MAPPING DIFFERENCE THROUGH THE GOVERNOR GENERAL'S

AWARDS: NATIONAL IDENTITY PEDAGOGY

IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION, 1971-1982

By

DESI VALENTINE

Integrated Studies Project

submitted to Dr. Lisa Micheelsen

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts – Integrated Studies

Athabasca, Alberta

October, 2014 MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION ii

Abstract

In this study, I explore the political, historical and social contexts of Canadian literary canon formation and identify the Governor General's Awards as a key mechanism of the

Canadian state's national identity project. During the post-war period, the Government of

Canada became concerned with differentiating our culture from that of the United States and of

Great Britain, resulting in a new interest in uniquely Canadian cultural production. Nationally and internationally the 1960s and 1970s were times of great political unrest, reflected in Canada by minority group civil rights pressures and, most intensely, by French-Canadians' demands for nationhood within the province of Quebec. Out of this milieu emerged the Canada Council for the Arts' acquisition of the Governor General's Awards in 1959, The Official Languages Act of

1969, and the 1971 White Paper on Canadian Multiculturalism, which contains the founding and enduring tenets of our current multiculturalism policies.

In order to problematize Canada's multicultural mythology, I look for de-racialized, counter-discursive narratives of difference to mark points of resistance against the emerging legitimation of state-vetted formations of social identities during the policies' nascent expansion.

Via self-consciously positional critical discourse analyses of novels given the Governor

General's Award for English-Language Fiction during this period, I outline a provisional collective biography of 1970s Canada. I conclude that the education in Canadian identity narrated by state-vetted fiction of this period represents the double-pedagogy of inclusion/exclusion through which Canada's past and current processes of ethnic and behavioural

'whiteness' are superficially contested but purposefully maintained.

MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION iii

To Mike, for all of the times you listened to me parse theory well past midnight, filled the

backseat with library books, traveled across the country and the planet to watch me present my

work, held my hand, dried my tears, poured my wine, shut down my laptop, cheered for me, and

proved yourself to be my best and dearest friend. Thank you, my love.

I could never have done this without you. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION iv

Acknowledgements

I would like to express sincere thanks to Dr. Lisa Micheelsen for opening my eyes to critical theory, for introducing me to the interdisciplinary, educational social justice project that is Cultural Studies, and for her encouragement and feedback throughout my degree program.

Thank you so much, Lisa. Your kind words kept me lifted when I wasn't sure I would make it through this. I am also grateful for the support and guidance of Dr. Joseph Pivato and Dr.

Carolyn Redl, who have made me a better writer, a better public speaker, and a better educator than I dreamed possible two years ago. Thank you for helping to clear a space for me to write my way home. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION v

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii

Dedication ...... iii

Acknowledgements ...... iv

Introduction ...... 1

Canadian Multiculturalism ...... 4

Canadian Multicultural Literature ...... 9

The Governor General's Awards ...... 15

Methodology ...... 19

Study Sample ...... 24

Research Question ...... 24

Findings ...... 25

Critical Summaries ...... 26

1972 - The Manticore ...... 26

1973 - The Temptations of Big Bear ...... 29

1974 - The Diviners ...... 32

1975 - The Great Victorian Collection ...... 34

1976 - Bear ...... 35

1977 - The Wars ...... 36

1978 - Who Do You Think You Are? ...... 38

1979 - The Resurrection of Joseph Bourne ...... 39

1980 - Burning Water ...... 41

1981 - Home Truths ...... 43 MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION vi

Discussion ...... 44

Concluding Remarks ...... 50

References ...... 52 MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 1

Mapping Difference Through the Governor General's Awards:

National Identity Pedagogy in English-Language Fiction, 1971-1982

Introduction

The public memory engineered by national pedagogy through the culture of celebrity is

not necessarily the kind mobilized by a nostalgia of the past. Memory, in this context, is

not ana-historic; rather, it has a proleptic function. It engages the past but it does so in

order to restructure the present and remember the future. The cohesiveness of the

national imaginary that emerges from it is not the same as the cohesive nation of that

past. While the cohesiveness depended on constructing an imaginary homogeneity, the

cohesive nation of the present has moved beyond a genetic sense of national kinship;

instead, it depends on – in fact it celebrates – the politics of difference. (Kamboureli,

2004, p. 51)

This passage from Smaro Kamboureli's chapter "The Culture of Celebrity and National

Pedagogy" in Cynthia Sugars' (2004) Home-Work: Postcoloniaism, Pedagogy & Canadian

Literature provides the entry point for this paper's exploration of difference in Governor

General's Award winning English-language fiction from the inception of Canada's

Multiculturalism policy in 1971 to the patriation of the Canadian Constitution and the Canadian

Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982. I am, irrevocably, situated in the present and therefore cannot be fully immersed in the circumstances of the past. As Carolyn Redl (1996) points out in

"Neither Here nor There: Canadian Fiction by the Multicultural Generation", cultural texts read differently through a backward looking gaze (p. 23). I cannot claim to be immune to the national imaginary through which my present tense is filtered, but I am intent on interrogating its politics of difference. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 2

I was born in the late 1970s, entered elementary school the year the Canadian

Constitution was patriated, and I graduated from high school into an officially Multicultural

Canadian populace in which it was perfectly all right for me to be black/brown/mixed- race/mulatto/African-Canadian, but extremely poor manners for me to talk about how the race on my face may influence my job prospects, my wages, or my particular allotment of cultural capital (Brydon, 2003, p. 68; Goldie, 2003, p. 301; King, 2012, p. 185). Like Smaro Kamboureli

(2000), Roxana Ng (2005), and a growing host of Canadian scholars and critics, I hope to write about difference from difference, working from a self-conscious awareness of my socially constructed positionality to interrogate the discursive scaffolds on which our positions in difference are balanced and how they may be shifted free.

I use the plural of 'scaffold' intentionally because we each occupy multiple positionalities, and the cultural capital those discursive locations infer varies among sociopolitical contexts.

Stuart Hall tells us there are no fixed identities (1996) – personal or cultural, an assertion with which Kamboureli (2000) agrees; however, the illusion of fixity allows for the productive interrogation of those structures that most benefit from such illusions. In more pragmatic terms, a cautious acceptance of difference as a fixed category against which identities adhere relationally as 'Other' allows me to build a box around my field of analysis in order that the field itself is not too large or too complex to produce something knowable, and contain it in such a way that others may challenge, critique and expand on that knowledge. Anchoring my analytical field in time allows for a constant, conscious awareness of the inherent incompleteness of my backward-looking gaze. For the purposes of this study, then, I construct a temporally situated box labeled '1971-1982'. Within that box, I place a temporally determined set of cultural texts – those novels that were awarded the Governor General's Award for English Language Fiction MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 3 between 1971 and 1982. Self-consciously, I then read these texts through two overlapping paradigms of difference – my lived positionality in difference as a woman and a visible minority in 2014 Canada and difference as a social identity constructed by and through the discourses of official Multiculturalism that emerged between 1971 and 1982.

My purpose is to consider state-vetted (un)official narratives of difference at their nascent stage in order to outline the foundations of the national pedagogy of difference disseminated among and through Canadian cultures today. Here 'pedagogy' refers to an attempt at

"responsible mind changing" (Brydon, 2003, p. 63) on a national scale, or an education in citizenship and social roles from the Canadian government to its populace (Kamboureli, 2000); the formation of a teaching narrative on matters of who 'We' are in relation to 'Them'. In working toward this purpose, I will first describe and examine Canadian Multicultural policy, followed by a discussion of the Governor General's Award for English-language fiction in the context of the Canada Council's multiculturalism mandate. From there I will discuss Canadian literary prizes as a mechanism for generating cultural and political capital for the prize-winning authors and the nation from which they write. This analysis will be operationalized to foreground the methodological parameters for critical discourse analyses of the ten selected

Governor General's Award-winning texts. I argue that these texts contain a temporally delimited collective biography of Canada's national memory, and suggest that because these texts were vetted by the state during the initial decade of Canadian multiculturalism policy, the difference represented within them may reveal the foundational rungs of the identity-scaffolds on which we now stand. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 4

Canadian Multiculturalism

Canada's Multiculturalism Policy is actually a series of policy statements, acts of law, and constitutional documents (Dewing, 2013; Kamboureli, 2000; Kirova, 2008; Lund, 2003). It began with Pierre Elliot Trudeau's famous 1971 White Paper, which declared Canada a multicultural country and through which the federal government ascribed to itself the symbolic and judicial responsibility for the harmonious cohabitation of Canada's ethnic groups. Judicial protection to ethnic minorities was extended via the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as included in the Constitution Act 1982, granting special consideration to the language and cultural rights of Aboriginal peoples and French Canadians (Behiels, 2004; Landes, 1998), but also writing into federal law protection from hate crimes based on gender, race, or ethnicity

(Dewing, 2013). The Multiculturalism Act, passed into law in 1988, combined symbolic rhetoric with judicial protection, including provisions for affirmative action protocols to increase the presence of visible minorities and Aboriginal peoples in the federal bureaucracy, clarification of the special position of French language and culture in the Canadian polity, and statements regarding the value of Canada's non-official languages and cultural diversity (Jansen, 2005).

Through the 1970s and early 1980s, the provinces of Canada established multiculturalism policies of their own, each legislating provisions in their public schooling curricula for the support and celebration of cultural diversity (Dewing, 2013; Kirova, 2008; Lund, 2003).

The language of the Multiculturalism Act is significant here, not because the words carry particularly effective judicial or legislative authority (Jansen, 2005), but because they are emotionally evocative and powerful vessels for our "national mythology" (Kirova, 2008, p. 115; see also Keating, 2007). Item (h) of Section 3 is particularly moving. It states that it is the policy of the Government of Canada to "foster the recognition and appreciation of the diverse MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 5 cultures of Canadian society and promote the reflection and the evolving expressions of those cultures" (The Government of Canada, 1988, p. 4). It describes a (potential) country where cultural identities are fluid, organic, evolving and diverse, not fixed or static racial categories. It could describe a place where the racialization of brown-skinned people, immigrants and indigenous communities was a regrettable, historical error.

The problems with the Act and its supporting documents, however, are many and illustrate well the structural barriers to meaningful ethnocultural and racial equality in multicultural Canada. Of the over one hundred ethnic groups represented in Canada in the late

1980s (Henry, 2002), only the English and French ethnolinguistic groups are explicitly referenced in federal multiculturalism policies. Provisions for the protection of Aboriginal cultures are included in the policies, but there is no consideration for specific ethnocultural groups or linguistic communities so subsumed under the 'Aboriginal' category (Jansen, 2005).

There is a false assumption of cultural homogeneity amongst the British and French 'charter' or

'founding' nations and within the indigenous cultures they displaced. These circumstances are indicative of the colonial foundations on which the policies were written. Himani Bannerji

(2000), George Sefa Dei and Agnes Calliste (2000), Sunera Thobani (2007), Smaro Kamboureli

(2000) and others maintain that though the wording of Canada's multiculturalism policies may have changed over time, their meaning reflects the same protections for Canada's charter cultures entrenched in Trudeau's 1971 White Paper – to the functional exclusion of cultural Others.

Patricia Wood and Liette Gilbert (2005) argue that Canada's original multiculturalism policies were drafted in an attempt to keep the peace between the English-Canadian political elite and the French-Canadian secessionist threat, echoing Himani Bannerji's (2000) vehement assertion that the policies' espousal of "'difference studded unity,' its 'multicultural mosaic,' MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 6 becomes an ideological sleight of hand pitted against Quebec's presumably greater cultural homogeneity" (p. 95). In the present, as in the past, Bannerji (2000) remarks, "The two solitudes glare at each other from the barricades of an ongoing colonial war" (p. 95). The cultural mosaic

Trudeau's government is presumed to have envisioned was not pieced together out of a hundred different colours and shapes of tile, but of two or three – or possibly a half-dozen if, as Wood and Gilbert (2005) describe, policy consideration was given to the interests of Ukrainian peoples and "'the other [white] ethnic groups'" who had been dominated by the English elite since the early settlement period toward the creation of a "'white Canada'" (Wood & Gilbert, p. 6; see also

Jansen 2005, p. 21). That the mosaic itself was arranged in bands of colours, not patterns of interspersal, with the band representing Canada's longstanding English/Anglo-Celtic elite positioned firmly at the top, was the central tenet of John Porter's (1965) The Vertical Mosaic:

An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada, and remains one of the key criticisms of liberal multicultural education (Ng, 1995; Wong, 2008).

It is easy to forget, through a backward looking gaze, that in the early 1970s visible minorities represented only three percent of Canada's population (Jansen, 2005, p. 26), and many of our First Nations peoples were still enduring residential schooling or under-funded reserve schools where English or French customs and behavioural codes were taught through abusive and psychologically damaging means (Friesen & Friesen, 2002). It is doubtful that the historical and political contexts from which Canada's multiculturalism policies emerged could have equipped policymakers with the tools to envision or give meaningful support to the sort of culturally and phenotypically heterogeneous nation that is now part of our national mythology.

Canada's multiculturalism legislation was designed to assuage the fears of Canada's other 'charter culture' in Quebec while affirming continued English-Canadian dominance, and otherwise MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 7 maintaining the status quo. Faced with the potential fragmentation of Canada's landmass via

Quebec's separation, Trudeau's Liberal government drafted the multiculturalism policy statements as a reactive measure, spoken into Parliament less than a single calendar year after the

Front du libération de Québec's October Crisis (New, 2003). Over the decades that saw the policies' focus at implementation expand from The French-Canadian Problem to include The

Immigrant Problem (see Bannerji, 2000, p. 117; Gunew, 1997, p. 24; and Kamboureli, 2000, p.

48-57), the reactive nature of Multiculturalism policy remains a central concern.

Up until the late 1960s, Canada's immigration policies gave preferential treatment to visibly Caucasian people from wealthy Western democracies (Elabor-Idemudia, 2005, p. 65).

Through the 1970s, these restrictions were gradually eased until, from the late 1980s onward, the majority of the 200 000 individuals immigrating to Canada were visibly not Caucasian, but of racial identities attached to Third World, developing, slave and coolie labour source countries

(Henry, 2002; New, 2003). The term 'race', previously used to distinguish between English and

French ethnocultural groups in Canadian policy (Behiels, 2004), came to be conflated with the term 'visible minority', "itself a stereotypical Canadian euphemism" (Goldie, 2003, p. 301), via the implementation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and the Multiculturalism Act of 1988. The Employment Equity Act of 1995 provided the first official federal definition of

'visible minority' as "persons, other than Aboriginal people, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour" (The Government of Canada, 1995, p. 2).

Again, the language of the Act deserves close attention. French-Canadians are now included in the Caucasian race as distinct from those visibly Other. Aboriginal-Canadians are excluded from the 'visible minority' category as a separate policy consideration from those of all other darker-skinned phenotypes. The purpose of the Act is "to correct the conditions of MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 8 disadvantage in employment experienced by women, aboriginal peoples, persons with disabilities and members of visible minorities" (The Government of Canada, 1995, p. 1), which positions male Caucasian-Canadians as the generous benefactors of policy concessions to those of lesser stature. Interpreted this way, official Multiculturalism reeks of Red Toryism, of noblesse oblige, where the cultural elite holds out their hands to offer humanitarian aid but also to hold on tight to their own superior positions of power.

Canada's multiculturalism polices are therefore demonstrably a reaction by the privileged to maintain their privileged status and to protect their material and cultural assets from the civil unrest challenging Western democracies during the last three decades of the 20th century, and from their rapidly growing immigrant populations (James, 2005; Wong, 2008). Whether stimulated in part by the increased mobility of people of all ethnicities that arose via the rapid globalization of capital, human resources, information technology, and supra-national governance, as Patience Elabor-Idemudia (2005) and Ratna Ghosh and Ali Abdi (2004) argue, or encouraged by the lobbying efforts of Aboriginal and visible minority immigrant and Canadian- born sub-cultural elites, as Wood and Gilbert argue (2005), and as Bannerji (2000) infers, the policies function to protect the sociopolitical centre from meaningful incursions by the cultural and socioeconomic margins.

Forty-two years and two failed Quebecois secession referendums later, the non-violent ongoing resolution of Canada's criminal behaviour toward the Aboriginal peoples its borders contain (King, 2012), and an international reputation for a peaceful, healthy, and inclusive society (Elabor-Idemudia, 2005; Lund, 2003; Wood & Gilbert, 2005), indicates that this reactive federal and popular refiguring of what Canadian multiculturalism means has been extremely effective. The privileged, with rare exceptions, have their peace. That non-white, visible MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 9 minority and Aboriginal people comprise the vast majority of Canada's impoverished, underemployed, under-educated, and incarcerated (Kirova, 2008; Wotherspoon, 2002) indicates that Canada's original cultural mosaic may have gained more colour but suffered only minimal re-situation of its original tiles. Who is different, in relation to the white Euro-American, primarily British/Anglophone physical and behavioural Canadian norms, remains who is Other in Canadian multiculturalism policy.

Canadian Multicultural Literature

While it is tempting to draw a linear relationship between the failure of multiculturalism policy (Bissoondath, 1994), and of multicultural public education policy in particular (Dei &

Calliste, 2000), to have produced a truly ethnically integrated, truly non-racist, truly multi- cultural Canadian society, and the socially elitist and politically reactive tenets on which

Canadian multiculturalism was based, we cannot presume such a relationship is causal. Through the backward-looking gaze it is easy to conclude that, because multiculturalism policy was inadequately drafted, legislated, implemented, and enforced, the multicultural myth for which we

Canadians are so nationally and internationally celebrated is, at best, an "unfulfilled promise"

(Saul, 2005, p. 179), and, at worst, a discourse that silences those racialized, ethnicized, marginalized Others who would voice the policies' inadequacies (Dei & Calliste, 2000, p. 11).

But if we consider, with Kamboureli (2000), that law is textual, "operat[ing] in much the same way as that of any literary enterprise" (p. 97), and therefore a matter of communication, then we must consider if and how these communications are heard. And if we maintain, with Hall

(1980), that all communications – even those intentionally inserted into popular culture by the state and/or the state's cohort of socioeconomic elites – are subject to the interpretations of the MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 10 communications' receivers who then (re)interpret and (re)distribute those narratives as their own, then any assumption of policy-sourced discursive linearity is fundamentally troubled.

Such an assumption omits the role of the (re)interpreter and the (re)distributor – or, in plain language, the people of Canada. This means that if we want to interrogate the relationship between official Multiculturalism policy and lived multicultural subjectivities, we need to consider the Canadian populace's complicity in the multicultural mythmaking project, and thus our participation in the concurrent national memory-making project through which the past is homogenized to better fit an idealized (superficially) heterogeneous present (Kamboureli, 2004).

We need to consider how the policy of the state is (re)imagined and read back to its policymakers by the people whose behaviours the state would presume to change. It is therefore productive to look to the (un)official narratives that emerged in the myth's nascent stages – to cultural texts produced by Canadians – and the historical and political contexts that shaped them.

On the period during which multiculturalism policy emerged, literary scholar William

Herbert New writes,

Ethnicity, religion, gender: these three issues stood behind many a resistance movement.

All fastened on language as a means of redefining the parameters of power and the

character of available history. They marked the literature of the quarter century between

1960 and 1985; they encouraged the rapid development of the social sciences; they

shaped the force and direction of political movements. (New, 2003, p. 204)

New's "brief literary history" (p. 204) is consciously situated in the nation-building politics of that time. In particular, he traces the parallel careers of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Réné

Lévesque through the implementation of the Official Languages Act in 1969, through the

October crisis during which "[t]he Front de Libération du Québec (or FLQ) adopted terrorist MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 11 tactics to encourage the separation of Quebec from Canada" (p. 205) in 1970, the multiculturalism policy White Paper of 1971, and the patriation of the Canadian Constitution in

1982. Here, again, in New's view, the cultural policy statements of Trudeau's Liberal government are targeted at resolving the tensions between English and French Canada. Yet here, again, the efficacy of those policies is questionable. As previously mentioned, two Québecois secession referendums occurred in the decades following the explicit inclusion of the protection of French-Canadian linguistic and cultural rights in the Charter Act 1982 and, as New points out,

Quebec refused to sign the Constitution Act 1982, "leaving many social tensions unresolved" (p.

208). The federal communication regarding a cohesive Canadian nationhood was not interpreted as planned.

Perhaps more significant, in terms of Canada's multicultural myth-making project, are the changes to the Immigration Act implemented in the 1970s, which resulted in a growing influx of people from developing and emerging nations that continues to this day. Whether or not Canada was (or is) truly multicultural, it was becoming increasingly multi-colourful – even if the ethnic communities contributing to Canada's phenotypical and ethnocultural variety tended to be concentrated in culturally homogenous ghettos, neighbourhoods and rural communities

(Bissoondath, 1994; James, 2005). The "uneven regional distribution of ethnic groups"

(emphasis original, New, 2003, p. 209), remains a concern for multiculturalist educators and policymakers (Jansen, 2005). Though the works of non-white, non-Euro-American authors were generally not considered candidates for the Canadian literary canon during the 1970s (Redl,

1996; Young, 2001), books published in this time did reflect an increasing preoccupation with marginality, indigeneity, ethnicism, nationalism; or the cultural politics of difference, and some of them were supported by federal arts grant funding. New (2003) writes, "The degree of MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 12 government and academic involvement in literature in these years emphasizes how broadly political cultural affairs had become" (p. 216), but it is important not to overstate the role of the state and the academy in these politics. Authors writing difference, and their reading public, are not passive vessels for the transmission of elitist political ideals. Implicit and explicit narratives of resistance can be found in these texts.

New's brief literary history concerns itself with published Canadian writings in general, including lesser known, experimental, and dramatic works; however, he does devote several paragraphs to the emerging writers of the Canadian canon, including Robertson Davies, Marian

Engel, Rudy Wiebe, Mavis Gallant, Margaret Laurence, Alice Munro, and George Bowering – each of whom were awarded Governor General's Awards for fiction between 1971 and 1982. In her comparative analysis of Canadian and American canonical texts, Sarah Corse (1995) argues that Canada did not have a literary canon prior to the post-war period, due in large part to the ambivalence of Canadians' desire to differentiate our culture from that of our British founders.

Corse's conclusions speak to New's assertion that Canadians' consciousness of marginality was not only intercultural or interethnic, but also avowedly inter-national (Corse, 1995, p. 1289;

New, 2003, p. 211). Canadians were concerned about their lesser status relative to their powerful American neighbours and their influential British founders. "In Canada this meant a relatively late interest in the canon, which was concerned with differentiation from both England and the U.S." (Corse, 1995, p. 1295).

If, as Corse (1995) argues (and certainly as anecdotal evidence maintains), Canadian and

American tastes in fiction for entertainment are almost identical while the content and tropes in

Canadian versus American literary fiction differ significantly, then we come to the question of how Canadian canonical literature has been produced, and how its continued production has been MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 13 supported. The market alone was (and arguably remains) incapable of supporting uniquely

Canadian cultural production (Roberts, 2011; Young, 2001). Journalist and literary critic Philip

Marchand (1998) writes, "In Canada, few openly profess a belief that the government should not

'involve itself in the arts in any way'. Our arts are too tender a plant for such a state of affairs..."

(p. 63). In the absence of the populace's desire to buy Canadian literature, the state funded canon becomes a reflection not of what Canadians want to read, but what state-supported funding bodies believe Canadians should read. This scenario begs a second question: How would those texts reflect our presumed shared identity?

To summarize, the 1970s marked the beginning of Canada's efforts at defining a national cultural identity; the beginning of our national memory-making project. Part of this project derives from parliamentary policy statements and legislative acts, but it was also influenced by extra-national relationships with Britain and the United States, by changes in immigration policies directed at expanding Canada's economy, and no-doubt by the strong counter-cultural and Civil Rights movements that define the 1960s and 1970s in our backward-looking gaze. I am reminded here of Canadian author and critic George Elliott Clarke's (2002a, 2002b) engagement with American Black counter-culture in 1970s Halifax and Toronto, and the mixed feelings of belonging and exclusion he felt. Young people all over the West were trying to figure out their social identities, their subjectivities, in a time when social roles and systems of power were being threatened and revised, and when rapid advancements in communication and transportation were changing the look and feel of the populace. 'Racial' and ethnocultural difference-based exclusion were being challenged in public spaces, in the media, in mass culture, and in the arts. These fights for ethnic, racial, gender, and cultural equality may have been the

West's first intranational humanitarian exercises. This is perhaps why, however it was intended MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 14 in policy, multiculturalism rapidly came to be "considered by many to be a policy for minority groups, as a way for 'true' Canadians to do something nice for minorities" (Jansen, 2005, p. 31) in practice. The practice was carried out, in part, through public education, but also through federal funding initiatives for multicultural narratives – for those (un)official pedagogies of difference.

Judy Young's (2001) article "No Longer "Apart"? Multiculturalism Policy and Canadian

Literature" is both an explanation and a defense of arts funding derived from the Canadian multiculturalism policy initiatives. While the state-sponsorship of 'heritage', 'cultural', and

'ethnic' themed initiatives by Canadian artists is excoriated by Himani Bannerji (2000), Neil

Bissoondath (1994), and Sunera Thobani (2007), among others; and while intense criticisms of the "'sari, steel drum and samosa' approach" (Ghosh, 2004, p. 554) to multicultural inclusion in public education has produced multiple textbooks, conferences and anthologies, it is difficult to refute Young's (2001) key argument. She writes, "Multiculturalism did not marginalize artists, marginalization was a fact of life before the Multiculturalism policy" (p. 106), so it follows that directing funds to elevate the profile of these artists would ameliorate their marginalization to some degree. That texts received Multicultural Program funding based on 'ethnic' content, as opposed having been authored or produced by a member of a cultural minority because "it seemed better to base funding decisions on the nature of the project" (Young, 2001, p. 96) is almost as troubling, to me at my present positionality, as Young's argument that the physical and cultural ghettoization of immigrant communities provided the foundational experiences on which some writers could find and hone their narrative voices and elevate their literary craft (p. 109).

However, if the funding process and its associated decisions are read as a double- pedagogy through which artists are taught to perform the role 'ethnic-Canadian' and the funding MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 15 bodies are taught how best to define and support those roles, then the materialism of federal difference politics is more easily de-articulated from personal affront. The purpose of multicultural policy is appeasement or, in Kamboureli's (2000) words, a "sedative politics" (p.

82), through which those 'ethnic' and 'immigrant' authors who have "'graduated' through the multicultural school" (Young, 2001, p. 103) can be held up as proof of Canada's meaningful inclusivity, even while systemic, difference-based exclusion persists. For these purposes, the canon – those texts marked as the best of Canadian literary production by the state – need not necessarily reflect the culture of the Canadian people so much as the multicultural myth so necessary for maintaining the illusion, the memory, of a unique and culturally cohesive Canadian populace.

The Governor General's Awards

The Governor General's Literary Awards were established in 1936 by then-Governor

General Lord Tweedsmuir and administered by the Canadian Authors' Association until 1959, when that role was assumed by the Canada Council for the Arts (Martin, 2003; Roberts, 2011).

Founded in 1957, the Canada Council is a federal line department charged with the promotion and preservation of Canadian cultural products. Its acquisition of the Governor General's

Awards was part of a larger project, begun at the department's inception, to define and develop a

Canadian literary canon through program grants to writers, publishers, academics, and distributors (Roberts, 2011). At a time when both the populace and the state were deeply concerned with individual and national identity politics, the Governor General's Awards provided a mechanism for both raising the profile of Canadian authors, or promoting the consumption of "Canadian-ness" (Corse, 1995, p. 1299; Roberts, 2011, p. 21) by Canadian readers, and for establishing a foundational pedagogy of Canadian identity through literature. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 16

The Canada Council was not directly supported by federal Multiculturalism Program funds but, as part of the Government of Canada, was assuredly expected to reflect the ideological bent of its legislators. Further, the line department that was directly funded by the multiculturalism program, the Writing and Publications Program, worked in tandem with the

Canada Council to support the tenets of official Multiculturalism, and was ultimately phased out as Canada Council programs for ethnic minority authors and groups overtook the WPP's purview

(Young, 2001). According to some critics, the Governor General's Award mandate for a culturally and regionally inclusive awards panel, and its demonstrable concern for celebrating experimental, "wonky" (Marchand, 1998, p. 68), and 'ethnic' literatures reflects less of a concern for celebrating the best writing in Canada than for furthering the Government of Canada's desire

"to implement particular political agendas under the guise of celebrating literature (Roberts,

2011, p. 22). Ruth Martin (2003) writes,

The Governor General's Literary Award is a tax-based government program that creates a

canon of selected texts through its institution. Unlike other privately funded literary

prizes, the Governor General's Award is a political award; it tells the world that these

winners are perceived by the Canadian government as the best of our literary culture.

(Martin, 2003, p. 102)

Winning the Governor General's Award is not the sole criteria for entrance into the Canadian literary canon, as we learn from the first The New Canadian Library series produced in 1957 and the (Canada Council funded) inaugural edition of The Literary History of Canada printed in

1965 (Martin, 2003), and from the winners of the international Mann Booker Prize for Literature which was established in 1969, and, more recently, with the Giller Prize for Canadian fiction which was founded in 1994 (Roberts, 2011; York, 2007). The Governor General's Awards are, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 17 however, the only literary award for Canadian authors sponsored directly by the Canadian state, and consequently bear a greater weight of the sociopolitical responsibility for defining Canada's national identity, whether or not the winning texts are "less riveting to the average consumer of culture than to the elites to whom the legitimation and interpretation of national-level experience falls or to the government whose right and ability to rule are legitimated by the national voice."

(Corse, 1995, p. 1299).

In the process of defining for Canadians, and the broader international community, what it means to be Canadian, the Governor General's Awards serve as a mechanism for outlining conditional, temporary, transitive, and incomplete Canadian subjectivities. Put another way, if the role of the Canada Council is to define for Canadians who 'We' are through the promotion of

Our arts and culture, the exclusionary procedures of prizes geared to celebrate 'bestness' concurrently teach us who 'They' are – Our ethnic, racial and cultural Others. Again, this double- pedagogy has troubling implications through the backward looking gaze of a self-consciously inclusive present tense fatigued by multiculturalist discourse (Kamboureli, 2000, p. 83), and by all of its "unfulfilled promise[s]" (Saul, 2005, p.179).

But if we begin again with the 1971 White Paper on multiculturalism and its resulting

Liberal government policy statements and consider, as Kamboureli (2000) does, how the politically reactive and culturally protectionist tenets of that White Paper persist largely unchanged through the policy revisions and legislative Acts comprising our current Canadian multicultural policy, then we can separate the project of Canadian identity education through canon formation from the lived realities of Canadian people. The cultural margins in present-day

Canada are inarguably more porous and more mobile than they were in the 1970s, though racism, cultural ghettoization, and ethnicity-based exclusion remain active narratives in many MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 18

Canadians' lives. Literary prizes and the resultant literary celebrity have permitted some writers from the cultural margins to gain entrance to a version of the cultural centre (Kamboureli, 2004;

Roberts, 2011; York 2007), but like any success derived from humanitarian aid and any awareness derived from humanitarian narratives, who the real winner is – the benefactor or the beneficiary – is difficult to determine (Kamboureli, 2013).

If the Canadian multiculturalism project, of which the Governor General's awards are a part, involves the appropriation and celebration of homogenous versions of cultural Selves and

(ethno)cultural Others for the purpose of teaching a memory of national cohesiveness to the

Canadian public and the state's international stakeholders (Roberts, 2011; Kamboureli, 2000,

2004), then 'difference' as defined by the protections of the multiculturalism policies is an inadequate entry point for an analysis of the cultural politics of difference. Having a mother- tongue other than English or French, being Aboriginal, being a visible minority, and practicing a non-Christian religion are (superficial) subjectivities already appropriated by the state. These broad categories serve to homogenize 'difference' and mask both intra-cultural and transcultural discourses (see, for example, Barker & Galasinski [2001], James & Wood [2005]), and Walcott

[1997]. Narratives of difference-based resistance – counter-discourses of 'difference' – must be approached from an alternative perspective.

Leila Villaverde (2000) defines "whiteness" as a "systemic ideological apparatus that is used to normalize civility, instill rationality, erase emotion, erase difference, impose middle-class values and beliefs with an assumption of a heterosexual matrix" (p. 46), an operationalization that meshes well with the 'silencing' discourses and 'sedative politics' of Canadian multiculturalism (Dei & Calliste, 2000; Kamboureli, 2000). Further, we know that there were relatively few visible minorities living and writing in Canada during the 1970s and early 1980s, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 19 and that none of those attained canonical acclaim during that period. For the purposes of this study, then, I am looking for representations of de-racialized, (non)whiteness in those novels that won the Governor General's Award for fiction between 1971 and 1982. I am looking for incivility, irrationality, emotionality, poverty, anti-consumerism, and transgressions of heterosexual gender norms. Put another way, I am looking for anti-normative, and therefore counter-discursive, narratives in those literatures that have received our nation's highest state- sponsored literary honour. I am particularly interested in how those narratives may or may not have changed between the Multiculturalism Policy statements of 1971 and the entrenchment of multiculturalism in The Constitution Act 1982, and in the informal pedagogical implications of those changes. The outcome of this study will be a brief collective biography of the cultural moment from which our current multicultural mythology emerged.

Methodology

There is no fundamental epistemological distinction between ethnography, physical

science and a multi-layered novel; they all involve socially agreed procedures which

produce texts of more or less use to us in guiding our conduct. The differences are not

degrees of correspondence with reality but matters of purpose and genre. (Barker and

Galasinski, 2001, p. 19)

On the face of it, 'collective biography' suggests the narration of the life experiences shared by a group of people, as told by an outsider. Described by Jerome Clubb and Howard Allen (1977) in

"Collective Biography and the Progressive Movement: The 'Status Revolution' Revisited", collective biography is synonymous with prosopography, or a method of studying a group of contemporaneous historical figures by drawing from the amassed details of their lives a common biographical thread. Though Clubb and Allen's work is nearly four decades old, and would be MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 20 considered outdated to some, more recent theorizing on this topic, by Sidonie Smith and Julia

Watson (2010) concludes,

"[T]he interweaving of personal and public stories continues to be a hallmark of

theorizing life writing, which both the consciousness-raising practices of 1970s feminism

and the workers' and everyday life stories of the earlier twentieth century used as forms

of prosopography with political goals" (p. 231).

So defined, a collective biography is the story of overlapping, fixed identities that strips individual truths in order to reveal shared meaning.

This approach is valuable when building political agency for a marginalized group, as the works of W.E.B. DuBois (1897), bell hooks (2000), Elisabeth Badinter (2011), and others attest, but when these models of shared meaning become commonly held definitions of marginalized groups, their collective biographies may become restrictive, not transformative. Our social identities are not fixed; they change with time, experience, perspective and audience – with context and positionality. Prosopography may give valuable historical insight and allow more meaningful historiographical narration (see especially Keita, 2000), but it is an inadequate tool for uncovering the truths of individual lives. It fails to accommodate the inherent bias in the backward looking gaze. In response to these challenges, Bronwyn Davies and Susanne Gannon

(2006) present a reimagined methodology of collective biography that relies heavily on autoethnography to engage the unavoidable researcher bias actively in disclosing and disrupting discursive constraints.

Davies and Gannon's (2006) instructional text, Doing Collective Biography, outlines the process as workshop oriented. Scholars are drawn together from multiple disciplines of the humanities and social sciences to participate in collective self life-writing on issues of gender, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 21 difference, subjectivity, and cultural politics through memory work, discussion and collaboration. However, the key methodologies of autoethnography, critical discourse analysis, interdisciplinary interpretive frameworks, and the inclusion of private and popular narratives, are portable, if challenging to undertake (see Bansel, Davies & Laws, 2009; and Gonick, Walsh &

Brown, 2001). The purpose is to draw attention to the hegemonic, discursive constraints that make systemic marginalization seem 'normal' in our day-to-day lives. It is not intended to become or enforce "a hierarchy of suffering in our engagement with each other's stories"

(Gonick, Walsh & Brown, 2001, p.748), or an exploitative humanitarian narrative. It is intended to draw out the unsayable from the silences of immediate, continual, systemic trauma, "towards an ethically responsible understanding of the part we play in granting or withholding recognition of the other" (Davies & Gannon, 2006, p. 182).

Collective biography draws on myriad personal truths to reveal the false footing of exclusionary social norms. In so doing, "[t]he ethical and aesthetic practices of collective biography begin to dissolve a binary that sets 'true' representation against good fiction" (Davies

& Gannon, 2006, p. 182). 'Truth' is a relational point of departure, not a theoretical conclusion, which is a challenge to external validity some scholars simply cannot reconcile. Leon Anderson

(2006) argues forcefully for a more empirical methodology in his article "Analytic

Autoethnography", proposing a more legitimate (or perhaps legitimize-able) middle ground between realist ethnography and evocative autoethnography. For him, there is no external validity in evocative ethnography, and its practitioners are intentionally or unintentionally exchanging rigourous social science research for "self-absorption" (p. 385), "solipsism" and

"author saturation" (p. 386); exchanging established ethnographic methodologies of generalizable, empirical data creation for a social-scientifically useless "N of one" (p. 386). MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 22

Though Davies and Gannon (2006) argue for an equally rigorous linkage between self-narrative and scholarly critique, the embodied practice and the evocative tone of their work reduces, not enhances, its accessibility to researchers like Anderson and, arguably, to a public conditioned to legitimacy couched in scholarly rhetoric.

Anderson's concerns merit consideration. While scholarly rhetoric is often not a safe place from which marginalized or subordinated individuals can (re)tell their experiences, especially when speaking for the purpose of exposing the taken-for-granted acts of dominance perpetuated by social norms, institutions and hegemonies, scholarly rhetoric remains the socially accepted template for academic legitimacy in the academy (Mills, 1997, p. 69). And while evocative self-narrations can be personally transformative and empowering (Davies & Gannon,

2006; Spry, 2001), and may contribute to a body of acceptable life-trajectories in our socially held narratives of lives (Bruner, 1995, pp. 169-173), the generalizability of the story of self to the story of society remains problematic. There is the potential for slippage between telling a good story and practicing good ethnography.

Stripped to its bare bones, Collective Biography is an educational methodology for critical discourse analysis carried out by contextualizing shared narratives in history and ideology, analyzing those narratives to expose taken-for-granted social discourses, and operationalizing those findings toward teaching and learning about individual and systemic sources of social inequalities. The lived experiences of the researching collective are integral sources of the data to be analyzed, their experiences critiqued to produce an integrated biography of the discursive shaping of the researchers' social identities. This work can reveal the foundational bars of the scaffolds on which difference-based social subjectivities are balanced and has been carried out to expose and interrogate the discursive pedagogies of "girling" (Davies, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 23

Gannon, McCann, de Carteret, Stewart & Watson, 2006) and "bullying" (Bansel, Davies &

Laws, 2009) in juvenile fiction and popular cultural texts.

But when writing exclusively and intentionally from the Self, all those who are excluded from the collectivity are potentially Other, which can cause difference adhered to other-than-Self to be interpreted in data-distorting ways. Replicability and external validity remain unresolved concerns. The collective biography I hope to accomplish in this study works from the awareness of bias, subjectivity and the backward looking gaze espoused in Davies and Gannon's (2006) processes, in that I write about discourses of difference constructed in the past from my present position in difference, as a woman and visible minority in male-dominated, 'white' Canada. To frame my analysis and improve my study's external validity, I draw on the set study sample and increased openness to replicability found in collective biographical methods more closely matching prosopography.

My study focuses on a particular set of cultural texts, not a given collectivity or social strata of people (or cultural text producers), though there is obvious overlap between these data fields. In looking to uncover the foundations of the national multicultural imaginary and trouble the fissures in our ongoing national memory-making project, I look to the product of Canadian imaginations where it intersects with the commendation of the Canadian state during the decade our first definitions of 'multicultural' emerged. Here, the collective is these state-vetted narratives and the discourses of resistance they may contain. The biography is the temporally bounded story of difference in a nation that was deeply concerned with its own marginality while maintaining its own exclusionary centre. I believe a close reading of these texts through a self- consciously backward looking gazed fixed on (counter)discourses of non-"white" (Villaverde, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 24

2000) difference will begin to uncover the fragmented meanings of Canadian identity within the state's reactionary nation-building project and its (un)official pedagogical mechanisms.

Study Sample:

The following texts comprise my study sample:

1972 - Robertson Davies, The Manticore

1973 - Rudy Wiebe, The Temptations of Big Bear

1974 - Margaret Laurence, The Diviners

1975 - Brian Moore, The Great Victorian Collection

1976 - Marian Engel, Bear

1977 - Timothy Findley, The Wars

1978 - Alice Munro, Who Do You Think You Are

1979 - Jack Hodgins, The Resurrection of Joseph Bourne

1980 - George Bowering, Burning Water

1981 - Mavis Gallant, Home Truths

Research Question:

The following question will guide my analysis:

Where 'difference' is defined as 'behavioural or performative deviations from 'whiteness'' and

'whiteness' is defined as, "systemic ideological apparatus that is used to normalize civility, instill rationality, erase emotion, erase difference, impose middle-class values and beliefs with an assumption of a heterosexual matrix" (Villaverde, 2000, p. 46), how is 'difference' represented in the Study Sample texts? MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 25

Findings

This section begins with ten critical summaries, in chronological order by original publication date, of those novels that won the Governor General's Award for English-Language

Fiction between 1971 and 1982. The summaries are unapologetically biased, because I am writing from a position of difference – as a woman and a visible minority – through the interpretive framework of collective biography, an educational research methodology geared toward feminist and critical theoretical readings of cultural texts. In this study, I am interested in analyzing discourses of difference as they relate to discourses of nation, or how non-ethnoracial differences in particular are narrated through these avowedly Canadian novels, which were published and awarded canon-status during the founding decade of Canada's multiculturalism policies.

My findings do not differ significantly from W.H. New's, in that these works are concerned with "[e]thnicity, religion, [and] gender" (New, 2003, p. 204), but I hesitate to label these as resistance narratives. Taken together, the novels in my study sample (re)tell the negotiation of deviations from gendered, ethnic, and sexual norms that were no doubt going on around the authors at the time of publication. However, when the novels' discursive threads are examined critically, from my position in difference, they reveal not a pedagogy of cultural tolerance and behavioural diversity, but one of exclusion, separation, and the affirmation of

Anglo-Celtic, heterosexual behavioural norms – of Leila Villaverde's ideological "whiteness"

(2000, p. 46). Whether these normative sub-narratives in self-consciously counter-normative works are evidence of the Government of Canada's "sedative politics" (Kamboureli, 2000, p. 82), or of the interstice between 'hospitality' and 'hostipality' conditionally extended toward transgressive authors by the state (Roberts, 2011, p. 10), cannot be argued conclusively. The MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 26 double-pedagogy of difference/exclusion is evident, but may have more to do with teaching

Canadian-ness to those outside, rather than those inside, our borders.

Critical Summaries

1972 - The Manticore. The Manticore is a story of Jungian psycho-analytic therapy, of one upper-class, successful Canadian lawyer's decision to "go mad under the best obtainable auspices" (Davies, 2005, p. 54), and his subsequent journey toward psychological healing. The lawyer's name is David Staunton, and his surname is linked to a low-class heritage both in

Canada and in England that has been his father's life's work (and life's failing) to overcome. The sources of David's presumed madness are both implicit and explicit, multiple in form but linked to a singular ambiguity located at the intersection of masculinity, nationality, class and culture.

He entered therapy because he was a drunk, despite his avowal that "[t]emperance is a middle- class virtue, and that is not my fate" (p. 18), and was concerned that his emotional reaction to his father's death was a consequence of his own genteel alcoholism. Emotionality is the lynchpin of

Staunton's negotiations with behavioural whiteness. He is aware – he was, in fact, explicitly taught – that to be emotional is to be feminine, irrational, homosexual, and non-Canadian, and so runs away from his Canadian home to a quite literally neutral state of Switzerland, to have the

"gangrene" of his deviance excised or "die of the surgeon's knife" (p. 54).

Staunton's therapist is a woman, which allows for both first and third person accounts of women's social roles as perceived by Davies and his characters. Staunton is concerned that Dr. J. von Haller would not be able to handle working with him because he had "never heard of a woman psychiatrist except as someone dealing with children" (Davies, 2005, p. 9). The von

Haller character troubles the idea that women are inadequate therapists for men, in that Staunton does experience a Jungian reintegration of Selves, and consequently, psychological healing MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 27 through his work with her. Through the process of psycho-analysis, she takes on both masculine and feminine roles in the projections of her patient. The von Haller character argues for a broader appreciation of women as equal to men as healers, advisors and friends (p. 110); a counter-point to the Staunton character's recollection of the women in his life as manipulators, exaggerators, victims, harlots and betrayers.

However, it is important to note that the Staunton character was drawn as emotionally immature, shockingly naïve and childish in his interactions with various male mentors, forever the unappreciated little brother relative to his calm, cold and behaviourally masculine sister. He is unmarried and sexless with the exception of one experience with a mistress that was arranged by his father. Aside from his material success and standing as a criminal lawyer, David Staunton is a child, and so his pairing with a female therapist is arguably not a disruption of the gendered perception of women as best suited for nurturing roles and therapeutic work with children. The woman-as-nurturer role is carried through to the end of the story by the Liesl character, a friend of von Haller who midwives Staunton's re-birth from the ontological womb of European society through a squeezing stone cave, in which he voids his bowels like an infant expelling meconium, and who embraces him as his mother-figure when he expresses his readiness to love and be loved and therefore to grow.

Fear of being labeled a homosexual is given as the main reason Staunton travels to Zürich for therapy (Davies, 2005, p. 8), and emerges repeatedly in his conversations with von Haller.

Davies' treatment of male sexual identity is more ambiguous than his presentation of women.

That Staunton could be homosexual is an implied potential source of his celibacy and inability to form meaningful relationships with women, at the same time as his father's aggressive MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 28 exploitation and objectification of women and fearsome imposition of masculine behaviours on son and colleagues is given for David's psychological fragmentation.

Father Knopwood, a homosexual priest and dear friend of David's during his school years, serves as a foil to the senior Staunton's "swordsmanship" or philandering (Davies, 2005, pp. 168-169). Knopwood is an almost stereotypically good man, living to serve God and help others despite his presumed sexual deviance. This 'despite' is important, because even the

Knopwood character views his homosexuality as a barrier to service. That it is also a barrier to friendship is illustrated by David's ultimate attack on his sexual orientation, which effectively banishes Knopwood from his life forever. Through Staunton's eyes, homosexuals are reverted to people who should not be taken seriously. Yet, through Davies' telling, what it means to be homosexual is difficult to determine. His heterosexual protagonist lives a celibate life of service that parallels Father Knopwood's in many ways – Staunton lives and works to serve despite his personal and sociocultural constraints.

Further, the idea that homosexuals are 'made' through childhood social experiences or violations of the body is barely contested. After describing how his nanny, under his doctor's instruction, forced him to have weekly enemas, Staunton and von Haller have the following exchange:

MYSELF: Aren't you even interested in Netty and the Domestic Internal Bath? Nothing

about homosexuality yet?

DR VON HALLER: Have you ever subsequently felt drawn towards the passive role in

sodomy? (Davies, 2005, p. 72)

As a child, Staunton was given a soldier doll, which was ripped from his hands by his father for fear it would make him into a "sissy" and give precedent for his nanny to encourage him to MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 29

"urinate sitting down so [he] could use the ladies room in hotels when [he] grew up" (p. 89). The doll was replaced with an appropriately masculine teddy bear, which was thrown away by his nanny when he was deemed too old to need it. His sister's possessions had no such restraints.

The idea that Staunton could have become homosexual as a result of these childhood traumas is not challenged by Davies' telling, but is subsumed into Staunton's enduring state of child-ness, of which sexual ambiguity is a part.

Staunton's dearest friend, as an adult, is a man described as having "a shy, girlish manner and the softest voice that was compatible with being heard at all" (p. 181). And Staunton's dearest mentor is unmarried and blind, requiring the feminine nurturing care of exceptional students like Staunton, while maintaining a masculine air of intellectual superiority. Staunton dismisses his own concern that von Haller might be a lesbian – he fears this in part because she is competent in ways he had previously ascribed only to men, but also because she has gently declined his request to date her – because she does not fit the "collar-and-tie team" (p. 143) stereotype of female homosexual he had encountered in the courts. We later learn, through the

Liesl mother-character, that von Haller is married to a successful man, with whom she has two children. Gender roles are troubled here, even while homosexuality remains a mark of deviance and a justification for social exclusion.

1973 - The Temptations of Big Bear. On the copyright page of this novel, Wiebe

(2000) writes,

No name of any person, place, or thing, insofar as names are still discoverable, in

this novel has been invented. Despite that, and despite the historicity of dates and

events, all characters in this meditation upon the past are the products of a MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 30

particular imagination; their resemblances and relation, therefore, to living or

once living persons is to be resisted. (Wiebe, 2000, np)

The story of Cree Chief Big Bear's descent from leader and spokesman for the River People, and respected negotiator and diplomat between and among First Nations peoples, Hudson's Bay

Company traders, and the representatives of the colonial military and government, to broken old man is thus intended to be interpreted as true, in a sense. This truth is emphasized by the use of photographs of the book's main characters in the opening pages, and by the inclusion of or reference to key historical events. The Red River Rebellion of 1869, the construction of the

Canadian Pacific Railway in 1881, the Frog Lake Massacre of April 1885, and the hanging of

Métis activist Louis Riel in November of that year provide a factual backdrop to Wiebe's

(re)telling.

Wiebe's focus is on racial tensions between British North Americans and First Nations

Peoples, in that he describes how each constructs the Other as lesser in physical and social ways, but race is not the whole story. Cultural differences between River Cree, Wood Cree, Blackfoot,

Siksika, French Métis and British/American-Anglo/Indigenous biracial people are described, disrupting the perception of 'Aboriginal' as a homogenous ethnocultural type. Similar distinctions are made between the whites of the Hudson's Bay Company and the whites of the occupying British military forces and colonial government, though Americans are universally vilified – often intentionally for political ends.

Cultural ambiguity, or the fear that a white person has become too sympathetic to Indians

(Wiebe, 2000, p. 285), or that an Indian has begun to think and act too much like a white person

(p. 103), is presented as a possibility, but then dismissed in the closing chapters through the narrated perceptions of Kitty McLean. Kitty, a child who had been rescued by Big Bear during MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 31 the Frog Lake Massacre, embodies the hope for transcultural acceptance throughout the novel.

Her incredulity at Big Bear's inability to understand "all things white" (p. 394), and her sudden inability to understand him after she had deeply believed the two of them to be fundamentally alike, eradicates that hope. In the end, the Indian goes to live on the Reserve assigned to him, is baptized Christian, and dies.

Perhaps the only behaviourally homogenous group in this text is that of women. Women

– white, American, and First Nations – are presented as stupid, childish, emotional possessions who are taught by their men the appropriate behaviors, used by their men for housekeeping, child-bearing, sexual gratification, and assigned ceremonial roles; and who are apparently unable to resist in any way the sexual advances of men too uncouth to respect the ownership rights of husband or son. That Big Bear's son Kingbird manually stimulates a mare to show ownership when he felt the horse was unfairly given to someone else (p. 48), the same way he manually stimulates his wife to show ownership when he suspects that the child she is about to birth may be from a white man (p. 349), is not an exception to the sexual behaviours of the men in this story toward the cardboard cutout women they engage, but only the most vivid illustration.

To penetrate, with hand or with member, is given as to own and to demean, whatever pretense of equality and brotherhood is otherwise maintained. The British military volunteers' assault on their Métis interpreter Blondin involved:

peeling him apart in the middle wherever my fingers can get in, then I've really got him

where he'll never forget it and a sound comes out of him high this time, and thin like a

gopher just before he's hit by a weasel (Wiebe, 2000, p. 333).

Both First Nations and British leaders dismiss the penetrative violence of their younger warriors as simply the way young men are. So the apparent inability of young men to control themselves MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 32 when presented with a body to dominate sexually is no more flattering a depiction of the male gender than Wiebe's mono-dimensional portrayal of women. He effectively stereotypes both adult sexes. That Kitty McLean's abrupt loss of capacity to understand Big Bear coincides, metaphorically if not physically, with the start of her menses is the terminal marker of gender roles in The Temptations of Big Bear. As a child, Kitty was open to limitless understanding, to freedom. As a woman, all perceptions outside her role are immediately truncated, limited, and lost, perhaps as protection against her eventual ownership by male penetration.

1974 - The Diviners. Margaret Laurence's The Diviners is a complex novel that spans the life of Morag Gunn from her birth in the 1920s through the social changes brought about by the Second World War and the human rights activism of the 1960s. This work is an intentional negotiation of difference, of what it means to be different relative to other social classes, other cultures, and other genders. Morag is different in all of these ways, a circumstance she attributes to bloody-mindedness. "It's cost me," she writes, "I've paid through the nose. As they say. Also, one might add, through the head, heart and cunt" (Laurence, 2007, p. 15, emphasis original). As a child, and as a young married woman, Morag works to fit into ideal social roles. When she is a popular girl afraid of looking and sounding cheap (p. 126), she distances herself from her lower- class foster parents. When she is a young married woman she drops out of college and learns to keep a proper home and to sit quietly, subserviently and obediently while her husband works (p.

250). These subordinate roles do not suit her. She ultimately fails to pull them off. As an adolescent, she destroys her popularity by briefly dating a Métis boy, Jules Tonnerre. As a young married woman, she destroys her marriage by becoming pregnant with Tonnerre's child.

Women want sex and pursue it in The Diviners, a clear deviation from dominant constructions of gendered white propriety. This deviation is made meaningful by Laurence's MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 33 telling of her female characters' responsibility for their own sexuality and their own sex-acts.

Aborted fetuses are disposed of in the town Nuisance Grounds (waste dump). A mother looks on while her daughter ends a two-month pregnancy with a coat-hanger lest her husband beat them both, and then begs the town Scavenger (garbage man) for discretion when the coat-hanger results in hemorrhaging, sterility, and self-imposed servitude (p. 176; p. 242). Morag, after having consensual sex with a man who would rape her, fears both the potential pregnancy and the chance that a purveyor of safe abortions cannot be found (p. 384). Her desire for sex and her unmarried status marks her a slut to some (p. 236, p. 356, p. 361), makes her a single mother, and opens her to the experience of being 'the other woman' to a male artist struggling in his traditional husband role. These are not, of themselves, negatives for Morag, but it is telling that despite her bloody-mindedness, and despite the fact that she is mostly okay with it, her belief that she will be alone for the rest of her life is a source of jealousy and division between herself and her daughter (p. 337). The message is that a lifetime of sexual liberation is not necessarily sexual freedom, and that restrictive gendered roles are not maintained exclusively by male- driven ideals.

Laurence's treatment of miscegenation and biraciality spoke to me personally and deserves a much longer response than can be included here. Morag's daughter Pique's struggle with creating her own identity as a visible minority in a predominantly white community and her ultimate decision to define herself in terms of her own feminine indigeneity, as her Métis father's daughter and as her Métis uncle's niece, speaks to the strength of both racialized and gendered divisions in Canadian society. That Morag cannot stay with Jules, despite their love for each other and enduring attraction, always comes back to his "ancient anger" (p. 517), and her inability to believe she could ever understand it. Pique cannot stay with Morag for the same MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 34 reason Fan, Morag's friend and landlord, can never admit to herself her own homosexuality (p.

372): The loneliness and isolation of Otherness is more than they can bear.

1975 - The Great Victorian Collection. As an exploration of identity, Brian Moore's novel is darkly comic. A Canadian scholar named Tony Maloney attends an academic conference in California, checks into a hotel in Carmel-by-the-Sea, falls asleep, and awakens to realize his dream of a vast and impossibly complete collection of Victorian objects, clothing, books and fully appointed rooms has been made real in the hotel parking lot. The story traces

Maloney's descent into madness, as the collection overtakes his dreams and robs him of restful sleep, and as the collection itself is taken over and exploited by American business interests.

Madness, here, is the quintessential deviation from whiteness's behaviour norms – Maloney becomes emotional and irrational. He is by turns overcome with passion and unable to perform sexually, and ultimately becomes the final curiosity in his great collection. He is contained in his hotel room just as the most offensive (and most titillating) relics of Victorian sexual excesses are contained in the Collection's Correction Chamber (p. 38), though both spaces are off-limits to the

Collection's paying visitors (p. 197). Commercial replicas of his hotel room, and a more economically viable replica of the Correction Chamber, are created in order that paying guests may experience the Collection's most exciting aspects 'first hand'.

The question as to whether Maloney's insanity is a result of his need to prove his

Collection's authenticity and maintain its pristine condition, or a consequence of greater society's general unconcern with authenticity of any kind, is implicitly posed but not answered in Moore's work. Here we see change embodied by the character Mary Ann, a young woman introduced as

"Vaterman's girl" (p. 35), who is childlike in her interactions with men, is at first unquestioningly obedient to Vaterman (p. 34, p. 65) but then shifts the focus of her obedience to Maloney (p. 110, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 35 p. 128). When Maloney appears to reject her sexual advances (p. 165, p. 169) she abandons both men and, with her father's help, disappears (p. 189). The conflict between Maloney's fantasy of

Mary Ann as "an image of Victorian innocence" (p. 169), and Mary Ann's assertion, "I'm not anybody's girl" (p. 140), is the conflict between new and old conceptions, perceptions and identities. Maloney cannot preserve or possess Mary Ann or his Collection. He cannot let go of his dreams. By consequence, his dreams possess him entirely, removing him from reality and immersing him in dread. His only release is death by suicide, itself an anecdote in the historiography of his almost-forgotten, barely famous Great Victorian Collection (p. 212).

1976 - Bear. Marian Engel's (1976) work narrates an extreme deviation from heterosexual norms to illustrate a tempest of shifting gender roles. The protagonist, Lou, is an archivist and an historian, dispatched to a colonial house (once owned by a distinguished family of British colonists) on an island in Ontario's lake country, hopefully to rescribe an erased chapter of the region's settlement period. Bear (note the proper noun) is the house pet, a black bear chained to a peg in the back yard, fed dog food, and clearly improperly cared for prior to

Lou's arrival. Through the process of documenting the house's history, Lou is caught in the introspection of solitude. She begins to question who she is, her worth as a woman and a human being, and the purpose and value of her work and her life. She is a woman who was once a mistress (Engel, 1976, p. 121), whose "man of elegance and charm" (p. 118) made her have an abortion, who flirted with homosexuality but found that "[w]omen left her hungry for men" (p.

118), who endangered herself "in a fit of lonely desperation" (p. 64) when the man she picked up on the street was not good, and whose employer had "fucked her weekly on her desk" (p. 92) for so long that "[i]t had become something she was doing to herself" (p. 92). Lou has been used by men, but also uses men to flee but then run back to normative, heterosexual, gendered roles. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 36

Bear is male, but not a man, and can therefore serve as the crux for Lou's emancipation from externally imposed identity forms. He does not penetrate her with his member. He cannot impregnate her. Her dominance over him as his keeper and care provider is only superficially offset by her perceived need to be sexually gratified by him. Bear cannot use her, but can only be used by her: "As long as she made her stool beside him in the morning, he was ready whenever she spread her legs to him" (p. 119). That Bear is not aroused by her arousal makes him the sexless object Lou had been in the eyes and acts of her male companions (p. 112), even while she believes they are in love with each other. Bear's externally imposed gender ambiguity is emphasized by her descriptions of him as "a middle-aged woman" (p. 36), "a baby" (p. 113), and a "fat dignified old woman" (p. 138). Lou unwittingly acts out the role of heterosexual man, as she has experienced it, but masks the experience as emotional love. When Bear is finally aroused by her and she presents herself for penetration, he claws her back open, clearing the fog of bestial infatuation and revealing himself to her to be simply an animal. Lou returns to civilization feeling "not that she was at last human, but that she was at last clean. Clean and simple and proud" (p. 137). She is, to herself, no longer an object, yet it is unclear whether she will cease to be objectified by others.

1977 - The Wars. Upon closing the back cover of Findley's (2005) novel, I crossed my arms on my desk, lay my head down, and wept in a way I had not since standing in the third pew from the front at my 33-year-old cousin's funeral. Such an irrational, emotional response is completely appropriate, given that The Wars is an immersion course in the irrationality of war.

Over half a million deaths are documented, and the World War I battle at Ypres is narrated in excruciating detail, but it is the loving (re)telling of how the Great War affected the living on the frontlines, in the hospitals, and in Canada, that left me overcome. Everyone was made 'different' MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 37 by the War. Everyone, in some way, became emotional and irrational, deviated from middle- class values, and behaved in anti-normative ways because the madness of killing and the irrationality of fear were constant, common and inescapable.

Findley troubles heterosexual norms from the outset, first positioning his protagonist,

Robert Ross, in a nurturing role to his disabled sister, and then positioning Robert's mother as masculine and emotion-less in the final aggression that drives Robert away to war (Findley,

2005, p. 22). Once enlisted, Robert is shamed into going to a whorehouse with the other military trainees, because "[i]f you didn't go, you were peculiar" (p. 32). Ironically, this is where Robert observes an officer he admires, named Taffler, having consensual sex with the house's male bodyguard. Robert's reaction is rage (p. 40), yet he does not expose or abandon Taffler. The act is unspeakable, but does not prevent their friendship. While travelling by boat to the front lines,

Robert is injured when forced to do himself what he could not do at home – killing an animal in his care – and is sent to hospital to recover along with Harris, a young recruit dying of respiratory disease. Robert and Harris fall in love with each other. They are not homosexual, but share a loving commitment to each other during the rest of Harris's brief life.

A female observer, Juliet D'Orsay allows that ""love" has so many ways of expressing itself outside of the physical" (Findley, 2005, p. 101), and understands that such deep emotional connections are not uncommon among boys, if never spoken of. When Robert is raped by fellow soldiers, the disconnect between love and sex is starkly illustrated (p. 175). The soldiers attack in the dark and remain anonymous, which allows them to act out heterosexual masculinity on an objectified man. When the consequence of being raped is Robert's intense and immediate understanding that men must not embrace (p. 177), that he cannot offer or receive platonic physical comfort from a fellow soldier in the presence and aftermath of irrationality, madness MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 38 and violation marks the insanity of idealized heterosexual gender norms, past and present. This ultimate transgression of human kindness, immersed in the insanity of war, catalyzes Robert's purely rational acts of insubordination that resulted in his critical injury, his court-martial, and his death at 26.

1978 - Who Do You Think You Are? This work by Alice Munro (2006) is a collection of short stories that, taken together, narrate the life of Rose from early childhood in the

Depression to middle age in the 1970s. More than the other texts in this study sample, Who Do

You Think You Are? is about social class and the negotiations of difference that determine the inclusion and exclusion criteria within and across socioeconomic strata. Inside the impoverished lower class of small-town Ontario, physical differences like the effects of polio (Munro, 2006, p.

8), congenital deformities (p. 28), and squinty eyes (p. 45) are acceptable grounds for ostracism, exclusion, violence and violation. Men are expected to be physically violent (pp. 18-22), and sexually aggressive (p. 29, p. 33). A woman is expected to be:

energetic, practical, clever at making and saving; she ought to be shrewd, good at

bargaining and bossing and seeing through people's pretensions. At the same time she

should be naive intellectually, childlike, contemptuous of maps and long words and

anything in books, full of charming jumbled notions, superstitions, traditional beliefs

(Munro, 2006, p. 49)

Femininity in men or boys (p. 8, p. 119) and same-sex love among girls (p. 39) are avenues for shaming, persecution and exclusion. Extra-marital sex is a predictable escape hatch from a bad relationship (p. 139), and an unsatisfying micro-rebellion against middle-class social norms (p.

141, p. 156). MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 39

Rose's experiences as an impoverished child, an upper middle-class wife and mother, and a lower middle class divorcée are not excoriations of these class-based, gendered roles. Instead, her experiences mark the systems of exclusion within all classes – intolerances that she is not above in her descriptions of herself and of others. Rose is not a saint or a philosopher. She is just as judgmental as those she would judge; she is just as psychologically abusive as the father and husband who have physically and psychologically abused her; she is just as desperate to fit in and to be accepted as all acolytes to the post-War social mobility faith that she desperately wishes did not matter to her. The message is that money cannot buy happiness and that identities pulled on like costumes will eventually be stripped away.

1979 - The Resurrection of Joseph Bourne. Hodgins' (2013) work is arguably a satire of those who would exploit cultural differences, and can therefore be read as a satire of the multiculturalism policy in progress. The mayor is a stereotypical bigot who wears regionally specific ethnic costumes in a sort of ill-thought boosterism for Port Annie's non-existent tourism industry. Characters are caricatures of social roles – the town tramp, the society lady, and the town whore; and of cultural roles – the East Indian, the Canadian Indian, the Italian, and the

American businessman. Social strata are clearly delineated by home locations – the big homes

Down Front are where the upper class lives (Hodgins, 2013, p. 32); Squatters Flats is a shantytown for the socially deviant and economically dispossessed (p. 16).

Social roles and economic delineations are troubled by the arrival of a beautiful young woman on a Peruvian freighter, sent to Port Annie by a wise old Jamaican woman to bring

Joseph Bourne out of hiding. The once-famous poet dies during their meeting (p. 44), and is miraculously brought back to life in her care (p. 49). Once resurrected, Bourne goes to work doing good works – helping his neighbours in their recycled paper business, doing household MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 40 repairs in Squatters Flats and Down Front, teaching English to East Indian immigrant children, and providing an empathetic, listening ear to troubled hearts and minds.

Cultural roles are only partially destabilized in this text, and it is difficult to determine whether Hodgins' racial stereotypes are meant to be comic or are simply unwitting. The

Canadian Indian character, Christie, recounts an 'Indian legend' in which the town founder, Fat

Annie, transforms from a whale beached on the shore to a woman "so big and generous... [she] couldn't be expected to give it all to one man her whole life" (p. 75). Was this meant to be a satire of First Nations ontology myths, or of an Anglo-Celtic fascination with such myths?

Further, Christie talks in stereotype, inserting 'eh' frequently in all verbalizations, making the character's complicity in debunking ethnocultural assumptions improbable. The town whore,

Dirty Delia, is called a "filthy squaw" by her infuriated would-be customers (p. 206), when she decides she doesn't want to be used quite so freely, anymore. Explaining her position to Modern

Woman character Angela Turner at the grocery store, Dirty Delia says, "I'm not just a pig" (p.

207, emphasis added). Is it the author, the character, the community, or all, who give Delia her

'pig' label?

The town mayor dismisses the opinions of the Italian, Papa Magnani, believing "Italians were too emotional to think straight" (Hodgins, 2013, p. 88). Yet the Papa Magnani character is often emotionally overwrought, unconcerned with dignity (p. 115), and therefore reflective of the mayor's assumptions. The East Indian Manku family lives in a stereotypically overcrowded home, where the stereotypically subservient, unobtrusive, non-English-speaking wife serves her increasingly American-ized family. With the Mankus we see glimpses of the real struggle of new Canadians in negotiating the interstices of cultural heritage and cultural adaptation. Yet, on MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 41 her rare excursion from the house, Mrs. Manku's clothing is called a "costume" (p. 143), not by the town residents but by the novel's third person ubiquitous narrator.

There is some transcultural exchange in the closing scenes of The Resurrection of Joseph

Bourne, but the only caricature who is truly made human is ex-stripper Jenny Chambers, whose dance of the seven veils strips her clean of her grief and her notoriety while the town's surviving members dance around her. Prior to her dance, a mudslide had destroyed the Down Front houses, killed some, and sent others fleeing for safer ground. That Squatters' Flats then became a haven for all classes and cultures suggests a potential for socioeconomic and sociocultural integration not obtained in the work, and perhaps that is Hodgins' point: Such integration has not been obtained in Canada, either.

1980 - Burning Water. George Bowering's (2007) Burning Water is a love story. It is contextualized in the mapping of Canada's West Coast by Captain Vancouver and his crews, and it is pricked through in several places by racial tensions between white and First Nations people, and between American, Spanish-serving, British-serving, English, Scotch, Catholic and

Protestant whites. Ownership of the Nootka trading post and access rights to the as yet undiscovered Northwest Passage often catalyzes these ethnocultural tensions, in which both sea crews and First Nations people are manipulated by political interests thousands of miles away.

But the most dominant and resonant narrative recounts how British-serving Dutch Captain

George Vancouver falls in love with Spanish-serving Peruvian Captain Juan Francisco de la

Bodega y Quadra, and Vancouver's descent into madness and tuberculosis after learning of

Quadra's death.

What is most striking about Bowering's (re)telling of Vancouver and Quadra's historical friendship is not their homosexual love affair, but that the affair itself is really only a major cause MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 42 of stress and concern for Vancouver himself. This is not to suggest his stress is unfounded.

Though the men on board ship "gave each other the French [venereal] disease" when women were not permitted to board the ship at anchor on one occasion (p. 160), and the standing rule that "there were to be no male natives on the ship after nightfall" (p. 67) suggest that same-sex intercourse was not unheard of or particularly taboo among the sailors, to be caught performing sodomy is a criminal offence (p. 101) punishable by public lashings on the ship and imprisonment at port. Vancouver's relationship with Quadra is common knowledge among the crew (p. 180, p. 198), and is a source of constant needling by surgeon and botanist Archibald

Menzies (p. 102, p. 110), but does not result in insubordination until Vancouver was so far gone with illness that he was clearly unfit to command (p. 222).

Women in this work are two-dimensional in their silliness, histrionics, and willingness to have sex with sailors – with the possible exception of the First Nations women leading raids of the explorers' ships by canoe (p. 201), though it is unclear whether these women's roles are to fight or simply to deliver the fighters. The Native men, however, are philosophers, and in their conversations most aptly articulate Bowering's presentation of homosexuality:

"We have our own men who like to fuck each other," he said at last.

"But they are not many. They are a minority, an exception to our ways. They are usually

artists and designers and sometimes teachers. The Mamathni [white men] are

presumably all that way."

"Maybe when men fuck men all the time it makes their skin turn pink."

"Maybe when men fuck men all the time they learn the lore that takes them great

distances on winged homes filled with useful objects made of iron." (Bowering, 2013, p.

127). MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 43

This deviation from idealized heterosexual behavioural norms describes an idea of homosexuality as harming no one, as creating meaningful opportunities for some, but also as marginal, unsayable, and unspeakable amid middle-class conceptions of deviance and criminality and the public fora they dominate.

1981 - Home Truths. Mavis Gallant's (2001) collection of mostly unrelated short stories is difficult to summarize. All of the works have to do with being Canadian. Each of the stories – set in Western Canada, Montreal, Toronto, Northern Ontario, France, Germany or Switzerland – address in some way the experience of Canadian-ness at home or abroad, while also narrating the negotiation of gender roles, feminism, and the irrational politics of nationalism and war. These are predominantly stories of women and girls, and so men and boys, while not universally two- dimensional, have supporting character roles. They are neglected middle children, child prodigies, and senile old men in "Saturday" (pp. 34-56) and "Bonaventure" (pp. 156-198). They are soldiers, veterans, bosses and dead men in the Linnet Muir stories (pp. 251-378). They are shiftless and manipulative in "In the Tunnel" (pp. 85-123) and "Virus X" (pp. 199-249). Like the emerging nation of Canada, men are the background against which women's stories are told.

These stories are, none of them, happy stories.

A sub-narrative in Gallant's text recounts the tensions between Catholic and Protestant

Montreal, between English and French Canada, and between Canada and America. Each member of each battle-pair defines itself in terms of the other's shortcomings, yet only Canadians are described as consistently lesser than our opponents. We are cold (Gallant, 2001, p. 16, p.

241), reticent (p. 157), provincial (p. 141, p. 215), embarrassed by displays of emotion (p. 317), and "a sexual damper" (p. 134). Emotionality is the purview of Americans (p. 4, p. 211, p. 261), a condition that is by turns "worse than bad taste" (p. 4) and a source of the confidence necessary MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 44 for a young woman beginning her career (p. 262). Against the static and dominant English-

Protestant national Canadian identity, and the slow extinction of a particular upper-bourgeois breed of Montreal Québecois (p. 279, p. 340), the founding cultures of England, France and

Scotland, and the emerging culture of brash Americans, are positioned as sources of new material – a potential escape from "[n]ationalist pigheadedness, that chronic wasting and apparently incurable disease" (pp. 299-300).

We are thus implicitly invited to challenge our long-held assumptions about European and American societies. Yet the Ukrainian-Canadian girl who was exiled to France because she got pregnant out of wedlock, refuses to come home – not because of her shame, but because of the low status of Ukrainians in Winnipeg (p. 245). The part-Métis boy born of an English war bride and dressed poorly in his best clothes to meet his father in Canada "was rushing on this train to an existence where his clothes would be too good for him" (Gallant, 2001, p. 62). The

20-year-old, Canadian-born woman married in Quebec is, by law, the ward of her husband and legal guardian (p. 320). The preoccupation with nationalist determinants of difference masks systemic restrictions on the freedoms of women and ethnic Others rooted in the very nations to which Canadians would look for our (re)learning of social roles. Of the novels in this study sample, Home Truths, is perhaps the best illustration of Canada's emerging "sedative politics"

(Kamboureli, 2000, p. 82).

Discussion

Taken together, the ten novels examined in this study narrate a multivocal history of

Canada. From George Vancouver's late 1790s attempt to find the Northwest Passage and claim

Nootka Sound for the British in Burning Water (Bowering, 1980), to the settlement of the

Canadian West of the late 1800s in The Temptations of Big Bear (Wiebe, 1973), to the British MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 45 colonization of Northern Ontario during the same period in Bear (Engel, 1976), to the First

World War in The Wars (Findley, 1977), and through the Second World War and the postwar period in The Manticore (Davies, 1971), The Diviners (Laurence, 1973), Who Do You Think You

Are? (Munro, 1978), and Home Truths (Gallant, 1981). The remaining two novels, The Great

Victorian Collection (Moore, 1975) and The Resurrection of Joseph Bourne (Hodgins, 1979), are both set in the timeless present, yet their darkly comic treatments of gender roles, sexuality and social exclusion match the discourses contained in the realist and historical fiction texts. These are all self-consciously Canadian novels, and none of them less so than Gallant's (1981) work, which was awarded the Governor General's Award less than a year before the Constitution Act

1982 was legislated. They narrate a casting around for self-definition, as a nation, an individual, a collective Self and a social Other.

From my current position at the intersections of wife, mother, educator, graduate student, and racialized minority, some aspects of these novels were frankly shocking, off-putting and offensive. I did not expect Canadian Literature, that institution perceived by me to be a staid old matron of grammatical and political correctness, to venture so recklessly into unprotected sexual promiscuity, bestiality and the suggestion of pedophilia (Laurence, 1974; Engel, 1976, Wiebe,

1973). I struggled to reconcile the telling of First Nations' and ethnocultural minorities' stories by white Anglo-Celtic male voices with my own deeply held aversion to any one who would pretend to speak for me. I was sickened, saddened and disheartened by the positioning and self- positioning of women as victims and idiots, and their often impotent attempts at empowerment.

There is a superficial tolerance from 1974 onward, across these texts, for homosexuality, poverty, emotionality, incivility, irrationality, and women's sexual liberation, but the under-tow – the counter-pedagogy – is deep and persistent. The women who refuse to adhere to gendered MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 46 norms are ostracized and excluded, and are only somewhat empowered by their decision to exile themselves (Laurence, 1974; Engel, 1976; Munro, 1978; Gallant, 1981). The men who perform loving homosexuality are dead (Bowering, 1980; Findley, 1977). The men who perform empathy and emotionality instead of masculine warrior roles are emasculated, raped and beaten

(Wiebe, 1973; Findley, 1977). The irrationality of post-traumatic stress disorder anchored in wars declared and wars psychological makes Morag Gunn's Christie unfit for any but garbage work (Laurence, 1974), makes Robert Ross a murderer (Findley, 1977), makes Brooke Skelton a misogynistic automaton (Laurence, 1974), makes Roy Cooper incapable of receiving love

(Gallant, 1980), and costs Tony Maloney his mind and his life (Moore, 1975). War, the maker of men from boys, the maker of living heroes (Findley, 1977), and an oft-used instrument of British colonialism (Bowering, 1980; Gallant, 1981; Laurence, 1974; Wiebe, 1973); makes Canadian men uncivil, irrational, emotional, silly, manipulative, and weak. It makes them, ironically, into stereotypical women.

The irrationality of idealized middle-class behavioural norms is the point of departure for all of these works, as protagonists work to somehow erase their lived differences or struggle to rupture the social barriers those differences maintain. But the woman alone is lonely and unsatisfied, and the child of miscegenation leaves home to be with her own kind (Laurence,

1974). The Métis interpreter is assaulted by the soldiers he had worked to protect and the activist

Big Bear, no longer a chief, is imprisoned, broken, and sent 'home' to a reservation to die

(Wiebe, 1975). These are perhaps humanitarian narratives, in their evocative telling of race- based exclusion and their narration of the construction of ethnocultural Others. But as I implied in the introduction to this paper, when a humanitarian narrative is told by a would-be benefactor, MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 47 the victim/beneficiary is voiceless and therefore weak. We know from Kamboureli (2013) that when there is a benefactor/beneficiary relationship, the true beneficiary is difficult to locate.

This may be why we cannot hear Pique's story in The Diviners, only Morag's (re)telling of it (Laurence, 1974). In The Temptations of Big Bear, we cannot hear Big Bear's story, only

Wiebe's narration of it (Wiebe, 1975). The absence of these voices is no doubt related to the small percentage of ethnocultural and visible minority authors writing and publishing in Canada in the 1970s, but is arguably also a function of Multiculturalism Program funding that supported the publishing house and the ethnic content of non-Anglo-Celtic narratives (Young, 2001), but did little at that time to support the unpublished, non-Anglo-Celtic author. When there is systemic exclusion, silencing is a disciplinary act on subordinated peoples by dominant social groups. Thus, despite its headlong rush into sexual deviance and anti-normative behavioural explorations, the Canada Council-declared best novels of the 1970s remained ethnically and behaviourally (narratively) white and therefore a direct reflection of the protectionist and exclusionary structures of the Multiculturalism Policy White Paper of 1971, The Constitution

Act 1982, The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms 1982, and the multiple federal and provincial multiculturalism policies they produced.

The books analyzed in this paper were brought into the Canadian literary canon via the

Governor General's Award for English-Language Fiction, which means they are located at the interstice of political nation-building, or the creation of national identity, and cultural capital exchange, or the creation of literary celebrity. Here we can see the parallel construction of a national memory that describes the tolerant, inclusive, socially liberal and culturally cohesive society that these texts present in realism or satire, and of a mechanism for sociocultural hospitality that allows the culturally transgressive performances of difference these texts MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 48 negotiate to be vetted by the state (Roberts, 2011). Operationalizing prize culture to manufacture literary celebrity presents the culturally, socially or ethnically transgressive author as a product of mass culture, as a node of cultural capital exchange in the nexus of social capital relations.

Significantly, though, and particularly in the case of the Canada Council funded

Governor General's Awards, the source of the cultural capital given the transgressive author is the state, which imputes both a welcoming of the author's voice into Canadian narratives of lives, but also an ownership – a purchasing – of the author's (re)tellings (Roberts, 2011; York, 2007).

The intensity of the author's transgressions is muted, and the veracity of her voice as counter- normative becomes contestable (Julien & Mercer, 1988; Kamboureli, 2000; Roberts, 2007). The counter-narrative is at least partially normalized and, when presented as a part of Canada's intranational humanitarian project of multicultural memory-making, is held up as representative both of ethnocultural inclusion and the continued dominance of middle-class, Anglo-Celtic norms (Kamboureli, 2000).

The pedagogical implications of these novels' collective narrative, of Canada's collective biography at the emergence of official Multiculturalism, evade traditional teacher-student binaries. While the canonization of key texts by The Governor General's Awards is clearly the manufacture of an (un)official pedagogy of Canadian identity, how and where these texts are used to 'teach' Canadian-ness – particularly outside the university classroom, in workshops, book clubs, high schools and libraries – cannot be measured. The ongoing support of the Canadian publishing industry by the state begs the question as to how much Canadian fiction is purchased and read by our populace, at all (Marchand, 1998; Roberts, 2011). Corse (1995) argues that the creation of a national canon is as much a construction of national identity for other nations to admire, as it is an intra-national identity building project, thus necessitating the inclusion of MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 49 narratives emphasizing the ways that nation is different from others. How others see us, however, is an inescapably integral part of our personal and national identities. Identity formation is not a unidirectional process, but an ongoing matter of reflexive social exchange

(Hall, 1996; Kamboureli, 2000). Therefore a collection of narratives presented to the international community as representative of the best of Canadian cultural production, and as inherently reflective of the best of Canadian society, is taught back to Canadians through the perceptions and responses of national and international readers.

This is a risky process, as Lorraine York (2007) and Gillian Roberts (2011) allow: Both state and populace fear, from our enduring and (stereo)typically Canadian position of sociopolitical subordination (or marginality, to use New's (2003) term), that our most celebrated authors will leave us, our hospitality rejected, and their Canadian literary education used to benefit a different national flag. What is Canadian about our literary canon is not so unique as to be immune to British or American acquisition. If the superficially inclusive mechanisms of multicultural canon formation could be made authentically so, it may be possible for a distinctly

Canadian literary canon to emerge, so long as exclusionary social and political ideologies persist in other Western nations. However, ethnic and behavioural whiteness are so ingrained in

Canadian cultural norms that I believe their disruption would require a much more profound scandal than the licensed transgressions of authors. State-sponsored hospitality is a method of social control (Roberts, 2011), and must serve political ends, however glossy or well-publicized its awards gala. The Canada of mass culture, of popular culture, is superficially homogenized, its expressions of difference hidden, by multiculturalism's exclusionary processes and by the inclusion in our national literary canon of novels that negotiate sexual, cultural and racial transgressions for readers outside our borders. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 50

Concluding Remarks

This study has explored representations of difference in Governor General's Award winning English-language fiction in order to trouble the socially tolerant and ethnoculturally inclusive mythology of Canadian Multiculturalism. I focused on texts published between the

Trudeau government's 1971 multiculturalism policy statement and the patriation of the Canadian

Constitution in 1982 because I am particularly interested in uncovering the foundations of current mechanisms of gendered and racialized exclusion. A reading method called collective biography was engaged to both self-consciously reflect my personal positionality at intersections of difference, and to accommodate the inherent bias in my backward looking gaze. The result is a brief and partial story of Canada as a nation struggling to define itself in relation to European founders and American influences, as a hybrid populace struggling to define, test and escape restrictive social roles, and as a protectionist polity too preoccupied with international status and intranational hierarchies to remedy its longest-standing wounds. The canonized texts reflect a double-pedagogy of the behavioural norms of 'whiteness' our multicultural mythology claims we transgress and the conservative adherence to gendered, racialized and exclusionary norms that protect our Anglo-Celtic centre. There is a disconnect between populace and polity that state- vetted prize culture has not resolved. One consequence of this disconnect is the enduring positioning of ethnoracially, socioculturally and behaviourally non-white Canadians outside our nation's cultural and political centre.

Additional research would extend the study sample to include texts from the

Multiculturalism White Paper proclamation of 1971 right up to the current year. It would be particularly interesting to index findings against national and international events such as the enactment of the Multiculturalism Act in 1988, the Gulf War of 1991, the Columbine shootings MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 51 of 1999, the World Trade Centre attack of 2001, among others. Protectionism is a fear response, and so I am curious as to whether meaningful expressions of tolerance in Governor General's

Award winning literatures can be found to intensify or to dissipate during cultural earthquakes like these.

Further, Brenda Cooper's (2008) work on metonymy in diasporic African literatures provides a fascinating entry point for further analysis. The recurring use of stones, bears and totems in 1970s Canadian literatures was understandably explained by New (2003) as a fascination with indigeneity. However, for a country struggling to establish its own nationally held ontology, those objects could mean much more. Exciting additional research would consider the use of objects in authors' constructions of difference and identity in Canadian fiction. Work on the implications of colonial buildings and municipally constructed spaces for public (un)official pedagogies of multiculturalism, racism and difference have been initiated by

Patricia Wood and Liette Gilbert (2005), and by Timothy Stanley (2009). New perspectives could be obtained by exploring the metonymic role of public spaces and historical relics in fiction, as part of the national memory-making project. And, finally, I hope the work I have completed in this study will be criticized, replicated, and (re)told in other voices, from other sociopolitical and ethnoracial positionalities. We can only ever be a nation of multiple voices if multiple voices are offered, and heard. MAPPING DIFFERENCE IN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE FICTION 52

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