Chinabrief in a Fortnight

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chinabrief in a Fortnight ChinaBrief Volume XIV s Issue 19 s October 10, 2014 VOLUME XIV s ISSUE 19 s OCTOBER 10, 2014 In This Issue: IN A FORTNIGHT By Nathan Beauchamp-Mustafaga 1 CHINA’S EXPANDING ROLE IN THE SOUTH SUDANESE CIVIL WAR By Zhou Hang 4 Jiang Zemin (right) played an AN OVERIVEIW OF CHINESE FIGHTERS IN SYRIA AND IRAQ influential role in the behind- China By Brief Jacob Zenn 7 the-scene politics leading up Volume 14, Issue 19 to the 18th Party Congress. CHINA’S SILK ROAD STRATEGY: A FOOTHOLD IN THE SUEZ, BUT LOOKING TO (Credit: Xinhua) OctoberISRAEL 10, 2014 By Emma Scott 10 China Brief is a bi-weekly jour- ELDER NETWORKS IN PRC POLITICS: PART 1 nal of information and analysis covering Greater China in Eur- By John Dotson 14 asia. China Brief is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation, a private non-profit organization In a Fortnight based in Washington D.C. and is edited by Nathan Beauchamp- A SPOILED ANNIVERSARY: CHINA REACTS TO CONFUCIUS Mustafaga. INSTITUTE CONTROVERSY The opinions expressed in China Brief are solely those By: Nathan Beauchamp-Mustafaga of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of n September 27, Chinese President Xi Jinping celebrated “Confucius Institute The Jamestown Foundation. ODay,” commemorating the 10-year anniversary of the first Institute’s founding in November 2004, in South Korea. Yet this self-congratulatory atmosphere was clouded by increasing criticism of the Confucius Institute program in the United States, which hosts the largest number of Institutes worldwide. The Chinese media’s reaction has cast this criticism as politically motivated by insecurities stemming from the United States’ decline, as well as a hypocritical double standard of cultural For comments and questions exchange—even linking the issue to conspiracies about U.S. involvement in the about China Brief, please con- ongoing Hong Kong protests. tact us at < beauchamp@jamestown. Celebrating 10 Years of Getting to Know Us Better org > 1111 16th St. NW, Suite 320 The Chinese media extensively covered the 10-year anniversary throughout the Washington, DC 20036 month of September, culminating in a People’s Daily front page article featuring Tel: 202.483.8888 President Xi’s congratulatory remarks that “Confucius Institutes belong to Fax: 202.483.8337 TO SUBSCRIBE TO CHINA BRIEF, VISIT http://www.jamestown.org/chinabrief/ 1 ChinaBrief Volume XIV s Issue 19 s October 10, 2014 China and the world” (People’s Daily, September 28). it would end cooperation with the Institutes at the end of As Xi proudly recounted, there are now 456 Institutes the year, saying, “several of our goals are not consistent in 123 countries worldwide, along with 713 Confucius with those of the [Institutes]” (Penn State, October 1). Classrooms (the primary school equivalent), which These announcements follow years of criticism from have taught a combined total of approximately 850,000 university faculties and concerned parents in the United students. This includes 16 more Institutes and eight new States and the rest of the world. countries added just this year. United States Has Lost Its Confidence Despite the Institutes’ heritage as part of former president Hu Jintao’s campaign to develop and project The Chinese media’s reaction was alternatively surprised, Chinese soft power abroad, President Xi has taken up the incensed and conspiratorial. The main response to the mantle as a proud sponsor. During his trip to Europe this announcements came on October 6, when the Global March, he visited a Confucius Institute in Germany, and Times published a diatribe against American cultural Xi attended a signing ceremony to establish an Institute imperialism. Wang Dehua—who in September decried in Brazil during his tour of South America this July the Japanese cartoon character Doraemon—explained (Guangming Daily, March 30; Hanban, July 25). During that the “closures,” timed during China’s National Day his visit to the Institute in Germany, Xi reflected upon holiday, were a “strong signal of U.S. resistance to Chinese the Institutes’ raison d’etre: “Some people are biased culture, and the background is that the United States is against China, and this is mainly out of unfamiliarity, declining and China is rising” (Global Times, September estrangement and misunderstanding” (Guangming Daily, 26; Global Times, October 6). Rejecting perceived U.S. March 30). While President Xi has not made a direct concerns over the “Confucius Institutes [serving] as the link between the Institutes’ soft power agenda and his Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) propaganda branch, “China Dream” initiative, Vice Premier Liu Yandong told with the purpose of spreading the CCP’s ideology and an anniversary event, “Nowadays, Confucius [Institutes thus violating academic freedom,” Wang accused the have] become the ‘soul high-speed railway’ connecting United States of a double standard by conflating academic peoples of different countries and a colorful tie linking the freedom with more general freedoms: “In fact, American Chinese Dream and people’s dreams in other countries” culture can freely enter other countries, but other nations’ (CCTV, September 27). cultures cannot freely enter the United States” (Global Times, October 6). U.S. Host Institutions Reconsider Cooperation Wang’s response was likely so bombastic because of the Several U.S. universities and academic organizations have tense atmosphere surrounding the Hong Kong protests stepped away from their affiliation with or support of and the necessary increase in xenophobic content for the the Institutes since this summer. In June, the American nationalistic Global Times. Wang claimed that the “ban” Association of University Professors (AAUP) released a on Confucius Institutes was because a part of the U.S. report calling for “universities [to] cease their involvement intelligentsia “lacks confidence in their culture and their in Confucius Institutes” (AAUP, June). The AAUP stated system,” as, when compared to China’s long history, that host universities had “sacrificed the integrity of the “the United States’ pirate culture is only 200 years old university and its academic staff,” since the Institutes […] and they feel ashamed and scared!” Addressing the “advance a state agenda in the recruitment and control protests in Hong Kong, Wang said that the Hong Kong- of academic staff, in the choice of curriculum, and in America Center at the Chinese University of Hong Kong the restriction of debate.” On September 25, just two was actually a U.S. consulate-backed training base for the days before its own planned celebration for “Confucius Occupy Central protesters. Institute Day,” the University of Chicago said it had decided to “suspend negotiations for the renewal of the U.S. Criticism is Political agreement for a second term of the Confucius Institute” (University of Chicago, September 25). Lastly, on October While the Chinese media’s response to the universities 1, Pennsylvania State University (Penn State) announced was sensationalist but limited, its response to the AAUP’s 2 ChinaBrief Volume XIV s Issue 19 s October 10, 2014 June call for ending all cooperation was much wider Learning From “Growing Pains” and more focused at reassuring a domestic audience. The People’s Daily published first with an article featuring Meanwhile, the Chinese media has also attempted to interviews with directors of Institutes in nine countries, take the criticism in stride. A 2012 People’s Daily article all contending that their Institutes never had issues with recounted the Institutes’ “unavoidable growing pains” as academic freedom and that the AAUP’s accusations part of the process of addressing misconceptions and were “wholly wrong,” “preposterous and laughable” and obstacles, since “some Western countries see Confucius “stemmed from political motives” (People’s Daily, June 20). Institutes as political vassals” (People’s Daily, December 19, The article further described the purpose of the Institutes 2012). While the Chinese media has yet to address the core as promoting cultural exchange and understanding, difference between other countries’ programs and the reflecting their mission statement. Later that day, Institutes—namely that only China places the Institutes the Global Times addressed the AAUP’s statement by directly within schools—the article did concede that listing several common rebuttals (Global Times, June 20). “entering the education system is seen as the Confucius The article claimed: the Institutes are similar to other Institutes’ opening to ‘enter’ [the host country].” Western programs; all cultural promotion is political; the United States is insecure, adopting a double standard and At the same time, this indicates that the Chinese a “Cold War” mentality; and the United States’ concerns government is aware of the root cause of the criticism— are out of ignorance about China. Two days later, Xinhua the program’s close government ties—but is unwilling published a commentary by a former teacher at an to allow the Institutes to become independent and grow Institute in the United States, who described “the truth on their own. It appears that for all of the importance about U.S. Confucius Institutes” (Xinhua, June 22). The Xi Jinping’s “China Dream” places on China having author asserted that academic freedom was not an issue confidence in itself, the leadership is far from ready to because the author had discussed “Chinese democracy” let the country’s soft power flow from the people, not and “non-Western style democracy” with students at his the Party. Institute. Nathan Beauchamp-Mustafaga is the editor of China Brief. The media’s efforts to couch criticism of the Institutes *** as politically motivated indeed reflect a larger insecurity within the Chinese political system. A May 2012 directive from the U.S. Department of State that addressed visas issued to Chinese teachers at the Institutes was explained as a backlash driven by U.S. “concerns” about the success of the program and political considerations in the run- up to the 2012 presidential election (Department of State, May 17, 2012; Global Times, May 24, 2012).
Recommended publications
  • UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Powerful patriots : nationalism, diplomacy, and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9z19141j Author Weiss, Jessica Chen Publication Date 2008 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Powerful Patriots: Nationalism, Diplomacy, and the Strategic Logic of Anti-Foreign Protest A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jessica Chen Weiss Committee in charge: Professor David Lake, Co-Chair Professor Susan Shirk, Co-Chair Professor Lawrence Broz Professor Richard Madsen Professor Branislav Slantchev 2008 Copyright Jessica Chen Weiss, 2008 All rights reserved. Signature Page The Dissertation of Jessica Chen Weiss is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2008 iii Dedication To my parents iv Epigraph In regard to China-Japan relations, reactions among youths, especially students, are strong. If difficult problems were to appear still further, it will become impossible to explain them to the people. It will become impossible to control them. I want you to understand this position which we are in. Deng Xiaoping, speaking at a meeting with high-level Japanese officials, including Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Agriculture, and Forestry, June 28, 19871 During times of crisis, Arab governments demonstrated their own conception of public opinion as a street that needed to be contained. Some even complained about the absence of demonstrators at times when they hoped to persuade the United States to ease its demands for public endorsements of its policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Resource List
    Resource List rative activities relating to June 4th. The Nomination of the Tiananmen Mothers for Web site contains information about ongo- the Nobel Peace Prize 2004 The 1989 ing and upcoming campaigns and rallies in http://209.120.234.77/64/press/ .2, Democracy Movement Hong Kong and overseas. It also provides TiananmenMothersPackage_2004_Final.pdf NO links to many other relevant Web sites. English COMPILED BY STACY MOSHER This packet of materials was prepared by Independent Federation of Chinese Stu- the Independent Federation of Chinese Stu- dents and Scholars dents and Scholars to support their nomi- WEB SITES: www.ifcss.net nation of the Tiananmen Mothers for the FORUM Chinese and English 2004 Nobel Peace Prize. 64 Memo The IFCSS was founded in Chicago in Princeton Professor Perry Link’s letter of http://www.64memo.org/index.asp August 1989 by more than 1,000 Chinese nomination can be read in Chinese at: RIGHTS Chinese student representatives from more than http://www.dajiyuan.com/gb/4/4/2/n499 Operated by Tiananmen veteran Feng 200 U.S. universities, and remains the 469.htm CHINA Congde and sponsored by HRIC, this Web most influential overseas Chinese student The text was transcribed from Link’s site provides an archive of documents, arti- group. Although less active in recent years, broadcast of the letter on Radio Free Asia. 79 cles and images relating to June 4th. IFCSS is organizing the collection of arti- cles, documents and photos relating to its Tiananmen Square, 1989: The Declassi- Boxun.com Tiananmen Feature upcoming 15th anniversary. fied History http://www.boxun.com/my-cgi/post/ http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/N TURES display_all.cgi?cat=64 June 4th Essays SAEBB16/ FEA Chinese http://www.dajiyuan.com/gb/nf2976.htm English Boxun’s special section of photos, articles Chinese An archive of official documents of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Memory of Tiananmen 1989
    Timeline The Memory of Tiananmen 1989 The spring of 1989 saw the largest pro-democracy demonstration in the history of China's communist regime. The following timeline tracks how the protests began in April among university students in Beijing, spread across the nation, and ended on June 4 with a final deadly assault by an estimated force of 300,000 soldiers from People's Liberation Army (PLA). Throughout these weeks, China's top leaders were deeply divided over how to handle the unrest, with one faction advocating peaceful negotiation and another demanding a crackdown. Excerpts from their statements, drawn from The Tiananmen Papers, reveal these internal divisions. Related Features April 17 Newspaper Headlines About the "Tank Man" Mourners flock to Tiananmen Gate. Eyewitness To Tiananmen Spring Tens of thousands of university students begin gathering spontaneously in Tiananmen Square, Beijing, The Legacy of June Fourth the nation's symbolic central space. They come to mourn the death of Hu Yoabang, former General Secretary of the Communist Party. Hu had been a symbol to them of anti-corruption and political reform. In his name, the students call for press freedom and other reforms. April 18 - 21 Unrest Spreads Demonstrations escalate in Beijing and spread to other cities and universities. Workers and officials join in with complaints about inflation, salaries and housing. Party leaders fear the demonstrations might lead to chaos and rebellion. One group, lead by Premier Li Peng, second- ranking in the Party hierarchy, suspects "black
    [Show full text]
  • 1989 Tiananmen Square: a Proto-History
    1989 Tiananmen Square: A Proto-History Karman Miguel Lucero April 4th, 2011 Thesis Seminar Professor: Mae M. Ngai Second Reader: Dorothy Ko Word Count: 19,883 1 Acknowledgements This project would not have been possible without the advice, wisdom, and assistance of several individuals. I would like to thank my fellow students at Tsinghua University for providing me with source materials and assisting me in developing my own historical consciousness. Furthermore, I would like to thank Professors Tang Shaojie and Hu Weixi, not for their direct involvement with this project, but for their inspiring commitment to academic integrity and dedication to the wonderful possibilities that can result from receiving a good education. I owe much gratitude to Columbia Professor Lydia Liu, who not only offered her invaluable advice, but also provided me access to sources that are a critical component of this paper. Thank you to Ouyang Jianghe for his time and wisdom as well as to Qin Wuming (pseudonym), for letting me read his deeply moving essay. A special thank you goes to Mae M. Ngai, my senior thesis seminar professor, who has helped me throughout this process and shared in the excitement. Thank you to Dorothy Ko and Lisa J. Lucero for their priceless feedback and to Madeleine Zelin and Andrew Nathan for their advice. The passion and integrity of my various history teachers and professors have inspired me and contributed a great deal to my appreciation of history. Thank you in particular to Liu Lu, Volker R. Berghahn, and Gray Tuttle at Columbia University , each of whom really inspired my appreciation for the craft of history.
    [Show full text]
  • Tiananmen Square Fast Facts
    HOME | CNN - ASIA PACIFIC Tiananmen Square Fast Facts CNN May 20, 12:34 pm News 2019 Here is some information about the events in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 3-4, 1989. Facts: Tiananmen Square is located in the center of Beijing, the capital of China. Tiananmen means “gate of heavenly peace.” In 1989, after several weeks of demonstrations, Chinese troops entered Tiananmen Square on June 4 and fired on civilians. Estimates of the death toll range from several hundred to thousands. It has been estimated that as many as 10,000 people were arrested during and after the protests. Several dozen people have been executed for their parts in the demonstrations. Timeline: April 15, 1989 – Hu Yaobang, a former Communist Party leader, dies. Hu had worked to move China toward a more open political system and had become a symbol of democratic reform. April 18, 1989 – Thousands of mourning students march through the capital to Tiananmen Square, calling for a more democratic government. In the weeks that follow, thousands of people join the students in the square to protest against China’s Communist rulers. May 13, 1989 – More than 100 students begin a hunger strike in Tiananmen Square. The number increases to several thousand over the next few days. May 19, 1989 – A rally at Tiananmen Square draws an estimated 1.2 million people. General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Zhao Ziyang, appears at the rally and pleads for an end to the demonstrations. May 19, 1989 – Premier Li Peng imposes martial law. June 1, 1989 – China halts live American news telecasts in Beijing, including CNN.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Repression of Chinese Students After Tiananmen A
    University of Nevada, Reno “To yield would mean our end”: The Political Repression of Chinese Students after Tiananmen A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Katherine S. Robinson Dr. Hugh Shapiro/Thesis Advisor May, 2011 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by KATHERINE S. ROBINSON entitled “To Yield Would Mean Our End”: The Political Repression Of Chinese Students After Tiananmen be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hugh Shapiro, Ph.D, Advisor Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member Jiangnan Zhu, Ph.D, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Associate Dean, Graduate School May, 2011 i ABSTRACT Following the military suppression of the Democracy Movement, the Chinese government enacted politically repressive policies against Chinese students both within China and overseas. After the suppression of the Democracy Movement, officials in the Chinese government made a correlation between the political control of students and the maintenance of political power by the Chinese Communist Party. The political repression of students in China resulted in new educational policies that changed the way that universities functioned and the way that students were allowed to interact. Political repression efforts directed at the large population of overseas Chinese students in the United States prompted governmental action to extend legal protection to these students. The long term implications of this repression are evident in the changed student culture among Chinese students and the extensive number of overseas students who did not return to China.
    [Show full text]
  • Please Click Here to See the List of 315
    The Tiananmen Papers Revisited Alfred L. Chan, Andrew J. Nathan Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 177 / 2004 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741004000116 Published online: 11 May 2004, pp. 190-214 The Tiananmen Papers: An Editor's Reflections Andrew J. Nathan Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 167 / 2001 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0009443901000407 Published online: 01 September 2001, pp. 724-737 China's Universities since Tiananmen: A Critical Assessment Ruth Hayhoe Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 134 / 1993 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000029696 Published online: 01 February 2009, pp. 291-309 Beijing and Taipei: Dialectics in Post-Tiananmen Interactions Chong-Pin Lin Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 136 / 1993 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000032331 Published online: 01 February 2009, pp. 770-804 The “Shekou Storm”: Changes in the Mentality of Chinese Youth Prior to Tiananmen Luo Xu Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 142 / 1995 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000035050 Published online: 01 February 2009, pp. 541-572 The Road to Tiananmen Square. By HoreCharlie. [London: Bookmarks, 1991. 159 pp. £4.95.] Nicola Macbean Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 130 / 1992 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000040832 Published online: 01 February 2009, pp. 417-419 China Rising: The Meaning of Tiananmen. By FeigonLee. [Chicago: DeeIvan R., 1990. 269 pp. $19.95.] Gregor Benton Journal: The China Quarterly / Volume 125 / 1991 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000030459 Published online: 01 February 2009, pp. 168-169 PLA and the Tiananmen Crisis. Edited by YangRichard H.. [Kaohsiung, Taiwan: SCPS Papers No. 1, 101989.
    [Show full text]
  • One Year After the Nobel Peace Prize Award to Liu Xiaobo: Conditions for Political Prisoners and Prospects for Political Reform
    ONE YEAR AFTER THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE AWARD TO LIU XIAOBO: CONDITIONS FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS AND PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION DECEMBER 6, 2011 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 73–764 PDF WASHINGTON : 2012 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, SHERROD BROWN, Ohio, Cochairman Chairman MAX BAUCUS, Montana FRANK WOLF, Virginia CARL LEVIN, Michigan DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California EDWARD R. ROYCE, California JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TIM WALZ, Minnesota SUSAN COLLINS, Maine MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio JAMES RISCH, Idaho MICHAEL HONDA, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS SETH D. HARRIS, Department of Labor MARIA OTERO, Department of State FRANCISCO J. SA´ NCHEZ, Department of Commerce KURT M. CAMPBELL, Department of State NISHA DESAI BISWAL, U.S. Agency for International Development PAUL B. PROTIC, Staff Director LAWRENCE T. LIU, Deputy Staff Director (II) CO N T E N T S Page Opening statement of Hon Christopher H. Smith, a U.S. Representative from New Jersey; Chairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ....... 1 Walz, Hon. Tim, a U.S. Representative from Minnesota; Ranking Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ................................................ 4 Link, Perry, Chancellorial Chair for Innovative Teaching, Comparative Lit- erature and Foreign Languages, University of California, Riverside; Pro- fessor Emeritus, East Asian Studies, Princeton University ............................
    [Show full text]
  • Resource List | the 1989 Democracy Movement
    CRF-2008-02-text-rev.qxd:HRIC-Report 5/23/08 9:54 AM Page 47 CHINA RIGHTS FORUM | NO. 2, 2008 RESOURCE LIST | THE 1989 DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT Following is a list of resources related to the 1989 Democracy Movement. CND also operates related Democracy Movement in China. This list includes websites devoted to June Fourth . NGO and news websites as well as selected multi- media materials and books on June Fourth . Please China News Digest: Victims of Tiananmen note that English titles for books with official title Massacre translations have been included; otherwise, the pinyin [六四屠杀受难者网页] and characters are provided. http://www.cnd.org/HYPLAN/yawei/june4th/ indexC.html (Chinese) http://www.cnd.org/HYPLAN/yawei/june4th WEBSITES (English) Chinese and English BBC: Witnessing Tiananmen http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/37638 This website includes photographs of victims of the 31.stm Tiananmen Square violence and provides a detailed English account of the events that took place. This website provides a compilation of interviews by China News Digest: June Fourth 1989 Diary the BBC from 2004, the 15 th anniversary of the 1989 http://www.cnd.org/June4th/1989_Today_TOC. Tiananmen Democracy Movement. The interviews hz8.html include eyewitness accounts of bystanders, protesters, English and student leaders. The website also offers links to background on and analysis of the 1989 Democracy This website provides a thorough day-by-day account Movement. of the Tiananmen Square protest. Excerpts from the diary of a Tsinghua University student who was at the Boxun.com: Tiananmen Feature protests are included, providing an insider’s view of [博讯:六四图片资料] the events that took place.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil-Military Change in China: Elites, Institutes, and Ideas After the 16Th Party Congress
    CIVIL-MILITARY CHANGE IN CHINA: ELITES, INSTITUTES, AND IDEAS AFTER THE 16TH PARTY CONGRESS Edited by Andrew Scobell Larry Wortzel September 2004 ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect the offi cial policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications Offi ce by calling (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or by e-mail at [email protected] ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http:// www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/ ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-165-2 ii CONTENTS Foreword Ambassador James R. Lilley............................................................................ v 1. Introduction Andrew Scobell and Larry Wortzel................................................................. 1 2. Party-Army Relations Since the 16th Party Congress: The Battle of the “Two Centers”? James C.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil-Military Change in China: Elites, Institutes, and Ideas After the 16Th Party Congress
    CIVIL-MILITARY CHANGE IN CHINA: ELITES, INSTITUTES, AND IDEAS AFTER THE 16TH PARTY CONGRESS Edited by Andrew Scobell Larry Wortzel September 2004 Visit our website for other free publication downloads Strategic Studies Institute Home To rate this publication click here. ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications Office by calling (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or by e-mail at [email protected] ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http:// www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/ ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-165-2 ii CONTENTS Foreword Ambassador James R. Lilley ............................................................................ v 1. Introduction Andrew Scobell and Larry Wortzel ................................................................
    [Show full text]