del Petrarca: Scrittura del desiderio e able to undo. When it will, let that day come which has no power save over this desiderio della scrittura,"Paragone (Letteratura) 296 (Oct. 1974): 8-9. mortal frame, and end the span of my uncertain years. Still in my better part I 44. Vision on occasion even appropriates some of the powers (albeit shall be borne immortalfar beyond the lofty starsand I shall have an undying negative ones) of touch. If Petrarch and Laura never make physical contact, name. WhereverRome's power extends over the conquered world, I shall have her gaze nonetheless has the power to burn (Petrarch,poems 171, lines 5-6, mention on men's lips, and, if the prophecies of bardshave any truth, through 320, line 10), to inflict blows (poems 95, lines 5-6, 133, line 5), and to wound all the ages shall I live in fame." The author portraitreproduced here as Fig. 8 (poems 87, line 5, 174, lines 5-6, 297, lines 10-11). is from the P Ovidii Nasoni Metamorphoses,argumentis brevioribus ex Luctatio 45. On Petrarch'suse of the term occhi,see Peter Hainsworth, Petrarchthe Grammaticocollectis expositae (Antwerp, 1591); this edition is illustrated by Poet:An Introductionto the "Rerumvulgarium fragmenta" (London: Routledge, Petrus van der Borcht (who signs the image found on 357). 1988), 120-21. Mirarisused withfiso in poems 17, 77, 127, 261, 323, 356, 360. 32. See n. 8 above. Marino treated the story in the paired sonnets "Parole 46. Poem 129, lines 56-61: "Indi i miei danni a misurar con gli occhi / d'Apollo, mentre seguiva Dafne" and "Trasformazionedi Dafne in lauro," as comincio, e 'ntanto lagrimandosfogo / di dolorosa nebbia il cor condenso, / well as the madrigal "Dafne in Lauro," all first published in his Rime(Venice, alor ch' i' miro et penso / quantaaria dal bel viso mi diparte / che sempre m' e 1602); in his 176-linepoem "Dafne,"published as part of his Eclogheboscherecce si presso e si lontano" (Thence I begin to measure my losses with my eyes, and (Naples, 1620), though probablycomposed much earlier;and in the 339-line then I weeping unburden my heart of the sorrowfulcloud gathered in it, when eclogue "Dafni,"published in La sampogna(Paris, 1620). Additionally,Marino I see and think how much air separatesme from the lovelyface that is alwaysso dedicated one of the epigrams in his Galeria(Venice, 1619) to an Apolloand near to me and so distant; Petrarch, 266, 267). Also emblematic of the Daphneby Guido Reni. Marino's treatment of the theme is discussed by mutually exclusive relationship between the two senses is poem 190, "Una Giraud,281-89. candida cerva sopra l'erba," in which the poet gazes until his eyes are tired 33. Kenseth's argument (as in n. 8) for Marino's import rests on a more ("but not sated") at a white doe (that is, Laura) sporting a jeweled collar involved comparison of text and sculpture, relating to her central thesis that warning "Nessun mi tocchi" (Let no one touch me; Petrarch,336, 337). Bernini conceived the Apollo and Daphne to be seen in a series of views, 47. See Giraud, 155-81, on the treatment of the myth among the Petrar- beginning from the back of the sculpturalgroup, where the running Apollo chists;not surprisingly,Petrarchan language also colors the Italiantranslations provides the main focus, and moving toward a view incorporating both the of Ovid's Metamorphoses,especially Anguillara's. DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 327

48. Bernini told the story to Chantelou in 1665 (30-31); it also appears in different sense; it is in the section of the garden devoted to touch (in canto 8) less detailed form in Baldinucci, 79; and Bernini, 19-20. The story is not easily that Venus and Adonis consummate their passion. While the Adonewas finally reconciled with the documents: Bernini acquired the marble block for the placed on the Index librorum prohibitorum (Index of Prohibited Books) in sculpture at the beginning of Aug. 1622, yet Cardinal de Sourdis apparently 1627, two years after the author's death, censors were already requiring ended his residency in Rome before July 17, 1622 (Lavin, 238 n. 102). It is changes by Sept. 1623 (Giorgio Fulco, "Giovan BattistaMarino," chap. 5 of probable, then, that Bernini either embellished or misremembered the Storiadella letteratura italiana, vol. 5, La fine del cinquecentoe il seicento[Rome: participants in this incident, which had taken place some forty years earlier. Salerno, 1997], 637), and its reprintingwas prohibited in papal dominions in The statue's pedestal, containing the inscription, was completed by Mar. 15, June 1624 (Marino-Pieri[as in n. 56], vol. 2, 768). Marino anticipated these 1625; Minozzi (as in n. 11), 438. problems from the very beginning; in severalletters written in 1623 and 1624 49. See, for instance, Giuseppe Horologgi's gloss in Anguillara's Ovid Marino makes reference to his (now lost) "discourse on lasciviouswriting," translation (as in n. 28), 15, 16; or Georgius Sabinus, Metamorphosisseufabulae which he intended to publish as part of the Adone;Marino, 1911-12 (as in n. poeticae(Frankfurt: J. Wechel, 1589), 36. 56), vol. 2, 13, 27, 28,67. On the anti-Marinistbacklash after the publication of 50. See MarcFumaroli, L'inspiration du poetede Poussin: Essai sur l'allegoriedu the Adone, see Mirollo, 98-100, and Franco Croce, "I critici moderato- Parnasse(Paris: Editions de la Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1989), 59-60. barocchi, I-La discussione sull'Adone,"Rassegna della Letteratura Italiana 59 The poem appeared in the 1631 edition of the Poemata,but not the 1623 (1955): 414-39. edition, suggesting it was written after Barberini's accession to the papal 59. On the 1623 edition of Stigliani's Rime,and on Stigliani'sPetrarchism, throne. see Antonio Belloni, II seicento,Storia Letteraria d'Italia, vol. 7 (Milan:Vallardi, 51. The preceding lines are: "Complexus virides [sic] frondosae virginis 1899), 93; and Ottavio Besomi, "Tommaso Stigliani:Tra parodia e critica," artus: / sic quoque mutata (dixit Apollo) fruar" (The brief embrace of the Studi Secenteschi13 (1972): 3-4. One of Stigliani's sonnets using Petrarchan green leafy virgin:Thus also let me take pleasure (Apollo said) in the changed themes of distance, desire, sight, and touch ("Io veggio a' miei desir tant'alto one; Giraud, 177). According to Giraud,the epigram was published in Fausto il segno, / ed e fra quello e me spazio si lungo, / che, non che con la mano, Sabeo, Picta poesisOvidiana, Thesauruspropemodum omnium fabularum poetica- appena il giungo / cogli occhi e della fronte e dell'ingegno. ..." [I see the rum ... epigrammatisexpositarum (1580), and in Janus Gruter, Delitiae CC target of my desires so lofty, and between it and me so great a distance, that I italorumpoetarum, Pars altera (1608). barely attain it (to say nothing of the hand) with the eyes of my forehead and 52. See Lodovico Castelvetro,Le rime delPetrarca brevemente sposte (Basel: P. de my mind]) is published in Alberto Asor Rosa, II seicento:La nuova scienzae la Sedabonis, 1582), 23. The connection of Barberini's distich to Petrarch's crisidel Barocco, vol. 5, pt. 1, of La letteraturaitaliana: Storia e testi(Bari: Laterza, sonnet is noted by Preimesberger, 1989 (as in n. 4), 124, though his 1974), 531. The revivalof interest in Petrarch as an antidote to Marinismis conclusions about the meaning of the inscriptionare somewhatdifferent from discussed by Marc Fumaroli, "Rhetorique et poetique," LettereItaliane 44 those presented here. Giraud, 196, and Kauffmann (as in n. 4), 63, also note (1992): 36-37. In his Ragionamentosopra la poesiagiocosa (1634), Nicola Villani similarities between Barberini's distich and the poem inscribed on Jacopo defended certain stylisticfeatures of Marino'spoem but attackedits lascivious- Caraglio'sengraving of Apolloand Daphne. ness as only the latest example of a long tradition of such subject matter in 53. A manuscript of Barberini's earliest volgarepoetry was edited and Tuscan poetry. Interestingly, he set Petrarch somewhat apart from this published by Costanzo (as in n. 19), 24-31. One of Urban's poems using tradition and linked his chaste treatment of love with that of Francesco da Petrarchanimagery was published under the title "Quanto sia vano il pensiero Barberino, the dugento poet whom Urban VIII claimed as his ancestor; on d'acquistarfama col mezzo della poesia," in his Poesietoscane (first published Villani'streatment of Petrarchand Francescoda Barberino,see Croce (as in n. 1635), and is reprinted in Pastor,vol. 29, 416 n. 1. The poem begins with the 58), 433-34; on Urban VIIIand his illustriousforebear, see Pastor,vol. 29, 408. verses "Che fai Maffeo, che pensi? a che con arte / Emula all'eta prisca, si ti A distinction between Petrarchand the corruption of Petrarchanverse by the cale / Formarinni canori?a che ti vale / Vegliarla notte per vergarle carte?" Marinistswas also drawn by Iacopo Filippo Tomasini in his Petrarchusredivivus (What are you doing Maffeo, what are you thinking?To what purpose do you of 1635; see Fumaroli, 36-37. Later in the century, Sforza Pallavicino also care to fashion melodious hymns with an art that rivalsthat of the golden age? contrasted the poetry of Petrarch ("non disonesta, ma vana" [not shameful, What does it avail you to keep vigil all night in order to fill the pages with but empty]) with that of his followers, who joined obscenity of form to the writing?),emulating the internal dialogue form ("Che fai? Che pensi?") used vanityof the subject matter;see Belloni, 52. by Petrarch in poems 150 and 273. Urban goes on to scold himself in 60. Rejections of the Petrarchanmodel may be found in a number of 16th- Petrarchanterms for loving too much the "deception [inganno]"and "sweet and early 17th-centurywriters; see Donald L. Guss, "Petrarchismand the End error [dolceerrore]" of believing he can render things eternal and flee death of the Renaissance," in Scaglione (as in n. 39), 384-401, on the variety of with his "harmoniouslyre [cetraarmoniosa]." One might argue that in much of responses to the Rimesparse. Indeed, the first great literarydebate of the 17th his poetry (especiallyin vernacularverse) Urban follows Petrarch'sexample in century wasspurred by the publication of AlessandroTassoni's anti-Petrarchist an even deeper sense, for just as Barberiniwrites numerous verses decrying Considerazionisopra le rimedel Petrarca(Modena, 1609). Tassoni's work is in the vanityof composing poetry, so the trecento poet uses his volgarepoetry to many ways less an attack on Petrarch than a denunciation of his servile disparage that selfsame poetry (the fruit, as he writesin poem 1, of his "primo followers (and of the notion that the great trecento poet's authority should giovanile errore," his firstyouthful error). See Hainsworth(as in n. 45), 103ff. carry into the modern era). On Tassoni's tract and the responses it elicited, 54. Pastor,vol. 29, 416. On the linking of Apollo and the laurel with Urban see Franco Croce, "Criticae trattatisticadel barocco," in II seicento,ed. Emilio VIII in contemporarypanegyrics, see Fumaroli (as in n. 50), 56-57. A pictorial Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, Storia della LetteraturaItaliana, vol. 5 (Milan: example may be found in the central field of Pietro da Cortona's Divine Garzanti, 1967), 425-36; on Marino's supportive response to Tassoni's Providencefresco (Palazzo Barberini, Rome, 1632-39), where a putto adds a position, see MarzianoGuglielminetti, "Tassonie Marino,"in StudiTassoniani laurel crown to Urban's coat of arms, signifying, in the words of a contempo- (Modena:Aedes Muratoriana,1966), 147-75. rary,"valor poetico" (poetic virtue). SeeJohn Beldon Scott, Imagesof Nepotism: 61. Martini (as in n. 38), 27-28, interestingly contrasts the semantics of ThePainted Ceilings of PalazzoBarberini (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, Marino'slove poetry with those of Petrarch's.Not only does Marino distance 1991), 139, 216. himself from Petrarch by expanding the language of love to include the 55. According to D'Onofrio (307, 276) the epigram-one of twelve in physical (for example, the many baci,which are all but absent in the trecento BibliotecaApostolica, Vatican ms Cod. Barb.lat. 2077-was actuallycomposed poet) and the lascivious, but he also largely rejects Petrarch's lexicon of between 1618 and 1620. Whether, as D'Onofrio suggests, it served in any way amorous melancholy, and the terms by which distance-both temporal and as a program for the sculptural decoration of the Villa Borghese (another spatial-is figured (for example, the varietyof wordsdescribing the operations epigram from the same manuscript treats Pluto and Proserpina) or whether of memory). Barberini simply called on his earlier composition under circumstanceslike 62. The poem, which was originally published in part 2 of Marino's Rime those described by Bernini is impossible to know. (1602), is reworkedinto canto 8 of the Adone,beginning at ottava 124. 56. Preimesberger,12-13, calls attention to the publication of L'Adonebut 63. Italian text from Giuseppe Guido Ferrero, ed., Marino e i Marinisti suggests that the bitter fruits of Barberini'sinscription imply a critique not (Milan:Ricciardi, 1954), 354. The poemjoined the Adoneonthe Index later in only of Marinismobut also of Petrarchismo.Preimesberger's reading would the century;see Mirollo, 100. seem to collapse the distinction between amorous poetry and lascivious 64. The image is reminiscent of the Ovidian story of Hermaphrodite, who poetry;for evidence that the Church did in fact maintain such distinctions,see was unwillinglyembraced by the nymph Salmacis until their bodies became the letter of Apr. 2, 1625, from Girolamo Preti to Claudio Achillini, in one ("nam mixta duorum / corpora iunguntur, faciesque induciter illis / GiambattistaMarino, Epistolarioseguito da letteredi altriscrittori del seicento,ed. una" [for their two bodies, joined together as they were, were merged into Angelo Borzelli and Fausto Nicolini, vol. 2 (Bari:Laterza, 1911-12), 176. On one, with one face and form for both; trans. in Ovid, 1994 (as in n. 27), 205]); the prepublication history of the Adone(which Marino had begun to write in see Metamorphoses4.373-75, or Marino,who describes a sculpturalrendition of the last years of the 16th century), see Marzio Pieri's "Nota al testo" in his the two adorning a fountain ("seno a seno congiunto e bocca a bocca" [breast edition of the Adone(Bari: Laterza, 1975-77), vol. 2, 755-68; and Giovanni to breast conjoined, and mouth to mouth]; Adone,canto 3, ottava 169). The Pozzi's "Guida alia lettura" in his edition of the poem (Milan: Mondadori, notion of two souls joining together through a kiss originates in the Platonic 1976), vol. 2, 103-21. epigram on kissingAgathon in the PalatineAnthology 5.78; see NicolasJames 57. The first Paris edition was followed by editions published in Venice, Perella, TheKiss Sacredand Profane(Berkeley: University of California Press, Ancona, Turin, and Paris, all appearing between 1623 and 1627. See Mirollo, 1969) on the numerous medieval and Renaissanceinterpretations and uses of 72, 86-87, and Marino-Pieri(as in n. 56), vol. 2, 768-69. this conceit. 58. In cantos 6-8 of the poem, Adonis is guided through the Garden of 65. Marino was of course not the first writer to describe the pleasures of Pleasure, which can be entered through five gates, each representing a basciare(see Perella [as in n. 64], 196-208, on the treatment of the kiss by 328 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2

Italianwriters such as Ariosto, Tasso, and Guarini), but his writingsrepresent 73. Bernini, 18: "soleva rispondere, Che nel operare si sentiva tanto the culmination of the treatment of the theme. Marino'sovert celebration of infiammato,e tanto innamorato di ci6, che faceva,che divorava,non lavorava touch vanquishing sight is also used by one of his followers and defenders, il Marmo" (he used to answerthat in workinghe felt himself so inflamed and Scipione Errico.Errico concludes his sonnet "Contral'amore platonico" with so in love with what he was doing, that he devoured, rather than worked, the the following lines: "Ceda al tatto la vista, al labro il lume; / il guatar,l'affissar marble). Similarterminology can be found in Baldinucci's Vita:"Viveasene il vada in disparte, / perch6 tocca e non mira il cieco nume" (Let sight yield to fanciullo in questo tempo [his childhood] cosi innamorato dell'arte che non touch, the light to the lip; let the stare, the gaze, be set aside, because the blind solo tenea con essa sempre legati i suoi piuiintimi pensieri, ma il trattarcon gli god touches and does not look). See Ferrero (as in n. 63), 788. artefici di maggior grido riputavaegli le sue maggiori delizie" (The boy lived 66. Although Preimesberger, 4, claims, "At no moment in his life did at this time so in love with the art that not only was it alwaysbound up with his Bernini have any theoretical or literary ambitions," there are in fact indica- most intimate thoughts, but he considered hobnobbing with the most famous tions of the artist'sinterest in (and knowledge of) literature.Not only did he artists to be his greatest joy), 75; "egli non facesse mai opera senza go on to write plays (of which the one surviving example-the so-called straordinario amore" (he never made a work without extraordinarylove), Impressario-self-reflexivelytakes as one of its themes the art of theatrical 141; "Quanto fusse nel Bernino l'amore, ch'ei port6 all'arte non e facile il illusion), but also, as FulvioTesti writesin a letter ofJan. 29,1633, Bernini "sa raccontare;diceva, che il portarsia operare era a lui uno andare a deliziarsial molto anche di belle lettere e ha motti e arguzie che passano l'anima" (also giardino" (It is not easy to tell how great a love Bernini brought to his art;he knows much about belles lettres and has sayingsand witticismsthat prick the would say that taking himself to work was for him like going off to enjoy soul; Fulvio Testi, Lettere,ed. MariaLuisa Doglio, vol. 1 [Bari:Laterza, 1967], himself in the garden), 142. Amorous terminology had of course long been 432-33, no. 403). On Bernini's play as art about art, see D. A. Beecher, applied to artisticpractice, in a sense not necessarilyerotic. Alreadyin 1400, "Gianlorenzo Bernini's 'The Impressario':The Artist as the Supreme Trick- for instance, Cennino Cennini specified that the young artist should adorn ster," Universityof TorontoQuarterly 53 (1984): 236-47. himself with a quasimonasticmixture of amor,timor, ubidienza, and perseveranza 67. According to both of the artist'sbiographers, Paul V had claimed that (love, awe, obedience, and persistence; II librodell'arte, comm. and annot. Bernini would be the Michelangelo of his age (Bernini, 9, 11-12; Baldinucci, FrancoBrunello [Vicenza:Neri Pozza, 1982], 6). More recently,Giorgio Vasari 75). The witticism about Michelangelo as Apelles and Apollo was originally used similar vocabulary to describe artists' character and working habits- made in a burlesque poem by FrancescoBerni and was repeated by Benedetto Michelangelo, for instance, conjoined such great "labor [fatica]" and "love Varchiin his Due lezzioni(first published Florence, 1549, and reprinted in his [amor]"in his Vatican Pietdthat he was moved to inscribe the finished work collected Lezzioni,Florence, 1590); see David Summers, Michelangeloand the with his name, and he is also said to have workedwith "care [sollecitudine]" and Languageof Art (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1981), 205-6, 514-15 "love [amore]"on the Medici Chapel statues (Vasari-Milanesi,vol. 7, 151,197). n. 10. While Bernini's (or his biographers') use of this amorous language is certainly 68. On Bernini'simitation of Michelangeloaround this time, see D'Onofrio, grounded in this tradition,I would nonetheless suggest that at least in some of 172-87. For an insightfulanalysis of the revivalof Michelangelo'sreputation in the passagescited, the terminologybecomes pointedly erotic: going to visit his the Barberini circle in the mid-1620s, as well as a discussion of the uses to "innammorate"carries the resonance of courtship, and the delights of the which Bernini's association with Michelangelo were put much later by garden already had amorous connotations long before Marino set the most Bernini's biographers, see Catherine M. Soussloff, "Imitatio Buonarroti," scandalouspassages of the Adonein the Garden of Pleasure. SixteenthCentury Journal 20 (1989): 581-602. Michelangelo Buonarroti il 74. Pliny the Elder, NaturalHistory 36.21 (on the Cnidian Venus); Ovid, Giovane-the artist'sgrandnephew, who edited (and notoriouslyexpurgated) Metamorphoses10.243-97 (on Pygmalion). For other examples, see Berthold the 1623 edition of Michelangelo's Rime-had known Maffeo Barberinisince Hinz, "Statuenliebe:Antiker Skandal und mittelalterliches Trauma," Mar- his youth and had sent him a partial copy of the manuscriptalready in Aug. burgerJahrbuchfiir Kunstwissenschaft22 (1989): 135-42; and the wide-ranging 1622; see MarzianoGuglielminetti and MariarosaMasoero, "Lettere e prose and complex treatment of the topic in David Freedberg, "Arousalby Image," inedite [o parzialmente edite] di Giovanni Ciampoli," Studi Secenteschi19 in ThePower of Images(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), chap. 12. (1978): 178 n. 2. On the edition of 1623, see Enzo Noe Girardi'scomments, in 75. This is explored by MaryPardo in "Artificeas Seduction in ," in Michelangelo Buonarroti, Rime(Bari: Laterza, 1960), 508-9. It is of interest Sexualityand Genderin EarlyModern Europe: Institutions, Texts, Images, ed. James that Maffeo Barberinipursued early on the implications of Paul V's compari- G. Turner (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1993), 64. son of the sculptor'sgifts to those of Michelangelo;in a letter of Oct. 1618, he 76. P Ovidii Nasoni Metamorphoses. . . expositae(as in n. 31), 253. The alludes to his attempt to buy from Michelangelo il Giovane an unfinished Argumentawere short prose summaries of the myths in Ovid's Metamorphoses, sculpture by the High Renaissancemaster so that Bernini might complete it. found in a number of early manuscriptsof the poem, and attributed in the See D'Onofrio, 172-74,187-95; and Lavin,236-37. Renaissance to a certain Luctatius (or Lactantius); see Brooks Otis, "The 69. Leon Battista Alberti, Opvscolimorali, trans. Cosimo Bartoli (Venice: Argumentaof the so-calledLactantius," Harvard Studies in ClassicalPhilology 47 Francesco Franceschi, 1568), 290: "Io penso che le arti di coloro, che si (1936): 131-63. messono a uolere esprimere & ritrarre con le opere loro le effigie & le 77. On this image (of which there is also a painted version) and the series of somiglianze de corpi procreatidalla natura hauessino origine da questo. Che which it wasa part, see Agnes Czobor," 'The Five Senses' by the AntwerpArtist essi per auentura scorgessino alcuna volta, o ne tronconi, o nella terra, o in Jacob de Backer,"Nederlands KunsthistorischJaarboek 23 (1972): 317-27. molti altri corpi cosi fatti, alcuni lineamenti, mediante i quali transmutandoin 78. Paymentsto Bernini for the carved mattressrun from Oct. 1619 to Feb. loro qualche similitudine, essi gli possino rendere simili a uolti fatti dalla 1620;see Minozzi (as in n. 11), 431-32. On the restoration,see Montagu (as in natura. Cominciarono adunque a considerare con la mente, & ad esaminare n. 23), 161; and MatthiasWinner's catalogue entry in Coliva and Schftze, ponendoui ogni diligentia, & a tentare & a sforzarsidi uedere quel che eglino 124-33. ui potessino o aggiugnere, o levare, o quel che ui si aspettasse,per far si, & in 79. The visitorwas the French president Charles de Brosses,who recorded tal modo che ei non paressi che ui mancassicosa alcuna, da far apparirquasi his response in his Lettresd'Italie (1739-40); it wasnoted in a French guidebook uera & propria quella tale effigie, & finirla perfettamente. Adunque per to Rome of 1700 that most visitors to the villa tested the substance of the quanto la stessa cosa gli auuertiua, Emendando in simili apparenze hora le mattressby touching it. See Montagu (as in n. 23), 161. linee, & hora le superficie, & nettandole & ripulendole, ottennero il desiderio 80. Bernini, quoted in Baldinucci, 141: "non essere dato loro il cuore di loro, & questo ueramente non senza loro diletto." While manuscripts of rendere i sassi cosi ubbidienti alia mano quanto se fussero stati di pasta o Alberti's Latin text continued to be copied into the 17th century (Leon cera." (See also Bernini, 149, where this criticism is specifically aimed at BattistaAlberti, On Paintingand On Sculpture,trans. Cecil Grayson [London: ancient sculptors.) In 1674, Scaramucciawrote that in the Apolloand Daphne, Phaidon, 1972], 5-7), Bartoli'stranslation was the form in which the tractwas Bernini wielded the chisel in such a waythat "piu tosto in cera che, in Marmo most widely known in the later 16th and 17th centuries (it was in fact poteva credersi impiegato"; Luigi Scaramuccia,Le finezzede' penneUiitaliani republishedin 1651 as part of the Parisedition of 's Trattato (1674; reprint, Milan:Labor, 1965), 18. dellapittura). See Marco Collareta, "Considerazioniin margine al 'De statua' 81. Paul Barolsky,"As in Ovid, So in RenaissanceArt," RenaissanceQuarterly ed alla sua fortuna," Annali della Scuola Normaledi Pisa; Classedi Letteree 51 (1998): 472. Another ancient prototype for the depiction of flesh so real Filosofia,3d ser., 12 (1982): 185-87. that fingers appear to cause indentations in it is the Plinian account of 70. The relation of this story to the tale of Daphne was noted by H. W. Cephisodotus (36.24), the son of Praxiteles (and heir of his skills-heres artis), Janson, in "The 'Image Made by Chance' in Renaissance Thought," in his who made a statue of persons grappling that was "notable for the fingers, SixteenStudies (New York: Abrams, [1974]), 60-61. which seem genuinely to sink into flesh rather than into dead marble";Pliny, 71. For an overview (albeit a not entirely sympatheticone) of the 16th- and NaturalHistory, vol. 10, trans. D. E. Eichholz, Loeb ClassicalLibrary (Cam- 17th-centuryliterature on the relationship between poetry and painting, see bridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1971), 18, 19. Presumably,the ability Rensselaer W. Lee, Ut picturapoesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting (New to render flesh so suggestivelywas one of the skillshe inherited from his father, York:Norton, 1967). author of the Cnidian Venus. On the significance of Pliny's description of 72. Bernini, 13: "Sicche era cosa cosi solita il non comparire in Casa Gio: Cephisodotus'sstatue for Bernini's rendering of the Plutogroup, see Preimes- Lorenzo, che il Padre non vedendolo per giorni intieri, ne pure domandavadi berger, 1989 (as in n. 4), 121; see also Irving Lavin'sdiscussion of the Plinian che ne fosse, certo gia della dimora di lui nello Studio di S. Pietro, dove, al dir passage in relation to the larger topic of the Renaissance sculptor's competi- del figliuolo, stavandi Casale sue Innammorate,intendendo delle Statue che tive response to the example of antiquity,in "Ex uno lapide:The Renaissance vi erano" (So it was so usual for Gian Lorenzo not to show up at home that his Sculptor's Tourde Force,"in II cortiledelle statue: Der Statuenhofdes Belvedere im father,not seeing him for entire days,didn't even askwhere he was,so sure was Vatikan,ed. MatthiasWinner, Bernard Andreae, and CarloPietrangeli (Mainz: he that he was stayingat the Studio of St. Peter's, where, in the words of his Philipp von Zabern, 1998), 203. One final example that forms a link between young son, his girlfriendsresided, meaning the statues that were there). Praxiteles (and, by implication, his Venus) and Pygmalionin point of flesh is DESIDERIO AND DILETTO: BERNINI'S APOLLO AND DAPHNE 329 found in Callistratus'sDescriptions 8. One reads there of a bronze Dionysus by Stephen Bann, "The Antique Narcissus," in The True Vine: On Visual Praxiteles that "sought to show the appearance of life and would yield to the Representationand the WesternTradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University very finger-tipif you touched it, for though it was reallycompact bronze, it was Press, 1989), chap. 4. so softened into flesh by art that it shrank from the contact of the hand"; 90. The phrase that links the discussionof painting'splace among the artsto Philostratusthe Elder and the Younger and Callistratus,Imagines; Callistratus, the story of Narcissus in Bartoli's translation-"Le quali cose essendo Descriptions,trans. Arthur Fairbanks, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, cosi"-closely follows the phrasing used by Alberti in the original Latin: Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1969), 405. "Quae cum ita sint";Alberti-Grayson (as in n. 69), 62. In a lecture before the 82. See, for instance, Paolo Pino, Dialogo di pittura (1548), in Barocchi, Roman Accademiadi S. Luca in 1594, the painter Federico Zuccarodifferenti- 1960-62, vol. 1 (1960), 129; Benedetto Varchi,Lezzione . .. nellaquale si disputa ated painting from the other arts using a similar distinction between the dellamaggioranza delle arti.... (1549), in ibid., vol. 1,47; Vasari-Milanesi,vol. 1, senses: "[painting's] works are made by means of composing material with 77, 94; Francesco Bocchi, Ragionamentosopra l'eccellenzadel San Giorgiodi material, which is to say the colors not understood [compresi]by the sense of Donatello(1584), in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 3 (1962), 162, 165; Raffaele touch, differentiating it from all the other professions and practices"; Scritti Borghini, II riposo(1584), in Barocchi, 1971, 676; and GiovanbattistaMarino, d'artediFederico Zuccaro, ed. Detlev Heikamp (Florence:Olschki, 1961), 37. Diceriesacre, pt. I: La Pittura(1614), in Diceriesacre e la stragede gl'innocenti, ed. 91. MaryPardo has suggested that the Italian term Alberti uses to designate GiovanniPozzi (Turin:Einaudi, 1960), 85. embrace-abbracciare-connotes the braccio(arm's length), which was his 83. Preimesberger, 3-4. While Varchi was not the first to write about the primaryunit of measurementfor composing a perspectivalpicture. See Pardo paragone(the topic was alreadytreated in Filarete's 15th-centuryarchitectural (as in n. 75), 81. In book 1 of De pictura,vision metaphorically operates treatise,in Leonardo'swritings, and in BaldassareCastiglione's Cortegiano), his through touch: the extrinsic raysof the eye are said to reach out to a surface second Lezzioneis the first systematic presentation of the arguments in and measure it by lightly touching (libando)its edges; Alberti-Grayson(as in n. published form. On the paragonein the Renaissance generally,see Farago (as 69), 40,41. in n. 10), 17-31. 92. See the painting in the CorsiniPalace in Florence, variouslyattributed to 84. Varchi,in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 40; Petrarch, 178, 179: "Pigmali6n, Andrea del Sarto or Franciabigio(reproduced in Stechow [as in n. 26], pl. 27), quanto lodar ti dei / de l'imagine tua, se mille volte / n'avesti quel ch'i' sol or the two paintings, apparentlypendants, attributedto Bernardo Castello, in una vorrei!"Although Petrarchbegins the sonnet ("Quando giunse a Simon the PallaviciniGallery, Rome. The themes are also linked in literary sources. l'alto concetto") by wishing that Simone could have given the portrait voice See, for instance, the passage in OttavioRinuccini's late 16th-centuryoperatic and intellect, in these final two lines he seems to allude to a desire for less text Dafne, in Teatrodel seicento,ed. Luigi Fass6 (Milan: Ricciardi, 1956), 13, elevated pleasures. This shift in tone was apparently evident to Petrarch's lines 166-72; or the madrigal by Giovanni Boccaccio ("Come su'l fonte fu from the commentators' insistence that the readers, judging 16th-century preso Narciso") cited in a number of 16th-centurypoetical treatises,including poet's words not be taken in a "shameful sense [disonestosenso]"; see, for Antonio Sebastiano Minturno, L'artepoetica (1564; reprint, Munich: W. Fink, example, Castelvetro(as in n. 52), 160. In 1609, however,Alessandro Tassoni 1971), 453. did not hesitate to the lines as to the "ultimate interpret referring pleasure 93. Vision and hearing were traditionallythe only two senses granted the Alessan- [ultimogodimento] "; see Le rimedi FrancescoPetrarca riscontrate, comm. abilityto discern beauty;see Summers (as in n. 10), 54-62. For an overviewof dro annot. Girolamo and observations Lodovico Antonio Tassoni, Muzio, by literature discussing the senses, see Louise Vinge, TheFive Senses:Studies in a Muratori Sebastian 154. Ratherless often does one find (Venice: Coleti, 1727), LiteraryTradition (Lund: CWKGleerup, 1975). tales of that are to more than desirous paintings subjected just glances. 94. Gian Giorgio Trissino, La poetica(1529), pt. 1, quoted from Bernard Leonardo da Vinci one in his when he provides example paragonewritings, Weinberg, ed., Trattati di poetica e retoricadel (Bari: Laterza, mentions a of a beautiful the owner of which could not cinquecento painting holy subject, 1970-74), vol. 1, 28. On the necessity of using figured speech in poetry, it with kisses (he asked Leonardo to his stop covering assuage guilt by CamilloPellegrino writesin Delconcetto poetico (ca. 1598): "Prose,in expressing removing its attributes);see Farago (as in n. 10), 230, 231. It is telling that the conceits, uses pure modes of speech, proper words, and when using meta- one painting Benedetto Varchi cites as having the same powers of erotic phors and figures does so carefully and rarely;whereas verse, with greater seduction as the CnidianVenus was the Venus painted da Pontormo byjacopo freedom and sometimes with excessive daring [troppoardito] presents its but designed by the sculptor Michelangelo;see Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 47. conceits with figures and metaphors distant from their proper significance 85. Raffaele Borghini, in Barocchi, 1971, 683. See also Raffaele's uncle [lontanedal proprio]";quoted from Angelo Borzelli, II CavalierGiovan Battista Vincenzio Borghini, in the same volume, 638-39, and Vasari-Milanesi,vol. 1, Marino1569-1625 (Naples: Gennaro M. Priore, 1898), 336. Similar ideas are 97-98. The elder Borghini's remarksare made in the context of a diatribe on expressed in the Aristotelian commentaries of Robortello (1548) and Lom- the irrelevance of touch to a discussion of painting or sculpture (since both bardi and (1550); see Danilo Acutezzaand arts-he writes-are intended for the eye and no other sense). Maggi Aguzzi-Barbagli,"Ingegno, in the Sixteenth Great Commentaries to Aristotle's 86. Anton Francesco Doni, I marmi,ed. E. Chi6rboli, vol. 2 (Bari:Laterza, Meraviglia Century 'Poetics,' " in Petrarchto Pirandello, ed. A. Molinaro 1928), 21: "Oh che stupende cose son queste! Io la tocco sasso, e mi muove la Julius (Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 76-77, 80. carne e mi diletta piuiche se vivacarne io toccasse;anzi io son marmo ed ella e 1973), 95. On the association of with carne." Aurora'sability to excite the visitor follows on another miracle of metaphorical language meraviglia(already in Aristotle's see in n. and art-the statue speaks in his presence. The theme of the erotic powers of implicit Poetics), Aguzzi-Barbagli(as 94), 77; Mirollo, ff. Michelangelo's statue was developed by Doni on a number of occasions; it is 118-19, 166 used in a letter to Michelangelo ofJan. 12, 1543, and appears in his dialogue 96. Preimesberger,4. There is no record of why Galileo wrote this letter to as it is that the Disegno(Venice, 1549), with explicit reference to the Plinian anecdote of the Cigoli, though Preimesberger suggests, likely comparison Cnidian Venus (one of the speakersresponds to his interlocutor's derision of between the arts was a topic of discussion among the large group of painters that story by claiming, "If you had seen the Auroraof Michelangelo ... and sculptorsemployed by Paul V in S. MariaMaggiore. perhaps you would have experienced a greater stimulus to carnalitythan that 97. Galileo to Lodovico Cigoli, June 1612, quoted from Erwin Panofsky, youth"). See Barocchi, 1971, 564. See also Pietro Aretino, Letteresull'arte, ed. Galileoas a Criticof theArts (The Hague: MartinusNijhoff, 1954), 33. Ettore Camesasca,vol. 1 (Milan:Edizioni del Milione, 1957), 17, for reference 98. On Galileo as letterato,see CarmineJannaco,II seicento(Milan: F. Vallardi, on the annotations he made to his of see to a Venus by Jacopo Sansovino that is so true and so alive that it fills the 1966), 539-44; copy Petrarch, Nereo thoughts of anyone who sees it with "libidine." Vianello, "Le postille al Petrarchadi Galileo Galilei," Studidi FilologiaItaliana 87. Alberti's Latin text dates from 1435 (he produced a volgaretranslation 14 (1956): 211-433. the following year), and was first published in 1540 (Basel). Lodovico 99. Sperone Speroni, Discorsoin lodedella pittura, in Barocchi, 1971, 1002: Domenichi's vernacular translation saw print in 1547 (Venice) and was "... nella pittura con la linea e superficie si imita tutto il corpo, cioe anche la followed by Cosimo Bartoli's translation in his edition of Alberti's Opvscoli terza dimensione, che e la profundita, il che e meravigliosonella pittura. Ma morali(as in n. 69). As with the De statua,Bartoli's translationwould also be tal meraviglianon e nella scoltura,la quale imita il corpo col corpo, e non con published again as part of the Paris edition of Leonardo da Vinci's Trattato manco dimensioni; la qual cosa e assai grossa e rozza e senza meraviglia.Ne dellapittura (1651). The claim that Narcissuswas the inventor of painting was vale a dire che piuisimiglie il corpo al corpo, e per conseguente ci sia maggior repeated in Paolo Pino's Dialogodi pittura (in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 131). imitazione nella scoltura: perche qui e non similitudine, ma identita essen- 88. Alberti, 1568 (as in n. 69), 328: "Ma principalmente fu da gli antichi ziale, perche e l'uno e l'altro e corpo in generesubstantiae. E do lo esempio della honorata la pittura di questo honore, che essendo stati chiamati quasi la poesia: imitare la prosa col verso e imitazion poetica bella e dilettevole, ma maggior parte de gli altri artefici,Fabri appresso de latini, il pittor solo non fu imitar la prosa con la prosa non e cosa poetica ne meravigliosa,per6 meno annouerato in fra i Fabbri.Le quali cose essendo cosi, io son solito di dire in diletta." fra gli amici miei che lo inuentore della pittura fu, secondo la sententia de 100. For use of the term properor properly(with its suggestion of the propria Poeti quel Narciso che si conuerti in fiore. Percioche essendo la pitturail fiore dire) with regard to sculptural imitation, see Raffaele Borghini, II riposo, di tutte le arti, ben parra che tutta la fauola di Narciso sia benissimo excerpted in Barocchi, 1971, 689; Nicolo Tribolo, quoted in Barocchi, accommodata ad essa cosa. Imperoche, che altra cosa e il dipignere, che 1960-62, vol. 1, 79 (see n. 101 below); and even Cosimo Bartoli'stranslation of abbracciare& pigliare con la arte quella superficie del fonte?" Alberti's De statua (as in n. 69), quoted above. The general argument that 89. Recent treatments of Alberti's use of the Narcissus theme include sculpture'stactility renders it more truthful is repeated by Varchi (in Barocchi, Norman E. Land, "NarcissusPictor," Source16, no. 2 (1997): 10-15; Karsten 1960-62, vol. 1, 41-42); Bronzino (ibid., 64); Tasso (ibid., 70); and Marino (as Harries, "Narcissusand Pygmalion:Lessons of Two Tales,"Studies in Philosophy in n. 82), 83, who in his Diceriesacre neatly sums up the terms of the and the Historyof Philosophy23 (1994): 54-62; Cristelle L. Baskins, "Echoing comparison as it is made in previous literature: the difference between Narcissusin Alberti's 'Della Pittura,'" OxfordArtJournal 16 (1993): 25-33; and sculpture and painting is that between essereand parere(being and appearing), 330 ART BULLETIN JUNE 2000 VOLUME LXXXII NUMBER 2 sostanzaand accidente(substance and accident), veritdand menzogna(truth and Francoise Viatte, Inventaire generale des dessins italiens III: Dessins toscans lie). XVIe-XVIIIesiecles, vol. 1, 1560-1640 (Paris:Editions de la Reunion des Musees 101. Nicolo Tribolo, "Al molto eccellentissimo M. Benedetto Varchi sua Nationaux, 1988), 91. osservandissimo,"in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 79: " [S]e fussi uno cieco e non 109. Recall the reactions to the mattress below the SleepingHermaphrodite avessi mai visto che toccato se con giudizio suo, e li trovassiuna figura di (see above at n. 79). Bernini later noted that the spherical base he intended marmo o di legno o di terra, che confessassi1'e una figura d'uomo, di donna for his bust of Louis XIV would have the advantage of discouraging French donna, di bambino di bambino; e a l'incontro, fussi la pittura, e viewersfrom attempting to touch the work;see Chantelou, 185, 186, 195. It is cercando non vi truovanulla, essendovi, pure la confess6 bugia, perche e cosa also true that the success of one of his early portraits-that of Pedro de Foix falsa mostrare quello che non fa el vero, perche la natura non inganna Montoya-was certified in a biographical anecdote that plays on touch and l'uomini: s'e uno zoppo, la lo mostra, se e bello, bello ve lo mostra, tale che a vision. According to both of Bernini's biographers,when a group of cardinals me mi pare la sculturasia la cosa propio, e la pitturasia la bugia." went to see the bust, one wittily proclaimed that the bust was "Montoya 102. Borghini, in Barocchi, 1971, 675; Bernini, in Chantelou, 259. petrified." When Montoya himself arrived, CardinalBarberini went to greet 103. While account rather than describes an act of touch on him, "and, touching him, said, 'This is the portrait of Monsignor Montoya,' Pliny's implies " the part of the birds and of Zeuxis (NaturalHistory 35.65), later writers are and turning towardthe statue, 'and this is MonsignorMontoya' (Baldinucci, more specific. Paolo Pino, for instance, imagines that "Zeusi,cupido di vedere 76; Bernini, 16). l'opra che parea e non era, accostatosi alla tavola, diede di mano nel velo 110. Baldinucci, 78. The anecdote has much in common with the stories dipinto, ond'egli confess6 essere vinto dall ingeniosita del rivale" (Zeuxis, Francisco de Hollanda tells of Clement VII and Michelangelo, or Carlo desirous of seeing the work that seemed to be but was not, and having gotten Ridolfi'saccount of Emperor CharlesV retrievingTitian's paintbrush. On the close to the painting, struck his hand on the painted veil, whereupon he topos of the virtuosicartist treated as an equal by pope or prince, see ErnstKris confessed to having been defeated); Pino, in Barocchi, 1960-62, vol. 1, 112. and Otto Kurz, Legend, Myth and Magic in the Image of the Artist, trans. Alistair Marino (as in n. 82), 166, also writes in the Diceriesacre that "per vedere qual Laing (New Haven:Yale UniversityPress, 1979), 41. pittura sotto il velo di Parrasiosi nascondesse, volse levarlo, ed inteso l'errore 111. Bernini, 24; Baldinucci,80. cedette arrossito la palma" (in order to see what painting hid itself under 112. An interesting anecdote along these lines is provided by Bernini, 51: Parrhasius's veil, he tried to lift it, and understanding his mistake, he Urban VIII, in the interest of freeing Bernini from the time-consumingdetail blushinglyyielded the palm). of running a household, suggested that the sculptor get married, to which he 104. Though the painting is not dated, according to Giulio Mancini's replied that his works alone should be his children ("l'Opere sue esser solo biographyof Ribera,the series to which it belongs was executed in Rome for a dovevanoi suoi figli"). The anecdote was in fact modeled on a similarconceit Spanishpatron, which would place it in the artist'sRoman period, 1611/13 to in Vasari'sLife of Michelangelo:when a priest suggested the sculptormarry, so 1616. See Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez and Nicola Spinosa, Jusepe de Ribera that he might leave to his children his "so highly honored labors [tantefatiche 1591-1652, exh. cat., Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1992, 60-64. onorate],"he replied, "lo ho moglie troppa, che e questa arte, che m'ha fatto Other paintings that illustratethis (or related conceits) may be found in Peter sempre tribolare, ed i miei figliuoli saranno l'opere che io lasser6; che se Hecht, "The 'Paragone' Debate: Ten Illustrationsand a Comment," Simiolus saranno da niente, si viveraun pezzo" (I have too much of a wife, which is this 14 (1984): 125-36; as well as in SylviaFerino-Pagden, ed., Immaginidel sentire: I art that has alwaystormented me, and my sons will be the works that I leave; cinquesensi nell'arte, exh. cat., Centro Culturale"Citta di Cremona,"Cremona, even if they are trifles, one will live on a bit); Vasari-Milanesi,vol. 7, 281. 1996, 43 (fig. 19), 149 (cat. no. VI.3), 157 (cat. no. VI.7), and 165 (cat. no. 113. The two worksare also similarin linking Urban's poetry and Bernini's VI.11). sculpture;just as Urban composed the Latin distich that transformsApollo and 105. The drawing is discussed in Jacques Derrida, Memoirsof theBlind: The Daphneinto a kind of emblem, he also wrote hymns for the office of Saint Self-Portraitand OtherRuins, trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas Teresa, which could serve as an aural accompaniment to the miraculous (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1993), 43, 133. Though clearly not by transverberationvisualized in the Ecstasy.On these hymns, which center on Guercino himself, the work resembles a pair of genre drawingsby the artist, the day of Teresa's death, see Irving Lavin, Bernini and the Unity of the Visual Arts similarlybearing inscriptions, dated to about 1619; for these, see David M. (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library and Oxford University Press, 1980), Stone, Guercino,Master Draftsman: Works from NorthAmerican Collections, exh. 116-17; Lavin'sbook remains the standardtext for understanding the chapel cat., ArthurM. SacklerMuseum, Cambridge,Mass., 1991, 188. as a whole. The point at which Bernini began his work on the chapel 106. Besides the two worksmentioned in the text, other seicento depictions corresponds to the darkest period of his career, a temporary fall from favor of Narcissus include Nicolas Poussin's Narcissusand Echofrom about 1630 brought about in part by his friendshipwith the late pope (70-71, 198). Rudolf (Musee du Louvre, Paris), the Caravaggistpainting attributed to Gerardvan Preimesberger also notes a connection between the Teresaand an earlier Kuijl (John and Mabel Ringling Museum, Sarasota,Fla.), and Pier Francesco sculpture with Barberiniassociations: the Saint Sebastian(see n. 21 above), in Mola's painting (PalazzoChigi, Ariccia), reproduced in Ferino-Pagden(as in which a figure wounded by arrowsfalls into a swoon suggesting both life and n. 104), 167. death; see Preimesberger, "Berninis Cappella Cornaro: Eine Bild-Wort- 107. On Caravaggio'spainting (whose attributionhas been questioned), see Synthese des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts?" Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 49 RossellaVodret, "Il restauro del 'Narciso,' " in MichelangeloMerisi da Caravag- (1986): 204. gio: La vita e le opereattraverso i documenti, ed. Stefania Macioce (Rome: Logart 114. See Lavin (as in n. 113), 110-11, on the angel's gesture and Teresa's Press, 1996), 167-83; andJose Milicua'scatalogue entry in Ferino-Pagden(as superabundant drapery.The apparent absence of Teresa's body (except for in n. 104), 140. Milicua,in keeping with the theme of the exhibition, reads the the hands and feet projecting from the drapery'sedge) is perhaps Bernini's painting as an allegory of vision;Vodret (175-76 n. 36) suggests that it may be interpretation of her statement that when the angel removed the flaming related to Alberti's conceit, as does Mary Garrard,Artemisia Gentileschi: The arrow,"I thought he was drawing [my entrails] out with it" (107). Imageof theFemale Hero in ItalianBaroque Art (Princeton:Princeton University 115. See MaryPardo, "The Subject of Savoldo'sMagdalene," Art Bulletin 71 Press, 1989), 365. For a reading of this painting that places the relation (1989): 84-91, for a highly suggestive discussion of this poetic model's between desire and specularityin an interpretativeframework rather different significancefor the art of illusionisticpainting. from that used here, see Mieke Bal, QuotingCaravaggio: Contemporary Art, 116. On the religious turn in Bernini's later years (recounted by his PreposterousHistory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 239-61. biographers, but also evident in Chantelou's diary), see Anthony Blunt, 108. In the proem to the first part of the treatise, Cigoli writes:". . . non si "Gianlorenzo Bernini: Illusionism and Mysticism," Art History 1 (1978): puo negare, che la pittura non sia mezzo efficacissimoet ancora antichissimo, 78-79. poi che creato il Mondo e la luce, ella apparisce nelle chiare e quieti acque 117. Baldinucci, 139: "e se talvolta alcuno di loro nel voleva distogliere, come si vede per le reflessioni de gl'Alberi, et altro, che se la rappresenti resisteva con dire, 'Lasciatemistar qui, ch'io son innamorato.' Stava poi in d'avanti,poi che tutto e contenuto sotto la medesima ragion' di pittura" (And quel lavoro cosi fisso, che sembrava estatico, e pareva che dagli occhi gli it cannot be denied that painting is a most effective and most ancient tool, volesse uscir lo spirito per animare il sasso."See also Bernini, 179. since as soon as the world and light had been created, it appeared in the clear 118. There is one other mythologicalreference hinted at within the story:it and quiet waters, as we can see in the reflections of Trees and other things is a reversalof the myth, by which an intense gaze transformsliving which are represented there, for all this is included within the scope of flesh into stone. On the significance of this myth to Bernini's sculptural painting); Martin Kemp, "Lodovico Cigoli on the Origins and Ragioneof enterprise, see Irving Lavin,"Bernini's Bust of the Medusa:An AwfulPun," in Painting," Mitteilungendes kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz35 (1991): 140, Doceredelectare movere: Affetti, devozione e retoricanel linguaggioartistico del primo 145 (trans.). The drawing is not related to any known commission; see baroccoromano (Rome: De Luca, 1998), 155-74.