1 Introduction

Notes

1 INTRODUCTION

1 This episode will be treated in more detail in Chapter 5. 2 Columbia University Library (CUL), Montgomery collection, William Pollard letterbook, 1764±68, to John Swire, 5 Jan. 1767. 3 For archetypal examples ofthe two positions see D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969) for the demand side and J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches (New York: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1992) for the supply side. 4 For foreign trade, a good recent survey of the field is provided by S. Enger- man, `Mercantilism and Overseas Trade, 1700±1800', in R. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) pp. 182±204. For the domestic market see N. McKendrick, `Home Demand and Economic Growth', in N. McKendrick, ed., Historical Perspectives (London: Europa, 1974), and useful surveys in B. Fine, and E. Leopold, `Consumerism and the Industrial Revolution', Social History, 15 (1990) pp. 151±79 and J. de Vries, `Purchasing Power and the World ofGoods', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 85±132. For one example ofwork on the meaning of consumption see A. Vickery, `Women and World ofGoods', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 274±301. 5 J. Mokyr, `Demand vs Supply in the Industrial Revolution', Journal of Eco- nomic History, 37 (1977) pp. 981±1008; J. Mokyr, `The New Economic History ofthe Industrial Revolution', in J. Mokyr ed., The British Industrial Revolution: an Economic Perspective (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1993) pp. 1±131; E. A. Wrigley, Continuity, Chance, and Change (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1988); G. N. von Tunzelmann, `Technological and Organiza- tional Change in Industry During the Early Industrial Revolution', in P. O'Brien and R. Quinault eds, The Industrial Revolution and British Society (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) pp. 254±82; D. S. Landes, `The Fable ofthe Dead Horse or, The Industrial Revolution Revisited', in J. Mokyr ed., The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993) pp. 132±70; D. S. Landes, `Introduction: On Technol- ogy and Growth', in P. Higonnet, D. S. Landes and H. Rosovsky eds, Favorites of Fortune: Technology, Growth, and Economic Development since the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991) pp. 1±29; P. Hudson, `Proto-industrialization: the Case ofthe West Riding Wool Textile Industry in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries', History Workshop, 12 (1981) pp. 34±61; P. Hudson, `From Manor to Mill', in P. Hudson, M. Berg and M. Sonenscher, eds, Manufacture in Town and CountryBefore the Factory (Cam-

153 154 Notes

bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) pp. 124±46; M. Berg, `Revisions and Revolutions: Technology and Productivity Change in Manufacture in Eighteenth-Century England', in P. Mathias and J. A. Davis eds, Innovation and Technologyin Europe: from the Eighteenth Centuryto the Present Day (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991) pp. 43±64. 6 Mokyr, `New Economic History', pp. 59±67; de Vries, `Purchasing Power', pp. 85±9; R. Szostak, The Role of Transportation in the Industrial Revolution: A Comparison of England and France (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1991) pp. 44±5. 7 P. K. O'Brien and S. Engerman, Èxports and the Growth ofthe British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens', in Barbara Solow ed., Slaveryand the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp. 177±209; S. Smith, `British Exports to Colonial North America and the Mercantilist Fallacy', Business History, 37 (1995) pp. 45±63. 8 R. Davis, The Industrial Revolution and British Overseas Trade (Leicester: Leice- ster University Press, 1979); R. P. Thomas and D.N. McCloskey, Òverseas Trade and Empire, 1700±1860', in R. C. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860 (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1981) pp. 87±102; Szostak, Role of Transportation, pp. 39±40. 9 J. Price, `What did Merchants Do? Reflections on British Overseas Trade, 1660±1790', Journal of Economic History 49 (1989) pp. 267±84; N. Zahedieh, `London and the Colonial Consumer in the late Seventeenth Century', Eco- nomic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVII (1994) pp. 239±61, 251±8. 10 von Tunzelmann, `Technological and Organizational Change', p. 259; Wil- liam Lazonick, `What Happened to the Theory ofEconomic Development', in P. Higonnet, D. S. Landes and H. Rosovsky eds, Favorites of Fortune: Tech- nology, Growth, and Economic Development since the Industrial Revolution (Cam- bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991) pp. 267±96, 275; T. Griffiths, P. A. Hunt and P. K. O'Brien, Ìnventive Activity in the British Textile Industry, 1700±1800', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992) pp. 881±906. 11 Maxine Berg, `Revisions and Revolutions', pp. 56±9; M. Berg, `Commerce and Creativity in Eighteenth-Century Birmingham', in M. Berg ed., Markets and Manufactures in EarlyIndustrial Europe (London: Routledge, 1991) pp. 173±201; M. Berg, `Product Innovation in Core Consumer Industries in Eighteenth-Century Britain', in K. Bruland and M. Berg eds, Technological Revolutions in Europe: Historical Perspectives (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1998) pp. 138±60. 12 J. Styles, `Manufacturing, Consumption, and Design in Eighteenth-Century England', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 527±54. 13 Many ofthe essays in Porter and Brewer eds, Consumption and the World of Goods, make this argument. 14 P. Hudson, The Industrial Revolution; (London: Edward Arnold, 1992); M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures, 1700±1820, 2nd edn, (London: Routledge, 1994); M. Berg and P. Hudson, `Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLV (1992) pp. 24±50; Landes, `Fable ofthe Dead Horse'; N.F.R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution Notes 155

(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985); N.F.R. Crafts and C. K. Harley, Òutput Growth and the British Industrial Revolution: a Restatement ofthe Crafts- Harley View', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLV (1992) pp. 703±30; N.F.R. Crafts, `The Industrial Revolution', in R. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860 , 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) pp. 44±59; P.H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, Ènglish Workers' Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: a New Look', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XXXVI (1983) pp. 1±25; J. G. Williamson, `Why Was British Economic Growth so Slow During the Industrial Revolution?', Journal of Economic History 44 (1984) pp. 687±712. 15 An important foundation of this interpretation is R. Samuel's extensive discussion ofthe continued importance ofmanual labour in the age ofsteam: `Workshop ofthe World', HistoryWorkshop 3 (1977) pp. 6±72. Joel Mokyr's work on technology is a prominent example ofthe focuson technology: Lever of Riches. Illustrating the diversity ofopinion in this debate is the fact that David Landes places more stress on the leading sectors and technology than do Hudson and Berg: Landes, `Fable ofthe Dead Horse', and Landes, Ìntroduction: On Technology and Growth'. 16 Wrigley, Continuity, Chance, and Change. 17 Crafts, `The Industrial Revolution', pp. 54, 59. 18 Mokyr, Lever of Riches, pp. 12±14; N. F. R. Crafts, `Macro-Inventions, Eco- nomic Growth, and `Ìndustrial Revolution'' in Britain and France', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVIII (1995) pp. 591±98, 595. 19 D.S. Landes, `What room for Accident in History?: Explaining Big Changes by Small Events', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVII (1994) pp. 637±56, 653. Crafts's reply to Landes concludes with a similar statement about his own gut feeling that chance did play and important role: `Macro-Inventions', p. 597. 20 de Vries, `Purchasing Power', pp. 107±21. The argument in the next three paragraphs is adapted from J. Smail, `The Sources of Innovation in the Woollen and Worsted Industry ofEighteenth Century Yorkshire', Business History, 41 (1999) pp. 1±15. 21 N. Rosenberg, `The Direction ofTechnological Change: Inducement Mechan- isms and Focusing Devices', in N. Rosenberg ed., Perspectives on Technology, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976) pp. 108±25; N. Rosenberg, Exploring the Black Box: Technology, Economics and History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); W. Lazonick, Ìndustrial Relations and Technical Change: the Case ofthe SelfActing Mule', Cambridge Journal of Economics, 3 (1979) pp. 231±62; W. Lazonick, Business Organization and the Myth of the Market Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); R. Nelson and S. Winter, An EvolutionaryTheoryof Economic Change (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1982); Giovanni Dosi, Renato Giannetti, Pier Angleo Toninelli, eds, Technologyand Enterprise in a Historical Perspective (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1990). 22 For `path dependency see Rosenberg, Exploring the Black Box, pp. 9±23 and the sources cited there. 156 Notes

23 For a useful summary see Berg, Age of Manufactures, pp. 34±44, and P. Deane, `The Output ofthe British Woolen Industry in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of Economic History, 17 (1957) pp. 207±23. 24 Berg, Age of Manufactures, pp. 208±11; D.T. Jenkins and K.G. Ponting, The British Wool Textile Industry, 1770±1914 (Aldershot, Hampshire: Scolar Press, 1987), Chapter 1. 25 R. G. Wilson, `The Supremacy ofYorkshire', in N. B. Harte and K. G. Ponting eds, Textile Historyand Economic History,Essaysin Honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Mann (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1973) pp. 223±46.

2 PRODUCTS AND MARKETS IN THE ENGLISH WOOL TEXTILE INDUSTRY TO 1730

1 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Calderdale, FH/396, Stansfield ledger and letterbook, to John and Peter D'Orville, 11 Aug. 1730. 2 J. Smail, The Origins of Middle-Class Culture (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994) p. 63. 3 D. M. Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth (London: Longman, 1983) pp. 246±51; Joan Thirsk, Ìndustries in the Countryside', in F.J. Fisher, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social Historyof Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1961) pp. 70±88. 4 D.C. Coleman, Àn Innovation and its Diffusion: the `New Draperies', Eco- nomic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XXII (1969) pp. 417±29; J. de Lacy Mann, The Cloth Industryin the West of England from 1640±1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971) pp. 11±14. 5 D. Mitchell, ```Good Hot Pressing is the Life of all Cloth:'' Dyeing, Cloth finishing, and Related Textile Trades in London, 1650±1700', in Herman Diederiks and Marjan Balkestein eds, Occupational Titles and their Classifica- tions: The Case of the Textile Trade in Past Times (St. Katharinen, Germany: Scripta Mercaturae, 1995) pp. 153±75; S. Fairlie, `Dyestuffs in the Eighteenth Century', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd Series, XVII (1964) pp. 488±510. 6 H.C. Darby, `The Age ofthe Improver: 1600±1800', in H.C. Darby ed., The New Historical Geographyof England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973) pp. 302±89, p. 356; M. Zell, Industryin the Countryside:Wealden Society in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), Chap- ter 8. D. Defoe highlights these regions in his tour: A Tour Through the While Island of Great Britain, 2 vols. (New York: A. M. Kelly, 1968). 7 Wiltshire Record Office (WRO), 947/1802, pattern book, 1699±1729; 947/ 1803, production book, 1699±1729; 947/1804, agreement, 25 Nov. 1703; and 947/1874, letters. 8 WRO, 947/1804. The factor often also sold the clothier Spanish wool and helped to collect the debts. 9 J. de Lacy Mann, À Wiltshire Family ofClothiers: George and Hester Wansey, 1683±1714', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, IX (1956) pp. 241±53; Mann, Cloth Industry, pp. 84±5. Notes 157

10 Mann, Cloth Industry, pp. 40±3; the trade as a whole was valued at around £200,000 per annum in the latter part ofthe seventeenth century. 11 Public Record Office (PRO), C.104/44, Jacob Turner, accounts, 1676±92. The export trade to Turkey is also illustrated in Gloucester Record Office (GRO), D1086/B1, /B2; Whalley and Nelmes letters, ca. 1700; for a description of `Persian colors' see Mann, Cloth Industry, p. 19. 12 Mann, Cloth Industry, pp. 18, 29n, 40±3. De Maurepas estimated that the figure was as low as 10,000 pieces in 1731: Winterthur Library, 65x15.1, de Maurepas report on the Levant trade, 1731. 13 W. G. Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People in Exeter, 1688±1800 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1935) pp. 30±6. 14 Ibid., pp. 37±8. 15 Some serges were exported to the Mediterranean from Bristol: see Dorset Record Office (DRO), 70/10/1±41, letters to and from John Steven- son. 16 Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People, pp. 43±4 and 67±9. Hoskins's account of the export trade in serges is confusing in places as some of his figures relate to the serge trade as a whole (under the assumption that most serges were made in Devon) while some of them refer specifically to the export of serges from Exeter (not including exports from London). 17 Ibid., pp. 17, 44; Amsterdam, Brants Archiv 1345, J. Jackson ofMinehead to J. I. de Neufvill, Amsterdam, 8 Apr. 1732, cited in David Ormrod, `Anglo-Dutch Commerce, 1700±1760', Cambridge Ph.D. 1973, p. 197. Moreover, as Ormrod points out, one must not overemphasize the extent ofthis change, for although the goods were now carried from England to Holland by English merchants, much ofthe cloth going to Holland was still destined forthe extensive Dutch re-export trade and Dutch capital still underpinned the trade: pp.168±81, 203. 18 Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People, pp. 71±8. 19 U. Priestley, ```The Fabric of Stuffs:'' The Norwich Textile Industry, c. 1650± 1750', Textile History 16 (1985) pp. 183±210, 184±5; U. Priestley, The Fabric of Stuffs: The Norwich Textile Industryfrom 1565 (Norwich: Centre for East Anglian Studies, 1990), pp. 12±13. 20 Priestley, Fabric of Stuffs, pp. 31±2. 21 Ibid., pp. 188±91. 22 Ibid., pp. 199±203; U. Priestley, `The Marketing of Norwich Stuffs, c. 1660± 1730', Textile History 22 (1991) pp. 193±209. 23 D. Defoe, A Tour Through the While Island of Great Britain, 2 vols. (New York: A. M. Kelly, 1968) vol. 2, p. 605; H. Heaton, The Yorkshire Woollen and Worsted Industry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920), pp. 267±8; M. J. Dickenson, `The West Riding Woollen and Worsted Industries, 1689±1770: An Analysis of Probate Inventories and Insurance Policies', (PhD dissertation, University of Nottingham, 1974), pp. 46±57. 24 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections, (UL), Joseph Lee ledger. Lee is the name ofthe late-eighteenth century merchant who reused the book. Milner's identity has been inferred from entries in the book. He was a substantial merchant, doing a trade ofabout £2000 and £3000 a year in white and coloured cloth with John Gay, quite possibly an English merchant con- nected with the Merchant Adventurers at the mart town ofDort. 158 Notes

25 UL, Lee ledger. Heaton's discussion ofthe labour needed to make a northern broadcloth points out the advantages to the domestic clothier ofselling his goods undressed: Yorkshire Woollen and Worsted, pp. 96, 108. 26 J. Smail, The Origins of Middle-Class Culture (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), pp. 22±3. 27 Milner bought almost all ofhis bays fromone man, John Brearly: UL, Lee ledger. 28 See Milner's accounts with both Anthony Lee and Thomas Kitson: UL, Lee ledger. Kitson's inventory shows that he owned a large stock ofcloth and a large workshop where they were dyed and finished: York, Borthwick Institute ofHistorical Research, Original Wills (BIHR), Pontefract, Thomas Kitson, Northowram, Aug. 1692. 29 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2, Holroyd letterbook, to Herman Struys, 17 Aug. 1706. Substantial extracts from these letters are published in F. Atkinson ed., Some Aspects of the Eighteenth CenturyWoollen and Worsted Trade in Halifax (Halifax: Halifax Museums, 1956), pp. 33±57. The context for Holroyd's trade emerged after the Merchant Adventurer's monopoly was abolished in 1689: Ormrod, `Anglo-Dutch Commerce', pp. 189±91. 30 J. Smail, `Manufacturer or Artisan?: The Relationship between Economic and Cultural Change in the Early Years ofEighteenth-Century Industrialization', Journal of Social History, 25 (1992) pp. 791±814. 31 Heaton, Yorkshire Woollen and Worsted, pp. 109, 297; P Hudson, `Proto-Indus- trialization: The Case ofthe West Riding Wool Textile Industry in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries', HistoryWorkshop , 12 (1981) pp. 34±61, 38±40; Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People, p. 13. 32 Smail, Origins of Middle-Class Culture, pp. 59±60. 33 Account with John Brearly: UL, Lee ledger; WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/1, to James Baden, 4 Nov. 1706 and Peter Deynote, 2 Aug. 1706. 34 D. W. Jones argues persuasively that this boom was related to the financial arrangements associated with the continental wars ofthese decades: War and Economyin the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). 35 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/1, to Ludwig Wulfe, 24 Sep. 1706, Henry Carter, 20 Aug. 1706, and J. d'Orville, 27 Aug. 1706. 36 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2, to John D'Orville, 31 Dec. 1706. 37 BIHR, Pontefract, Susanna Riley, Soyland, Nov. 1707; and Benjamin Holroyd, Rishworth, Aug. 1718. 38 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/1, to Peter Michelez, 10 Dec. 1706. 39 R.G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: the Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700± 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971); pp. 7, 13±16. 40 Ormrod outlines a similar argument: `Anglo-Dutch Commerce', pp. 197±202. 41 This growing trade was disrupted by war in 1740, but the massive increase in the exports ofnorthern single dozens to Italy and Portugal between 1740 (3890 pieces) and 1750 (12425 pieces) suggests the extent ofthe contacts which had developed: PRO, CUST/3/40 and CUST/3/50. Although the numbers themselves cannot be compared, a similar trend is evident in the Hull portbooks: Public Record Office, London, (PRO) E.190/343/7, E.190/361/7, and E.190/3667, Hull port books for 1710, 1730, and 1750. R.G. Wilson's Notes 159

figures on the number of ships leaving Hull for Italy confirm these statistics: Gentlemen Merchants, pp. 46±7. 42 Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, p. 46±7; Mann, makes a similar argument, although she stresses the low price ofYorkshire goods rather than any improvements in quality: Cloth Industry, p. 46. 43 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/396, to Henry Hermans, 15 Mar. 1727/8, 24 May 1728, and 12 Sep. 1729. 44 Stansfield's ledgers show cloth transactions with two other Dutch merchants in 1724 and 1725, Herman Van Broyel and Archibald Hope. Judging by a letter Stansfield sent to Van Broyel at the beginning of the depression, which contained a desperate plea for business, Stansfield's relationship with these men before 1730 was not a regular one: Ibid. to Herman Van Broyel, 24 May 1728. 45 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/396, to Henry Hermans, 29 Nov. 1729. 46 He told the D'Orvilles, for instance, that he had received a letter from one of their `townsmen' who desired to start a correspondence. Stansfield turned him down, but his reason for telling the D'Orvilles of the episode is clear: Ibid. to John and Peter D'Orville, 8 Dec. 1730. 47 Like his neighbour, George Stansfield, Samuel Hill was carving out a more `independent' commercial position for himself in the 1730s. He told one firm that he would not `deal with those who will not accept my goods at the market price when ready', and he too was beginning to solicit orders from new firms: WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2; Hill letterbook, to Hendrick and Peter Kops, 31 Jan. 1737/8, William Preston, 3 Feb. 1737/8, and Mr. Vander Veit, 10 Feb. 1737/8. 48 Examples ofthis practice are discussed in more detail in Chapters 3 and 4. 49 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/396, to J. and P. D'Orville, 9 Feb. 1731/2. 50 WRO, 927/15, Temple account and pattern book, 1724±1739; WRO, 873, Awdry account book. 51 Among the surviving records, the sole exception to this pattern is George Wansey, another Wiltshire clothier. Perhaps because ofhis brother's trade as a merchant with Portugal, Wansey did make a few `foreign adventures' in the late 1730s and the 1740s, but the bulk ofhis trade, as was true ofLong, Temple, and Audrey, went through London factors: J. de Lacy Mann, ed., Documents Illustrating the Wiltshire Textile Trades in the Eighteenth Century, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Record Series, vol. 19 (Devizes, Wiltshire, 1963), p. 31. 52 Long produced cloth at a relatively constant rate during the course ofa year, with perhaps a slight peak in late spring and early summer: WRO, 947/1803. 53 An example ofthe credit extended by West Country clothiers is foundin Jacob Turner's accounts: PRO, C.104/44. Inventory evidence illustrates the distribution ofthe typical clothiers' capital. A Gloucestershire clothier had about three quarters of his working assets in the form of debts for cloth sold (£475 `in London' alone) and a stock ofcompleted cloth (£1096 in London and at home): GRO, D333/F26, inventory ofJonathan Mitchell, 4 Feb. 1701. See also GRO, D149/T466, /T467, inventories ofNicholas and Sara Dangerfield, 19 Jul. 1705 and 4 Nov. 1712. 54 Doncaster, DD.WA/B/1, Aldam, Pease, Birchall and Co, ledger, 1738±1750, and DD.WA/B/4, ledger 1758±1780s which contains a copy ofthe inventory. 160 Notes

The fact that Benson got credit with worsteds and kerseys is indicative of the spread of manufacturing in that branch of the trade, for his broadcloth was bought in the Leeds market for cash.

3 THE MANUFACTURER AND THE MARKET AROUND MID- CENTURY

1 Although more attention has been paid to the expansion ofYorkshire into Mediterranean markets in this period, the Baltic trade was probably more important, taking four times as many single dozens as southern Europe in 1740 and more than twice as many in 1750; Public Record Office (PRO), CUST/3, Customs ledgers. 2 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441, Hill letters (London), from John Thornton, 26 Dec. 1749. 3 Ibid., from Abel Fonnereau, 15 Apr. 1749. 4 Ibid., from Abel Fonnereau, 4 May 1749. 5 Ibid., from Robert Dinsley, 14 April, 27 May, and 3 June 1749. 6 PRO, C.104/143, part 1, William Heath, `sterling account book', Apr. to June 1745. 7 WYAS, Calderdale, FH:439/1; Hill invoice book, 1743 to 1752. 8 H. P. Kendall, `Making Place in Soyland', Transactions of the Halifax Antiquarian Society (1916) pp. 9±70; James Hill was one ofGeorge Stansfield's competitors: West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Calderdale, FH/396, Stansfield ledger and letterbook, to John D'Orville, n.d. May, 1730. 9 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2; Hill letterbook, to Hendrick and Peter Kops, 31 Jan. 1737/8, William Preston, 3 Feb. 1737/8, and Mr. Vandervleit, 10 Feb. 1737/8. 10 Ibid., to Mr. Vandervleit, 10 Feb. 1737/8, J. and P. Dorville, 1 Feb. 1737/7, and Thomas Lee, 13 Feb. 1737/8. 11 Ibid., to A. Van Broyel, 17 Feb. 1737/8. 12 Ibid., to William Handley, 3 Feb. 1737/8. 13 Ibid., to A. Van Broyel, 17 Feb. 1737/8. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid., to A. Van Broyel, 1 Feb. 1737/8. 16 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/439/1. 17 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2, to A. Van Broyel, 17 Feb. 1737/8. 18 Ibid. 19 R.G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: The Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700± 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971) p. 45. 20 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/396, to John Dorville, 6 May 1730. 21 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2, to Mr. Vandervleit, 10 Feb., 1737/8. Ker- seys continued to lose ground to shalloons and bays in subsequent decades. Hill commented to Cornelius Van der Weet in 1749 that `the manufacturers here find so much better encouragement in making shalloons, serges and other sort of worsted stuffs that we venture to say here not 2/3 of the kerseys Notes 161

now made that was this time 12 month': WYAS, Calderdale, FH/442, Hill letters (Amsterdam), 17 June 1749. 22 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/440, Hill despatch book, 1749±1751. 23 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections (UL), Marriner/18, Marriner daybook, 1750s. 24 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/440. In this respect Hill can be compared to John Firth, a Halifax shalloon merchant and manufacturer who purchased cloth in the market or had it made to order: WYAS, Calderdale, HAS 307 (322), John Firth day book, 1750±52. 25 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2, to Hendrick and Peter Kops, 31 Jan. 1737/8. 26 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441, from John Lozer, 20 July, 30 Sept., 26 Oct., 9 Nov. 1749, and 25 Feb. 1749/50. 27 Ibid., from Robert Dinsley, 24 June 1749, from William Farnworth, 8 July 1749, and from John Macnamara, 24 Aug. 1749. 28 Ibid., from Peter Gaussens, 28 Dec. 1749. This was not Gaussens only effort on Hill's behalfsee 6 April 1749. Hill had also enquired ofone ofhis Dutch correspondents about trade with Portugal: WYAS, Calderdale, FH/442, from A. Van Broyel, 29 Aug. 1749. 29 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441, from John Lozer, 20 July and 8 July 1749. 30 Ibid., from Abel Fonnereau, 29 June, 6 July, and 14 Sept. 1749. 31 I am grateful to David Mitchell for pointing out to me that some figured cloths could be woven on a multi-harness loom. 32 WYAS, Calderdale, FH:439/1, invoice of27 Feb. 1748/9 to Van Eck and Will- ink ofRotterdam compared to WYAS, Calderdale, FH/440; despatch in 18 Apr. 1749 ofbale no. 21 to Van Eck and Willink. 33 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/442, from Van Eck and Willink, 12 Aug.1749. Some weeks later, a Luke Greenwood appears as the recipient of a draft for £50 from Hill: WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441; from Peter Gaussens, 12 Sept. 1749. 34 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/442, from John Lozer, 25 Feb. 1749. 35 U. Priestley, ed., The Letters of Philip Stannard, Norwich Textile Manufacturer, 1751±63, Norfolk Record Society, Vol. 57 for 1992 (1994), p. 9. The firm's papers survive, as is often the case, because of its bankruptcy in 1769. The collection is housed at the Norfolk Record Office in Norwich (NRO). The most important items are: 211/1, Stannard ledger, 1763±69; 211/3, Stannard foreign trade ledger, 1766±69; 211/7, Stannard invoice book, 1764±70; 211/ 10, Stannard stock accounts, 1758±69; 211/12, Stannard letterbook, 1751±63. The last item is the collection cited above; references to the letterbook (BR/ 211/12) in this chapter are made to the published version ifpossible. 36 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, pp., 11±13. Several letters make reference to the importance ofpressing and to Stannard's hot pressing shop, pp, 35, 75, 104. 37 Ibid., p. 3. 38 Ibid., pp. 99±100. 39 Ibid., p. 44. 40 Ibid., pp. 51±2. 41 Ibid., p. 62. 42 Ibid., pp. 96, 36. 43 Ibid., p. 61. 44 Ibid., p. 62. 162 Notes

45 Ibid., pp. 99±100; NRO, BR 211/12, to John Kelly, 12 June 1763. PRO, C.217/ 75 undated pattern card, probably third quarter ofthe eighteenth century, and PRO, C.217/70, undated pattern card, probably third quarter ofthe eighteenth. 46 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, pp. 55±6, 91±2. Interestingly, all ofStan- nard's patterns came from goods which were already in production, for it was only on rare occasions that Stannard sent a drawing ofthe cloth instead ofan actual swatch: NRO, BR/211/12, to John Kelly in Madrid, 11 July 1763. The point is perhaps obvious, but in the case of `the newest stuffs your manufacture produces', it is important. It reminds us that there was a lead time required to get a new pattern to the market, as Stannard would, after design- ing it, have to make a piece or two to get the material out ofwhich he could cut swatches to send to customers to generate further orders. 47 For discussions ofthe role played by fashionin the Norwich trade see: Priest- ley, Letters of Philip Stannard, pp, 6±7, 9; U. Priestley, ```The Fabric of Stuffs:'' The Norwich Textile Industry, c. 1650±1750', Textile History 16 (1985) pp. 183±210, 199±201; and U. Priestley, `The Marketing of Norwich Stuffs, c. 1660±1730', Textile History 22 (1991) pp. 193±209. 48 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, p. 78. 49 Ibid., p. 51. 50 Ibid., p. 65. 51 Ibid., pp. 27±8, 31, 37, 64, and NRO, BR/211/12, to Tahtbitzer, 5 Feb. 1763. 52 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, p. 84. 53 Ibid., pp. 25±6. In a letter to John James Stephany he wrote about Mr. Meyer: I am obliged to you, Sir, for your kind offers of service, but I assure you I have no correspondence abroad, [n]or in fact do I desire any, my whole business being with merchants in London, and ifthis gentleman has not given me orders to send the goods to you or some other in London, and draw for the same, I would not have accepted the order: Ibid., p. 58. 54 Ibid., pp., 93±9. 55 NRO, BR/211/12, to Widow Rigal and Son, 12 June 1763. 56 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, pp. 117±18. 57 Ibid. 58 NRO, BR 211/12, to Joseph Manescue, n.d., circa Feb. 1763. 59 NRO, BR 211/12, to Martin Power, 21 Nov. 1762. 60 Ibid., to Joseph Manescue, n.d., circa Feb. 1763. 61 Ibid., to Mess. Manuel, Paulin, et Fils, 21 Sept. 1762. 62 Ibid., to Carrer, Audenvert and Co, 20 June, 1763. 63 Ibid., to Thomas Achgelis, 18 Jan. and 10 June 1763. 64 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, p. 27. 65 NRO, BR 211/12, various letters after 1762. 66 Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard, pp. 117±18. 67 Undoubtedly they could. Hill's despatch books record the names ofthe makers ofthe cloths included in each bale, and Stannard was able to reassure worried customers where the goods they had ordered were in his pipeline: WYAS, Calderdale, FH/440; Priestley, Letters of Philip Stannard. 68 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441, from Abel Fonnereau, 5 Oct. 1749. Notes 163

69 J. de Lacy Mann, ed., Documents Illustrating the Wiltshire Textile Trades in the Eighteenth Century, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Record Series, vol. 19 (Devizes, Wiltshire, 1963), p. 37.

4 THE MERCHANT, THE CLOTHIER AND THE MARKET AROUND MID-CENTURY

1 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Calderdale, SH:7/FAW, Fawcett/Lister letters, 8 July 1750 . Fawcett was an officer between commissions seeking an investment for his inheritance and marriage portion. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., especially the letters in August of1750. 4 Ibid., Thomas Pratt to Samuel Lister, 4 Aug. 1750. 5 I am very grateful to Jacob Price for allowing me to see the typescript of his entry for Fludyer prepared for the new DNB. 6 When he married, Packer received £4000 as a marriage portion from his wife which his family must have matched to some extent: Gloucester Record Office (GRO), D149/F92, Daniel Packer marriage settlement. We also know that in his will of1768 he left£7000 to his three children: GRO, D149/F97, Daniel Packer will. For a general overview ofthe activities ofsuch clothiers see E.A.L. Moir, `The Gentlemen Clothiers: A Study ofthe Organization ofthe Gloucestershire Cloth Industry, 1750±1835', in H.P.R. Finberg, ed. Gloucester- shire Studies, (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1957) pp. 225±66. 7 Packer's trade with Thomas Misenor was in relatively fine cloth, costing between £10 and £12, most ofwhich was sold to the East India Company: GRO, D149/F114, Packer letterbook, 1768±91, to Misenor, 21 July 1768, 28 Aug. 1768, and 28 Jan. 1769. Packer (and later his widow) also relied upon Misenor, not Fludyer, for performing services in the London financial markets: Ibid., 15 and 22 Oct., 1769, and the letters from Packer's widow in the 1770s. 8 In the letters, the cloth despatched to Fludyer is always given a price: `five cloth coloured Worcesters, nos 5240, -41, - 58, -60, and -61, £56 5s'. In contrast, the cloth despatched to Misenor is never given a value: GRO, D149/F113: Packer letterbook, 1760±61, to Fludyer, 27 Sept. 1760. Jacob Price's entry for Fludyer in the new DNB suggests that Fludyer also operated as a factor; however, that is not evident in the sources I encountered. 9 GRO, D149/F113, to Fludyer, 24 Jan. 1761, my emphasis. 10 Ibid., to Fludyer, 15 Nov. 1760. 11 Packer's response to Fludyer's request for an abatement because of a drop in the price ofwool illustrates his ability to calculate profitin advance of production: `had I made any advance `twould be reasonable I should abate, but you have had my cloths at one price for many years past and I have but a trifling profit on them and the abatement you make sinks deep in the small profit I have', Ibid., 22 Dec. 1760. 12 GRO, D149/F114, to Thomas Misenor, 16 and 9 May 1768. 13 GRO, D149/F113, to Fludyer, 28 Feb. 1761. 164 Notes

14 Ibid., to Fludyer, 4 Oct. 1760. 15 Ibid., to Fludyer, 13 Dec. 1760. Hawker was clearly an independent dyer who worked for Fludyer, not Packer, dying the cloths that had been delivered to him by Packer according to Fludyer's instructions and charging Fludyer directly: GRO, D149/F114, to Marsh and Hudson, 18 June 1768. 16 J. de Lacy Mann, ed., Documents Illustrating the Wiltshire Textile Trades in the Eighteenth Century, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Record Series, vol. 19 (Devizes, Wiltshire, 1963), p. 32. 17 Wiltshire Record Office (WRO), 927/4, Clark pattern book, 1760±1768, and 927/7, Clark pattern book, 1773±78; see also R.P. Beckinsale ed. The Trow- bridge Woollen IndustryAs Illustrated bythe Stock Books of John and Thomas Clark 1804±1824, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Soceity, Records Branch, Vol. 6 (Devizes, 1950). 18 Wansey calculated the profit on each cloth he sold to Fludyer in the same fashion as he did for the cloths sent to his factor, that is after it was sold, and the fact that the profit varied considerably from cloth to cloth suggests he was not making goods to a fixed price: WRO, 314/2/1, Wansey stock account, 1752. 19 WRO, 927/4. 20 WRO, 927/16, Clark letters, 1747, one contains an order for goods for the Empress ofRussia. 21 Fludyer probably did not enter the Yorkshire trade until the mid or late 1750s, for we know that Samuel Lister was told in 1750 that there were no warehousemen for Yorkshire goods in London, and Fludyer's involvement, if it had predated 1750, would have been too big to overlook: WYAS, Calder- dale, SH:7/FAW/26. In addition, the invoices ofa firmofNew York merchants for goods bought from Fludyer do not contain any Yorkshire-made goods in 1753 but do by 1760: New York Historical Society, Beekman Papers, Box 13, James Beekman invoices, Folder 1 and Box 14, James Beekman correspondence, Folder 1. 22 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, Brearly memorandum books, ca 1760, vol. 1, fol. 22. 23 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 35, and vol. 2. 24 Ibid., vol. 2. 25 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 21, 27. 26 In the seven months between Oct. 1769 and Aug. 1770 for which letters survive, Hindley sent cloth worth £1565 to Portugal, and cloth worth £230 to Germany. The surviving parts ofHindley's letter books have been published with an introduction in Mann, Documents. 27 Mann, Documents, to Duve and Moeller 15 Sept. 1770, also to S. Wolfenden 5 May 1770. Though smaller than the clothiers we have examined so far, the fact that they could take on orders for 30 cloths at a time suggests that we are still dealing with clothiers who employed scribblers, spinners, weavers, and finishers to work for them rather than producing cloth within the domestic unit: Ibid., to Mayne and Co, 11 Dec. 1769, an order for 30 cloths bespoke from `JG'. 28 Several letters, for example, make reference to the difficulty which Hindley had at filling and order for goods at a certain price, implying the clothiers were quite capable offiguringout ifthe commission would earn them any money: Ibid., to Mayne and Co., 11 Dec. 1769, and to John Mayne, 27 March 1773. 29 Ibid., to John Mayne, 27 March 1773. 30 Ibid., to Jere. Day, 13 March 1773. Notes 165

31 Ibid., to John Mayne, 14 June 1773. 32 Ibid., to John Mayne, 11 July 1774. 33 Ibid., to Mayne and Co., 11 Dec. 1769. Another letter urged his correspon- dent's `house in Lisbon . . . not [to] accept ofsuch extravagantly dear colours': to John Mayne, 27 March 1773. 34 J. de Lacy Mann, The Cloth Industryin the West of England from 1640±1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 44. 35 Mann, Documents, to Edward. Mayne, 7 Nov. 1774. Hindley then had to sell these goods by sending them to Portugal for sale on a commission basis, and the invoice for one such bale was covered by a letter explaining `these cloths I was obliged to bespeak for want of patterns to keep the makers in employ- ment': to Mayne and Co., 16 May 1774. 36 Somerset Record Office (SRO), DD/X/MSL: Elderton Letter book, 1763±69. Elderton's business as a factor is identical to that revealed in another surviving letter book of a London factor dealing in West Country goods from the same period: SRO, DD/S/WT 25, Joseph Edwards letterbook, 1768±70. 37 Mann, Cloth Industry, pp. 48±9. 38 SRO, DD/X/MSL, to G. Walker, 3 June 1763., to Thos. Whitaker, 30 June 1763, and to Ben Peach, 4 Aug. 1763. 39 Ibid., to Read and Wilkins, 3 Nov. 1763. 40 Ibid., to John Huntley, 4 Aug. 1763, and to Naish and Lee, 28 July 1763. 41 Ben Peach was asked to enquire at the Salisbury fair for information about a superfine maker with a capital of £1000 to £1500 whom Elderton would be willing to advance up to £1000, and he himself was offered the same amount: Ibid., 29 March 1763 and 31 March, 1763. John Walker, however, was only offered an interest free loan of £100: 6 Oct. 1763. 42 Ibid., to T. Hill, 3 June, 1763. 43 Ibid., to G. Walker, 26 May 1763, 3 June 1763, and 8 Sept. 1763. 44 Ibid., to Thos. Whitaker, 30 June 1763. 45 Ibid., to G. Walker, 6 Oct. 1763. 46 Ibid., to J. Walker, 6 Oct. 1763. 47 Ibid., to W. Turner, 24 May 1763. 48 Naish and Lee were told that Elderton had sold all but three ofthe cloths they had coming on by the batts: Ibid., 15 Sept. 1763. Elderton wrote John Hunt- ley to say: `I have an order for six pieces blue . . . since this is what you have coming, please send it as soon as you can': 2 Aug. 1763. 49 Ibid., to Read and Wilkins, 14 April 1764. 50 Ibid., to G. Walker, 8 Sept. 1763. 51 Ibid., to J. Cockell, 18 Feb. 1768, to T. Whitaker, 30 June 1763, and to N. Cockell, 23 July 1768. North America and Italy are mentioned, so is the East India Company. 52 Ibid., to T. Blythsea, 23 Feb. 1769. 53 WRO, 927/5±8, Clark pattern books, 1724±1796. There are two major gaps in the series: one from 1744 to 1754, over which there is little change in the colour range. The second gap, which runs from 1754 to 1760, allows us to date the arrival of`colour' quite precisely by accentuating the contrast I have described. 54 For an example of references to `fashion' ± most probably in the sense of colour ± which begin to appear after 1750 see: New York Historical Society, Alexander 166 Notes

Papers, Box 8, Mary Alexander letters and invoices; New York Historical Society, Beekman Papers, Box 13, James Beekman correspondence, Folder 1. 55 Mann, Cloth Industry, pp. 50±1. The speed with which cassimere production spread in the West Country suggests that Yerbury was not very jealous ofhis patent, and it is just possible that the cassimere was not really all that new, for Brearly describes a thin, twilled West Country broadcloth being woven in the 1760s: WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 8. 56 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 43, 120. There was no longer a weekly market for kerseys in the parish, though many kerseys were still made there. 57 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 173. 58 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 43, 69, 135. 59 Ibid., vol. 2 and vol. 1, fol. 173. 60 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections (UL), Lupton 3 (80), Ibbetson and Koster journal, 1757±63. The partnership was founded in 1755, linking the head ofone ofLeeds' oldest and largest firms(Henry Ibbetson), and a German (John Koster) and creating a firm with a capital of £9500: Lupton 127, Ibbetson and Koster partnership deed. 61 The ledgers show that in the mid 1750s, the firm ended each year's accounts with a relatively small quantity ofgoods in hand (worth between £1000 and £1500) in comparison to the annual turnover ofbetween £20,000 and £25,000: UL, Lupton 1. 62 R.G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: the Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700± 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971), pp. 72±4. 63 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 2. 64 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 87. 65 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 37, 90. 66 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 21. 67 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 75. 68 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 93. 69 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 17. 70 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 37. 71 UL, Lupton 1; Ibbetson and Koster ledger, 1748±1760. 72 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 24, 133. 73 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 27; Doncaster, DD.WA/B/1 and DD.WA/B/4, Aldam, Pease, Birchall and Co, ledgers, 1738±1750 and 1758±1780s. 74 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/441, Hill letters. 75 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 24. 76 Ibid., vol. 2. 77 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 45, 24.

5 AN ADVENTURE TO NEW YORK: THE EXPORT TRADE IN THE COLONIES

1 Public Record Office (PRO), C.110/120; Westley letters, from S. Hainsworth, 25 Nov. 1750. Notes 167

2 For three overviews see J. J. McCusker and R. R. Menard, The Economyof British America, 1607±1789 (Chapel Hill, N. C.: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1985), especially Chapters 3 and 13; J. Atack and P. Passell, A New Economic View of American History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1994), Chapters 2 and 3; and J. Shepherd and G. Walton, Shipping, Maritime Trade, and the Economic Development of Colonial North America (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1972). 3 M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures, 1700±1820, 2nd edn, (London, 1994), pp. 118±22. 4 The West Indies took only a small number ofwoollen cloths, and the imports into Georgia, Carolina, and even Virginia were not much more significant: PRO, CUST/3, Customs ledgers. 5 PRO, C.110/119, Westley account books, 1750s and 1760s. George Wansey exported cloth to Portugal, the West Indies, and Philadelphia in a similarly unsystematic fashion: Wiltshire Record Office (WRO), 314/2/1, Wansey stock accounts, 1752±61. 6 A. Hood, `The Material World ofCloth: Production and Use in Eighteenth- Century Rural Pennsylvania', William and MaryQuarterly , 3rd. Series, 53 (1996) pp. 43±66. 7 New York Historical Society, Alexander papers, Box 68, fabric samples; Box 10, James Alexander papers, nos. 177, 179±81; Box 6, James Alexander letters. The Alexanders did import some cheaper woollen cloth in the 1730s and 1740s but nothing like as much as they did after mid century. 8 This was because the colonial trade was, in large measure, import-led: J. M. Price, `What did Merchants Do? Reflections on British Overseas Trade, 1660± 1790', Journal of Economic History 49 (1989) pp. 267±84. 9 PRO, C.110/119. 10 J. Price, ed., Joshua Johnson's Letterbook, 1771±1774, London Record Society, vol. 15 (London: 1979), pp. x±xi; T. Doerflinger, A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise: Merchants and Economic Development in RevolutionaryPhiladelphia (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1986), pp. 77±8, 82±97. 11 P. G. E. Clemens, `The Rise ofLiverpool, 1665±1750', Economic HistoryReview , IXXX (1976) pp. 211±25; and K. Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 12 Columbia University Library, Montgomery Collection (CUL), William Pol- lard letterbook, 1764±68, to Christopher Rawson, 24 Jan. 1767. 13 New York Historical Society, Alexander papers, Box 10, no. 181; New York Historical Society, Beekman Papers, Box 13, Folder 1, correspondence, 1750±1760; Box 14, Folder 13, invoices from Fludyer, Marsh, and Hudson, 1770s; see also Philip White ed., Beekman Mercantile Papers, 1746±1799, New York Historical Society Publications, 1956, 3 Volumes. In the period after mid century, Mary Alexander was ordering goods from the London firm of David Barclay and Son: New York Historical Society, Alexander papers, Box 8, Mary Alexander invoices. 14 Historical Society ofPennsylvania (HSP), Jones and Wistar invoice book, 1759±1762, 18 and 19 July 1761. 15 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, 1756±1766, to Samuel Fludyer, 2 July 1760. 168 Notes

16 HSP, Jones and Wistar invoice book, 1759±1762, 24 June 1761. The Beek- man's also dealt with warehousemen who specialized in worsted goods: New York Historical Society, Beekman Papers, Box 13, Folder 1, invoice from Thomas Maltby and Son, 2 April 1753, and Folder 10, invoice from John Samuel. 17 Joshua Johnson tried to do just this for the shoes he exported but failed for reasons similar to those discussed below: Price ed., Joshua Johnson's Letterbook, pp. xiii-iv. 18 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, 31 Aug. 1767. Pollard's voyage was not a complete shot in the dark. He arrived with consignments of woollen cloth supplied by three different Halifax merchants, Christopher Rawson, John Woolmer, and John Swire, at least one ofwhom had already made forays into the colonial market. 19 Ibid., to John Woolmer, 16 April 1765. 20 Ibid., to Christopher Rawson, 20 Sept. 1766. 21 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to Gervase Elam, 2 March 1756, 17 Dec. 1757, 15 Nov. 1758, 1 July 1760. 22 Ibid., to Godfrey Laycock, 2 March 1756, 17 Dec. 1757, 15 Nov. 1758, 1 July 1760, and 1 Sept. 1756. 23 HSP, Jones and Wistar invoice book, 14 Jan. 1761, 12 Feb. 1761, and 1 July 1761. They also corresponded with Laycock. 24 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to John Lindoe, 26 Aug. 1760, 22 Aug. 1761, and n.d. Nov. 1762. 25 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to Fludyer, 1 April 1763. 26 Ibid., to John Elam, 10 Dec. 1763. 27 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Swire, 5 Jan. 1767. 28 Yorkshire merchants did ship some cloth out ofHull forthe colonies, but the colonial trade at that port was always marginal: R.G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: the Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700±1830 (Manchester: Man- chester University Press, 1971), p. 50. All ofthe goods mentioned in these letters were shipped from Liverpool. 29 Pollard even suggested chartering a vessel in Liverpool: CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Elam, 4 Feb. 1765. 30 HSP, James and Drinker letterbook, to Chris Rawson, 25 Dec. 1762. 31 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Thomas Swaine 4 Feb. 1765 and John Woolmer, 16 April 1765. 32 As it happens, there was a particularly severe remittance crisis in the colonies just after the Seven Years' War both because direct trade with French and Spanish islands in the West Indies had been cut off and because of the abolition ofthe colonies' paper money: Doerflinger, Vigorous Spirit, pp. 173±6. 33 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to John Woolmer, 20 Oct. 1757. Pollard was less vocal, but he also took offence at demands for payment in a period when good bills on London were scarce. He also passed along the objections of his customers as for example the refusal of Carmalt and Wilson to allow the interest that John Woolmer charged after six months since it was not the custom, and since `the charges are seldom paid sooner than the goods are paid for': CUL, Pollard letterbook, 18 Aug. 1764. Notes 169

34 Though no doubt exaggerated for effect, Pollard's letters on behalf of his Yorkshire correspondents show how vital the circulation ofcapital was to their business. For example, the told John Dockray, a merchant from Rhode Island that `I know very well that he would not have pressed for the money had not want forced him to it, and interest is not an equivalent in trade': CUL, Pollard letterbook, 18 May 1765. 35 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Woolmer, 20 Oct. 1768. 36 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to Samuel and Thomas Fludyer, 1 April 1763. 37 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, Jan. 1767. 38 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Chris Rawson, 29 Aug. 1764. 39 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to Samuel and Thomas Fludyer, 1 April 1763. 40 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to John Lindoe, 26 Aug. 1760. 41 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Woolmer, 13 Dec. 1764. 42 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Hammerton, 28 Aug. 1764. See also letters to John Woolmer, 12 Jan. 1767 and 20 Oct. 1768 and Thomas Swain, 12 Oct. 1767; also HSP, William Pollard letterbook, 1772±74, to John Moorhouse, 20 Dec. 1773. 43 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, 1 Jan. 1765. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid., to John Woolmer, 27 Feb. 1765. 46 Ibid., to John Swire, 15 April 1768. 47 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, 21 Oct. 1761; CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Swire, 5 Jan. 1767. 48 For example, in the 1760s the 6/4 broadcloths which Hindley sent to Portu- gal cost 5s. 9d. or 6s. a yard, exactly comparable with the 6/4 broadcloths which Pollard imported from Yorkshire at between 4 and 8 shillings a yard: J. de Lacy Mann, ed., Documents Illustrating the Wiltshire Textile Trades in the Eighteenth Century, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Record Series, vol. 19 (Devizes, Wiltshire, 1963), Hindley letterbook; CUL, Pollard letterbook. The Philadelphia firmofJones ofWistar ordered Norwich tammies at 23 shillings and calimancos at 26 to 32 shillings which compare to the Yorkshire tammies and calimancos which Pollard imported at 28 shillings and 32 shillings respectively: HSP, Jones and Wistar invoice book; CUL, Pollard letterbook. 49 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Leeds, Acc. 1444, Brearly memorandum books, ca 1760. vol. 1, fol. 179; Brearly's explanation was that Yorkshire makers often produced substandard goods. 50 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, 4 Feb. 1765. 51 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks, to John and Robert Elam, 15 Nov. 1758. 52 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Woolmer, 18 Aug. 1764, to Thomas Swain, 4 Feb. 1764, and to Christopher Rawson, 4 Feb. 1765. 53 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to John Swire, 5 Jan. 1767. 54 Ibid., to John Woolmer, 14 Dec. 1765. 55 HSP, James and Drinker letterbooks. 56 Somerset Record Office (SRO), DD/X/MSL, Elderton letterbook, to N. Cockell, 23 July 1768. 170 Notes

57 Elderton letters cited in J. de Lacy Mann, The Cloth Industryin the West of England from 1640±1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 48. 58 SRO, DD/X/MSL, to J. Cockell, 18 Feb 1768. 59 Mann, Documents, Hindley letterbook, to Mayne and Co., 29 Jan. 1770. 60 Ibid., to Thomas Williams and Co., 2 Dec. 1769. 61 Mann, Cloth Industry, p. 49. 62 Gloucester Record Office (GRO), D149/F113, Packer letterbook, to Samuel Fludyer, 6 Dec. 1760. 63 There are hints ofsimilar scenarios in Elderton's letters; see, forexample, his comment to Edmund Eyres about the rising cost ofspinning in the summer of1763: SRO, DD/X/MSL, 23 June 1763. 64 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 102. 65 Woolrich's data is given in Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, p. 43; the customs figures are taken from E. B. Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697±1808 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), Tables XII and XIII which contain the figures for 1771 and 1772. Woolrich estimated that for the year ending in Easter of1772, Yorkshire exported worsteds to the valued of £1,123,200 (the domestic market took Yorkshire worsted to the value of £280,800). The official values for the stuffs exported in 1771 and 1772 were £2,242,701 and £1,844,155 respectively, but these were at prices set early in the century. In 1772, the Customs office began recording declared values as well, which were about 20 per cent lower or £1,442,966. Woolrich's year, unfortunately, does not coincide with the customs year, but unless his figures are a wild overestimate (and everything suggests to the contrary) it would seem that if the official values are used for comparison Yorkshire supplied about half of all of the stuffs exported and that if the real values are used for the comparison the region supplied between two-thirds and three-quarters of the stuffs exported. 66 U. Priestley, The Fabric of Stuffs: The Norwich Textile Industryfrom 1565 (Nor- wich: Centre ofEast Anglian Studies, 1990), p. 38; J. H. Clapham, `The Transference of the Worsted Industry from Norfolk to the West Riding', Economic Journal 20 (1910) pp. 195±210; J. K. Edwards `The Decline ofthe Norwich Textile Industry', Yorkshire Bulletin of Economic and Social History 16 (1964) pp. 31±41; M.F. Lloyd Prichard, `The Decline ofNorwich,' Economic HistoryReview 3 (1950) pp. 371±7. 67 The portbooks, for instance, provide very unreliable figures, particularly as compared to the Customs ledgers, and in any event they do not survive for Liverpool after 1730: Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, p. 38 confirms my own research into the Customs and Port Book figures. 68 In 1750, only 4658 ofthese cloths were exported to the North American colonies, ofwhich over three quarters were shipped out ofLondon. In 1760, this figure jumped to 19 311 cloths, of which a third came from the outports. In 1770, there was a decline in the absolute number ofshort cloths exported to the colonies (12 776), but two-thirds ofthem were sent fromthe outports, and by 1780 (though a terrible year because ofthe war) that proportion had increased to 80 per cent: PRO, CUST/3, these conclusions are based on data collected from the ledgers in conjunction with Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade, Table XLI. Unfortunately, after 1782, the outport totals were not longer kept separate so we cannot continue this enquiry into the Notes 171

1790s by which time Yorkshire's dominance in the American trade was undoubted. 69 Woolrich's figures are cited in Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, p. 43. The growing quantity ofcloth entered as in the ledgers as `woollens at value' after 1790, not to mention the complete disappearance ofshort cloth as category in the 1790s, suggests that the increasing variety ofcloth was making the customs officers' categories obsolete. 70 Liverpool's desirability as a port increased both with the rise ofthe cotton industry in its hinterland and the vulnerability ofLondon and Bristol shipping to French predation during times ofwar: Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic Trade, Chapter 1. 71 WYAS, Leeds, CA 1/p. 144, Articles of agreement for an American factor, 1771. The inclusion oftwo merchants, a dyer, a stuffmakerand a Lancashire merchant probably reflects the desirability of being able to export a complete range ofgoods. 72 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 1, fol. 115. 73 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 116, 60. 74 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, 28 Dec. 1765 and 10 Jan. 1766. As well as being made specially, these goods had to be packed in small bundles for carriage inland. In another instance illustrating the same point, is Pollard's instructions to John Swire regarding cloth for slaves discussed above: Ibid., 15 April 1768. 75 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Thomas Swaine, 22 Jan. 1766. 76 Ibid., to Thomas Swaine, 4 Feb. 1764. A letter to Rawson in the same vein asks him to send a few shalloons and calimancos to the dyer or dresser for stiffen- ing for a `trial . . . to see how you like them': 4 Feb. 1765. 77 CUL, Pollard letterbook, to Christopher Rawson, 28 Jan. 1765.

6 TRAVELLERS: THE EXPORT TRADE IN EUROPE

1 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Calderdale, FH/462, Stansfield noti- fication, 1775. 2 For a discussion of Stansfield's role in parish affairs see J. Smail, The Origins of Middle-Class Culture: Halifax, Yorkshire, 1660±1780 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994). 3 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/7, Tolson letters, 1776. Richard tried three different schools before he found one that suited; the board and tuition came to £38 per year, 28 Aug. 1776. 4 Ibid., 25 Sept. 1776, emphasis in the original. 5 Ibid., DD/TO/3, Tolson account book, 1779. Also DD/TO/10, Tolson letters, 1779; DD/TO/4, Tolson travel journal, 1779±80; DD/TO/11, Tolson letters, 1780; and DD/TO/12, Tolson letters, 1781. 6 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/409/2±4, Stansfield balance sheets, 1764. The worsted goods in the inventory came to £2291, bringing his total stock up to about £8000, a figure which does not include presses and other tools, buildings, and most importantly debts. 172 Notes

7 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/8, Tolson letters, 12 Feb. 1777. 8 R. G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: The Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700± 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971), pp. 30±1. Among other firms making the transition were those of Samuel Oates and Son, formerly dressers to Ibbetson and Koster, William Lupton, also formerly dresser to Ibbetson and Koster, and Rhodes and Hebblethwaite, formerly dyers. 9 The family letters indicate that they sold 940 pieces in 1780 and 1400 pieces in 1781, and the latter figure is in line with a turnover of £8000 reported by a contemporary in 1782. This was less than one fifth of the volume of the true giants such as Denison (£50,000), Bischoff and Sons (£45,000), and Blayds, Wormald and Co., and Dixon and Lees (both £40,000), and between a quarter and a third ofthe annual turnover ofa good many more houses selling between £20,000 and£30,000 worth ofgoods eachyear, whichwould havebeen approx- imately the value ofStansfield's trade: WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 2 Dec. 1780; DD/TO/12, 10 Oct. 1781, and Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, Appendix A. When Richard embarked on his voyage, he carried lists ofwholesale and retail merchants, but these had been cobbled together from directories, acquaintances, and the list of a traveller for a Manchester cotton firm so that in many instances he was reduced to making `cold' calls on the houses in each town, hoping to get them to make a trial: WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 20 Dec. 1780. On a number ofoccasions, he moaned about the factthat his competitors had official letters of introduction: DD/TO/11, 5 and 19 Aug. 1780. 10 The Tolsons' letters make frequent reference to the departures of junior partners of Leeds firms who set out on foreign journeys: WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 5 Aug. 1780, 19 Aug. 1780; and DD/TO/12, 20 Jan 1781. One such firm was that of Rhodes and Hebblethwaite, a partnership formed in 1780 between Matthew and Timothy Rhodes and John Hebblethwaite with a starting capital of£3600 which by 1782 was conducting a trade worth £15,000 per year: WYAS, Leeds, DB/39/4, Rhodes and Hebblethwaite partnership deed, 1780. Travellers were also used more frequently in the American trade in this decade, see WYAS, Leeds, CA 1/p. 144, Articles ofagreement for an American factor, 1771. 11 Stannard, ofcourse, was beginning a trade on this basis in Spain in the 1760s, see above, Chapter 3. It may well be that this kind oftrade emerged firstin the Mediterranean markets where English merchants had for a longer time been challenging the hegemony ofthe re-export trade ofDutch and German merchants in North Sea ports. 12 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/461a, Stansfield letters, 20 Feb. 1775. 13 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/3, Tolson account book, 1779. 14 Ibid., DD/TO/11, 20 Dec. 1780. 15 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC/588, Hill pattern book, 1770. 16 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/12, 10 July 1781; and DD/TO/11, 8 Nov. 1780. 17 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 5 Aug. 1780. Elsewhere there is mention ofa new pattern of striped cloth, a spotted cloth in red and yellow, and `new fashioned figures as birds, flowers, etc': DD/TO/10, 22 May 1779; and DD/TO/11, 12 Aug. 1780, 20 Oct. 1780. 18 Ibid., DD/TO/11, 2 Dec. 1780. 19 Visits by Yorkshire merchants to there European correspondents were not new, but in earlier decades they were periodic rather than being an integral Notes 173

part ofthe business yearly cycle; their purpose was to develop the personal connections needed to ensure the long-term success ofthe firm,not to secure orders for that year: Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants, p. 74. 20 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/461a, 20 Feb. 1775. 21 When asked, they would supply customers with calimancos, shalloons, tammies and other worsted stuffs, but such sales were opportunistic rather than strategic. Interestingly, they sometimes were asked to send their orders to Halifax to be included in a bale of worsted goods which their customer was having sent out: WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 14 Oct. 1780. 22 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 20 Jan. 1781. 23 WYAS, Calderdale, FH/461a, 31 Jan. 1775. 24 The impact ofthe promise on the production ofgoods which a merchant/ manufacturer like Stansfield made himself was negligible. 25 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/12, 20 Jan. 1781. 26 Hill was insistent on the need to have `thin' goods finished properly and recommended that Stansfield hire one Peter Bancroft: WYAS, Calderdale, FH/ 461a, 31 Jan. 1775. 27 The importance ofcontrol over finishingwas made explicit in one ofHill's letters which commented on the way Leeds merchants were cheated by their dressers: Ibid. 28 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 13 Sept. 1780. 29 Ibid., 8 Nov. 1780. 30 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 24, Feb. 1781; and DD/TO/11, 5 Aug. 1780. 31 Burton did not `belong' to the Tolsons, for all the evidence suggests that these clothiers remained independent producers who were able to work for different merchants as they choose. Hollingworth, for instance, is reported in the letters as taking commissions from both Johnsons and Bramley, and it is significant that in both instances, he was passing on details of their trade to the Tolsons: Ibid., DD/TO/11, 5 Aug. and 20 Oct. 1780. 32 Ibid., DD/TO/13, Tolson letters, 5 May, 1784. 33 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 27 Feb. 1781. 34 Many letters refer to fluctuations in prices in the halls: `a prodigious deal of cloth sold for 14 days past, more so than in 2 weeks for 2 yrs past which makes cloth advanced 1d per yard': Ibid., DD/TO/11, 20 Dec. 1780. As a result, Richard was admonished not to promise goods from the halls at a particular price because changes in the market could easily eat up the profit: Ibid., DD/TO/13, 10 Feb. 1787. 35 For a detailed study ofthe resistance to machinery in the late eighteenth- century wool textile trades see A. Randall, Before the Luddites: Custom, Community and Machinery in the English Woollen Industry, 1776±1809 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 36 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 20 Oct. 1780; and DD/TO/12, 17 March 1781. 37 Ibid., DD/TO/11, 5 Aug. 1780. Another letter mentions a piece ofred and yellow spot which was a new design which the firm had obtained directly from the clothier: Ibid., 12 Aug. 1780. 38 Ibid., 8 Nov. 1780. 39 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 20 Jan. 1781. 40 Ibid., 24 Feb. 1781. 174 Notes

41 Ibid., 28 March, 1781. 42 Ibid., 4 April 1781. 43 Ibid., 24 Feb. 1781; Ibid., DD/TO/11, 8 Nov. 1780. 44 The term `stamping' would appear to mean printing, but it is possible that the cloths were also embossed with figures. This was certainly a technical possibility, for there is a reference to a cloth `which appears to be done with a machine, the same as Messrs. Rhodes has for ribbed coatings': Ibid., DD/TO/ 12, 17 March 1781. 45 Ibid., DD/TO/11, 14 Oct. 1780. 46 Ibid., 20 Oct. 1780. 47 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 24 Feb. 1781. 48 Ibid., DD/TO/12, 28 March 1781. 49 In the very late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, direct trade between Yorkshire exporters and colonial retailers became possible as merchants increasingly began to sell goods in American on commission or by auction: H. Heaton, `Yorkshire Cloth Traders in the United States, 1770±1840', ThoresbySocietyPublications 37 (1944) pp. 225±87. 50 The expansion was made possible, no doubt, by John Aldam's partnership with William Benson after his father's in 1758. 51 There are also hints, both in the contemporary account ofthe value oftheir trade and in a surviving flyer announcing that a ship was in Hull preparing to depart for Cadiz, that they may have begun to get interested in foreign markets: Doncaster Archives, DD.WA/B/4, /6, /7, Benson and Co. ledgers, 1758±1780s. 52 N. Rosenberg, `The Direction ofTechnological Change: Inducement Mechan- isms and Focusing Devices', in N. Rosenberg ed., Perspectives on Technology (Cambridge, 1976) pp. 108±25. 53 WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, Brearly memorandum book, vol. 1, fol. 121, 90, 87. 54 Ibid., fol. 115. 55 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 21, 22, 41, vol. 2. 56 See, for example, his recommendations on the ideal kind of commercial relationship between clothier and merchant: Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 24. 57 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 81; vol. 2; vol. 1, fol. 90. 58 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 25, 167. 59 Ibid., vol. 1, fol. 70, fol. 136.

7 THE END-OF-THE-CENTURY BOOM AND THE SUPREMACY OF YORKSHIRE

1 The customers to whom Hudson sold these goods were equally diverse, ranging from a partner in Portugal (probably selling goods on for re-export to South America) to a large merchant/manufacturing house in Skircoat run by John Edwards: Liverpool University Library, MS 10.53, Hudson day book, 1785±1815. 2 For data on and discussion ofYorkshire's supremacy see M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures, 1700±1820, 2nd edn., (London, 1994), pp. 209±11; R.G. Wilson, `The Supremacy ofthe Yorkshire Cloth Industry in the Eighteenth Century', in Notes 175

N.B. Harte and K.G. Ponting eds, Textile History and Economic History: Essays in Honour of Miss Julia de LacyMann (Manchester, 1973), pp. 223±46. 3 D.T. Jenkins and K.G. Ponting, The British Wool Textile Industry, 1770±1914 (Aldershot, Hampshire: Scolar Press, 1987), pp. 57±60. 4 The apparent drop in these two kinds ofcloth between 1795 and 1800 can be attributed to a reclassification of such goods which seems to have occurred in 1799: Public Record Office (PRO), CUST 17. 5 The surviving order book ofa Philadelphia firmshows they received most of their woollens from Yorkshire merchants. Their only other orders were for figured worsted stuffs from a London wholesaler and an assortment of cloths, naps, and duffels from a firm in Cirencester: Winterthur Library, Collection 94 (WL/94), box 6, Wistar order book, 1784±89. Because the export ledgers no longer record London and the outports separately, this conclusion cannot be tested by even the crude calculations ofChapter 6. 6 Public Record Office (PRO), C.114/103, Daniel Glover's orderbook, invoice book, and expense book, ca 1789±1805. For a synoptic account ofthe US trade in this period see H. Heaton, `Yorkshire Cloth Traders in the United States, 1770±1840', ThoresbySocietyPublications , 37 (1944) pp. 225±87. 7 Winterthur Library (WL)/94, box 6, to Thomas Cookson, 1 Jan. 1787. In Glover's orders there is a comment to the effect that orders for worsted goods were on trial only given the quality and price ofthe goods that were being sent from London: PRO, C.114/103, orderbook, from Bogent and Glover, 7 Jan. 1802. 8 PRO, C.114/103, order book; WL/94, box 6, orders ofC. Rawson 2 Jan. 1786 and Thomas Cookson, 1 Jan. 1787. In Cookson's case, a different kind of numbering scheme was probably used, as the pattern numbers referred to were in the 2000s. 9 Glover received several orders for cloth at different prices but done to match the same pattern: PRO, C.114/103, orderbook, from John Glover, 9 Oct. 1797. Customers, ofcourse, continued to send patterns to their suppliers if they needed a particular colour or design: Ibid., from Wistar, Price, and Wistar, 1 March 1798, and from Rudolf Bogent, 19 June 1805. 10 Ibid., letter from John Glover, 14 Jan. 1791. 11 For example see the order of5 Dec. 1798 fromJohn Glover in New York which closes: `please to pack up 12 bales out ofthe above assorted as usual . . .': Ibid. 12 The only exception to this pattern were orders for very ordinary goods as blankets, rugs and some flannels. 13 PRO, C.114/103, order book, from John Glover, 5 Dec. 1798. Another order was for 66 pieces of `plains', which were to be supplied at prices running from 18d. to 3/6d. per yard at 2d. intervals: Ibid., from John, James, and Sam Parsons, 30 Jan. 1798. 14 WL/94, box 6, order to Chris Rawson and Sons, 2 Jan. 1786. 15 I must thank John Styles for bringing the main collection of Horner and Turner material to my attention: PRO, C.108/101, Horner and Turner papers. This box includes a book with copies ofletters sent to the firm's travellers, 1787±88; an order book, 1794±95; a ledger, 1787±89; a letterbook with all outgoing letters, 1795±96; a cash account book for the Halifax market, April 1792±Feb. 1793; and miscellaneous notes and small paper-bound volumes. 176 Notes

There are, however, other items belonging to the firm in the Chancery Master's Exhibits including: PRO C.108/312, letterbook, 1790; PRO, C.217/ 77/5, a bank balance book, 1787±89; and PRO, C.217/75, a cash account book for the Halifax market, Jan. 1791±April 1792. The firm's turnover can be calculated from the bank balance book: C.217/77/5. Though not as extensive as the Horner and Turner collection, the following items all corroborate the interpretation advanced below: Bury Archive Ser- vice, BBA/1972/1, BBA/1340/1, BBA/1340/2, and BBA/2094/3, Battersby daybooks and letterbooks (a manufacturing firm from Bury); Yorks Archaeological Society, Leeds, DD/81/II/1, Bramley journal (a Leeds merchant family); Liverpool University Library, MS 10.53, Hudson day book. 16 Firnhaber seems to have been a professional traveller, and he worked for other firms including, for a time, another firm in Leeds which also sold wool textiles: PRO, C.108/101, letterbook, 1787±88, 8 May 1787 and Ibid., letterbook, 1795, 7 March 1795, fol. 37. While Firnhaber was the firm's main traveller, Horner and Turner also made use ofagents who managed the firms affairs in a particular region: Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, to George Darby. 17 Ibid., ledger, account with J.D. Firnhaber. 18 Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, to Firnhaber, 19 Nov. 1788. 19 Ibid., order book, 1794±95. 20 Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, to Firnhaber, 19 Nov. 1788. 21 Ibid, letterbook, 1787±88, to Firnhaber, 1 Jan. and 14 July 1787. 22 Ibid., letterbook, 1795, to G. Gugler, 21 Jan. 1795, fol. 11 and the patterns on fol. 11a; for superfine goods see the prices given in Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, to Firnhaber, 1 Jan. 1787. 23 Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, 5 April, 1787. 24 Ibid., letterbook, 1795, 4 March 1795, fol. 27. 25 Ibid., letterbook, 1787±88, 14 July 1787. 26 Ibid., letterbook, 1795, 21 Jan. 1795, fol. 12. 27 PRO, C.108/101, and C.217/75; Halifax cash books. 28 During the years covered by the books, the firm bought about 25 pieces a week, with a high 184 to a low ofunder 10. Purchases were made from10 to 20 different manufacturers in any given week; most sold them between 1 and 4 pieces at a time, but a few regularly sold upwards of 10 each time: Ibid. For the two manufacturers' accounts see University of Leeds Library, Special Collections, MS.158/1±5, Ackroyd account books, 1770s±800s; and WYAS, Calderdale, HAS 450(713), Sutcliffe day book, 1790±92. 29 WYAS, Bradford, B/146, B/150, B/152, Heaton daybooks, 1761±69, 1771±83, 1785±88. 30 Heaton is known to have had a stall there by 1787, number 120 in the `Rustic' arcade: `Halifax Piece Hall', Halifax Guardian Almanac, 1904, pp. 91±117. 31 Liverpool University Library, MS 10.53, fol. 11v, 15r, and 31r. 32 PRO, C.108/101, letterbook, 1787±88, 5 April 1788. 33 PRO, C.108/312, letterbook, 1790, to M. Battagliu, 30 June 1790, fol. 61, author's translation. 34 P. Hudson, `Proto-industrialization: the Case ofthe West Riding Wool Textile Industry in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries', History Workshop, 12 (1981) pp. 34±61; and P. Hudson, `From Manor to Mill', in P. Hudson, M. Berg, and Notes 177

M. Sonenscher, eds, Manufacture in Town and CountryBefore the Factory(Cam- bridge, 1983), pp. 124±46. 35 Report of and Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Committee to Consider the State of the Woollen Manufacture, British Parliamentary Papers, 1806, vol. 3, p. 99. 36 Ibid., pp. 175, 177. 37 James Walker, for example, made `plain' goods, but they were often dyed-in- the-wool mixed cloths: Ibid. Witnesses hostile to the factory system were sure that larger producers would corner the market in the more profitable kinds of cloth: Ibid., pp. 48±50, 100. 38 PRO, C.113/18, Hanson and Mills letterbook, 1795±98, to F. Allat, 19 May 1798. The ability to provide credit was undoubtedly a factor which advan- taged the small and medium-sized manufacturers who dominated the region's worsted industry. 39 PRO, C.114/103: Tattersal and Holgate's offer is dated 1805. 40 Horner and Turner wrote a series ofletters to the firmofS. Taylor and Sons, enquiring about the description, price, and size ofa kind ofbay one oftheir correspondents had ordered: PRO, C.108/132, letterbook, 1790, 17 and 22 May 1790. The ledger ofAndrew Peterson ofWakefieldsuggests that in the domestic market; goods such as bays, flannels, and kerseys were also being made by manufacturers selling to merchants on order: John Goodchild MSS, Andrew Peterson ledger, 1793±1810. I would like to express my thanks to Mr Goodchild for allowing me to consult the items in his collection. 41 Bury Archive Service, BBA/1972/1, BBA/1340/1, BBA/1340/2, and BBA/2094/ 3. 42 Liverpool University Library, MS 10.53, fol. 31v, 33r, 48r, 52v, and 54r. There were, however, many possible permutations ofsuch arrangements in which manufacturers might subcontract batches of work to other manufacturers: Ibid., fol. 64r, v and 68r, v. 43 WYAS, Wakefield, C.296/14, John and Joseph Beaumont ledger, 1790s. 44 Ibid. 45 J. H. Clapham, `The Transference of the Worsted Industry from Norfolk to the West Riding', Economic Journal, 20 (1910) pp. 195±210; J. K. Edwards, `The Decline ofthe Norwich Textile Industry', Yorkshire Bulletin of Economic and Social History, 16 (1964) pp. 31±41; T. Fawcett, `Argonauts and Commercial Travellers: the Foreign Marketing of Norwich Stuffs in the Later Eighteenth Century', Textile History, 16 (1985) pp. 151±82; M. F. Lloyd Prichard, `The Decline ofNorwich', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, 3 (1950) pp. 371±7; U. Priestley, The Fabric of Stuffs: The Norwich Textile Industryfrom 1565 , (Nor- wich: Centre for East Anglian Studies, 1990); W. G. Hoskins, Industry, Trade and People in Exeter, 1688±1800 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1935), pp. 74±81; J. de Lacy Mann, The Cloth Industryin the West of England from 1640±1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 52±62. 46 Bridewell Museum, Norwich, Ives and Co. despatch books, 1790s. A similar book for an unnamed manufacturer is located in the Winterthur Library, 65x695.4, Norwich despatch book, 1785. 47 PRO, C.108/312, letterbook, 1790, fol. 92, 15 July 1790. The original French reads: `callemanque rayes en divers couleurs'. 48 Bridewell Museum, Norwich, pattern book, 1794±97. 178 Notes

49 Ibid. Other surviving Norwich pattern books from the period reveal much the same assortment ofgoods: Bridewell Museum, Norwich, sample cards, 1790s; and J. Tuthill and son pattern book, ca. 1790; Winterthur Library: 65x695.2, pattern book, 1794; and 65x695.1, pattern book, 1785. 50 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections, MS 158/3, Ackroyd account book, 1784. 51 WL, col. 94, box 6, Wistar order book, orders from John Relph, London. 52 Surviving accounts suggest that clothiers operated much the same kind of centralized manufacturing operation as their predecessors. Accounts also show that they employed a large proportion oftheir capital to grant long credit with the cloth they sold and thus that turnover to capital ratios in the West Country trade remained low: Wiltshire Record Office (WRO), 1259/81, Goldney family balance sheets, 1765, 1792, and 1796; WRO, 1090/52, Hill- man ledger, 1769±1812; WRO, 719/1, Unknown clothier's pattern book. 1774±87; WRO, 927/7, /8, Clark family pattern books 1773±94; Gloucester- shire Record Office (GRO), D3393/A4, Capel ledger, 1791±1804. 53 The former saw considerable extension during times of war because of demand for uniforms; the latter was dominated by sales of Gloucester long cloths to the East India: Samuel Rudder, Historyof Gloucestershire , reprint of 1779 original (Dursley, Gloucestershire: Alan Sutton, 1977), pp. 61±3. 54 The firm was created by a deed of partnership between Francis Hanson and Benjamin Mills in June of1795. The main series is PRO, C.113/18 which includes two letterbooks, several pattern books; several stock books and other miscellaneous items. Other items include PRO, C.113/16, pattern book of West Country cloth; PRO, C.113/17, letter book 1799; PRO, C.102/32, pattern book ofoutgoing bales; and PRO, C.108/80, `P.O.B.' book. The last two items, though not identified as belonging to the firm are linked by internal evidence to the main collection. See also C. Gill, `Blackwell Hall Factors, 1795±99', Economic HistoryReview VI (1954) pp. 268±81. 55 PRO, C.113/18, letterbook, 1795±98; pattern book, 1798±99; and resting stock book, 13 June 1795. There is also a `looking over book', 1796 which probably records the cloths held on consignment which were sent to a merchant's warehouse for approval. PRO, C.108/80 probably also pertains to their trade in West Country goods. 56 PRO, C.113/18, letterbook, 1795±98, to W. Wansey, 22 June 1797, further comments on the arrangement are made in a letter of12 Oct. 1797. On occasion, Hanson and Mills, in their capacity as factors, gave out more definite commissions to their clothiers: Ibid., to J. Wilshire, 29 Oct. 1795. 57 Hanson and Mill's trade as warehousemen is illustrated in their despatch book which contains swatches ofthe cloths which were included in each bale. The recipients ofthese bales are only identifiedby their shipping mark, but most were probably overseas: Ibid., `William Yarnton's book', 1796. 58 Ibid., letterbook, 1795±98, to W. Phelps, 22 Oct. 1795. 59 Ibid., miscellaneous papers. 60 Ibid., letterbook, 1795±98, to Heskins and Norton and to W. Phelps, 3 Oct. 1795. Other instances of the same practice can be found in a flurry of letters to W. Everett, W. Wansey, G. Wansey, M. Morgan, John Brown, and Cross and Co. requesting blue `supers' with the substance and finish of `superfines': Ibid., 10±19 Nov. 1795. Another batch ofletters had gone out in August of Notes 179

1795 requesting the same assortment of20 ends in saxon green, pea and dark green, and imperial blue from three different clothiers: Ibid., 31 Aug., 1795. 61 A pattern book in the Gloucester Record Office (GRO, D948/1), used by a clothier in the 1790s to record recipes and proportions ofwool used to make copies ofmedley cloths, illustrates the skill ofthe region's clothiers in match- ing colours. 62 PRO, C.113/18, miscellaneous papers, order from C&H, 21 Aug. 1795. 63 Ibid., `William Yarnton's book', 1796. We know that the cassimeres were cut before printing as the same piece number appears next to two or three different patterns. 64 The differences in Hanson and Mill's Yorkshire trade is evident both from the way that records pertaining to the cloth from the respective regions were kept: Ibid., `resting stock book', 13 June 1795; and `William Yarnton's book', 1796. 65 Ibid., letterbook, 1795±98, to Wade and Brown, 22 Oct. 1795. The order was expanded in a letter dated 23 Oct. 1795. 66 Ibid., to J. Dobson, 7 Jan. 1796. 67 Ibid., to J. Dobson, 1 Feb. 1796. 68 Ibid., to Wade and Brown, 11 Jan. 1796. Hanson and Mills requested the same information from the Leeds firm of Thompson and Lee. 69 Wilson, `The Supremacy ofthe Yorkshire Cloth Industry'.

8 CONCLUSION: TECHNOLOGY, INNOVATION AND THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION

1 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections, Ms 193/6, Gott apprentice- ship indenture, 1 Jan 1780; Ms 193/8; Gott, Wormald and Fountaine partnership, 1 Jan 1785; Ms 193/20, partnership accounts 1785±1820. 2 W. B. Crump, The Leeds Woollen Industry, 1780±1820, Thoresby Society Pub- lications, vol. 32 (Leeds, 1931). 3 A. Randall, Before the Luddites: Custom, Communityand Machineryin the English Woollen Industry, 1776±1809 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp. 41±2, 209; P. Hudson, The Genesis of Industrial Capital (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1986), pp. 70±84; R. G. Wilson, Gentlemen Merchants: the Merchant Communityin Leeds, 1700±1830 (Manchester: Manchester Uni- versity Press, 1971), pp. 93±7. 4 Liverpool University Library, Ms 10.53, Hudson letterbook, 1785±1815, to Bateman and Sherwood, ironfounders, 30 Nov. 1788, fol. 9. 5 D.T. Jenkins and K.G. Ponting, The British Wool Textile Industry, 1770±1914 (Scolar Press: Aldershot, Hampshire, 1987), pp. 27±56; Randall, Before the Luddites, pp. 41±64. 6 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Leeds, H1, Holroyd ledger, 1783± 1790s. Despite building up a huge initial debt ofover £21,000, the firmwas successful, for it was still operating over 40 years after its foundation. 7 Ibid., pp. 33±4. See also H. Heaton, `Benjamin Gott and the Industrial Revolu- tion', Economic HistoryReview , III (1931) p. 52. 180 Notes

8 In contrast, when capitalist clothiers transplanted the entire production process into new communities there was little opposition: Randal, Before the Luddites, pp. 83, 122n, 127±8. 9 Chris McLeod notes in her study ofpatents that labour-savings were only cited as the justification for some 20 per cent of patents, savings of capital and oftime, as well as the novelty ofthe product, were more important: Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English Patent System, 1660±1800 (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 159±81. 10 Jenkins and Ponting, British Wool Textile Industry; Randal, Before the Luddites; J. de Lacy Mann, The Cloth Industryin the West of England from 1640±1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971); M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures, 1700± 1820, 2nd edn, (London, 1994), Chapters 10, 11. 11 N. Rosenberg, `The Direction ofTechnological Change: Inducement Mechan- isms and Focusing Devices', in N. Rosenberg ed., Perspectives on Technology, (Cambridge, 1976) pp. 108±25. 12 There is evidence that larger dying operations were beginning to appear in Yorkshire in the second halfofthe century. John Brearly mentions a dyer who kept 14 or 15 journeymen besides apprentices, and we know that the two Rhodes brothers in the partnership ofRhodes and Hebblethwaite (founded in 1780 with a capital of £3600) came from a family of dyers: WYAS, Leeds, Acc. 1444, vol. 2; WYAS, Leeds, DB/39/4; Rhodes and Hebble- thwaite partnership deed, 1780. A decade before the Holroyds got started, Benjamin and Thomas Irvin, James Stead, and Joshua Holmes formed a partnership in Halifax to dye and finish cloth with an initial capital of £1795: WYAS Calderdale, RP/2113, draft partnership deed, 1774. 13 WYAS, Leeds, H1. There were a number ofsmaller accounts with more far- flung firms including ones in such places as Burnley, Kidderminster, Durham, and Appleby, and Barnard Castle, but it is difficult to tell what the nature of these transactions were. 14 The firms of Jackson & Mangin and Bradley & Paley, ordered cloth from their northern correspondents (Mr Rhodes ofHalifax, and Mr Briggs respectively) which was sent to the Holroyds to be dyed: WYAS, Leeds, H3, Holroyd letterbook, 23 Aug. 1784, and 5 April 1787. For evidence ofthe Holroyds acting as agents see Ibid., 3 May 1784. 15 Ibid., 31 May 1787. Price lists in Glover's order book suggest that by the turn of the century the dyers in Leeds met frequently to fix prices: Public Record Office (PRO), C.114/103: Glover order book, loose sheet dated 1804. 16 Crump, Leeds Woollen Industry, p. 54. The printing ofdesigns with dye has to be distinguished from the creation of an embossed effect with heavy rollers and water. 17 The brothers told Samuel and John Lees ofHalifaxthat they could not `print' the harrateens in the time allowed: WYAS, Leeds, H3, 12 April 1791. 18 WYAS, Leeds, H1, fol. 10 and 49. 19 For and example see PRO, C.114/103, 5 Dec. 1798 from John Glover, New York. 20 WYAS, Leeds, H3, to Henry Prime, 19 Feb. 1785; PRO, C.108/101, Horner and Turner letterbook, 14 July 1787, 5 April 1788, and 17 May 1788. 21 Hudson explained to one ofhis customers that small clothiers could not necessarily dye cloth exactly to pattern; one suspects that the Holroyds could: Liverpool University Library, Ms 10.53, fol. 15. Notes 181

22 Advertisement in the Leeds Intelligencer, 9 Oct. 1770, cited in Crump, Leeds Woollen Industry, p. 54n; F. Montgomery, Textiles in America, 1650±1870 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984), pp. 256±7. 23 WYAS, Leeds, H3, to Widow Henry Raver and Son, 22 Aug. 1785. 24 For a recent, excellent, account ofthe history ofthis story see Randall, Before the Luddites. 25 The point was made by both proponents and opponents ofthe gig testifying at the Parliamentary hearings in 1802/03: Minutes of Evidence Taken before the Select Committee on the Woollen Clothiers' Petition, British Parliamentary Papers, 1802/03, Vol. 7, pp. 635, 748, 773, 800, 823; Randall, Before the Luddites, pp. 119±22. Some Gloucestershire firms, for example, gig dressed cloth on a commission basis, while others dressed and sold cloth they made themselves as well as cloth they bought from other clothiers: British Parlia- mentary Papers, 1802/03, Vol. 7, pp. 605, 748, 823. The example ofa firmin Yorkshire, Atkinson's of Huddersfield, suggests how a family's expertise with one dressing operation might allow them to adopt new machinery. Both the Brearly notebooks and the Tolson letters mention a substantial frizzing mill in Huddersfield operated by the Atkinsons, and by the 1790s, the firm was making substantial quantities ofcloth as well as operating a gig mill: British Parliamentary Papers, 1802/03, Vol. 7, pp. 869±74; WYAS, Leeds, Acc 1444, vol.1, fol. 38, 58, 70, 131, 190, vol. 2; WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, 13 Sept. 1780. 26 Most ofthe gig mills in the West Country were foundin Gloucestershire, where clothiers had always been more oriented towards the export trade: Randall, Before the Luddites, pp. 121±7. 27 British Parliamentary Papers, 1802/03, Vol. 7, pp. 857, 845. The potential implications ofsuch direct trading links are suggested by the example ofthe Austins ofWooton under Edge in Gloucestershire. They had expanded their trade significantly by directly exporting cloth to Russia where thinner (stretched) cloths such as those produced by the gig were preferred: Ibid., pp. 748, 769±71, 841±50. The Austins' dominance in the market led others to take up the gig mill: Ibid., p. 827. 28 Ibid., p. 845. This, ofcourse, was the essence ofthe gig mill's proponents' argument that self-respecting merchants would not injure the market for their goods: Ibid., pp. 597±601; Report of and Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Committee to Consider the State of the Woollen Manufacture, British Parliamentary Papers, 1806, vol. 3, p. 269. 29 British Parliamentary Papers, 1802/03, Vol. 7, p. 771. 30 In merchants' ledgers from the 1780s and 1790s individual firms often show up as parties to only a handful of transactions: PRO, C.108/101, Horner and Turner ledger, 1787±89. 31 Jenkins and Ponting, British Wool Textile Industry, pp. 27±9. Combing was not mechanized until the 1820s. See also S.D. Chapman, `The Pioneers ofWor- sted Spinning by Power', Business History, 7 (1965) pp. 97±116. 32 Yarn was graded by quality based on the number ofhanks per pound: fine weft, fine warp, twenties, and common warp or `bagin'. The accounts suggest that Ackroyd was supplying these agents with already combed and sorted wool, as there is no mention ofpayments forcombers' wages. In places the book records the payments made to these agents for what they paid the 182 Notes

spinners and their commission: University ofLeeds Library, Special Collec- tions, Ms. 158/1, Ackroyd yarn account book, 1772±1780. 33 Unfortunately the accounts do not allow us to test this proposition since his records of yarn purchases were kept in different units and do not indicated the quality ofthe yarn. 34 John Sutcliffe was making extensive purchases of yarn in the 1790s, though he was still buying some wool: WYAS, Calderdale, HAS 449(714) and 450(713), Sutcliffe memorandum and day books. 35 WYAS, Bradford, B/145, Heaton spinners book, 1749±60, and B/146, B/147, Heaton account books. 36 The records ofone such individual, James Lister ofFrizzing Hall near Brad- ford and Halifax, reveal an operation which expanded from an annual turnover of£4000 per annum in 1770 to in excess of£10,000 per annum in the 1790s by which time he was supplying yarn to about 200 different firms including many in Lancashire. Lister did not manufacture the yarn himself; his supplies came from manufacturers in Midlands and the Yorkshire Dales: University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections, Marriner records, pp. 33±6, Lister account books. 37 WYAS, Calderdale, SH:3/AB/20; Memoirs ofCaroline Walker. She was John Walker's daughter and wrote down her memoirs early in the nineteenth century. The dating ofthis episode can only be approximate. John Walker married in 1772 and Caroline was born soon after, and from textual clues it would appear as ifshe was in her teens when her fatherbecame involved in the mill, giving a rough date ofthe later 1780s. 38 Scribbling engines were usually bigger than spinning jennys and were typi- cally installed in an existing fulling mill. In Yorkshire, scribbling mills were established by individual proprietors, by consortiums ofclothiers who built a new mill, and by consortiums which simply rented space or even just power in an existing mill: P. Hudson, `From Manor to Mill', in P. Hudson, M. Berg, and M. Sonenscher, eds, Manufacture in Town and CountryBefore the Factory (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 124±46; Randall, Before the Luddites, pp. 75±86. 39 Liverpool University Library, Ms. 10.53, fol. 2, 3, 7. 40 Ibid., fol. 9; the next letter contains details on these engines, the size of the bore, frequency of the stroke, and coal consumption. 41 Ibid., fol. 22, 32, 48, 52, 68, 78. 42 Ibid., fol. 68. 43 Ibid., fol. 55, 68, 81. 44 It is perhaps significant that Hudson noted down the details of a worsted spinning mill in a entry made in 1805; was he perhaps contemplating an entry into this branch ofthe trade as well?: Ibid., fol. 134. 45 University ofLeeds Library, Special Collections, Ms. 158/4; Akroyd account book, 1790s. 46 British Parliamentary Papers, 1806, Vol. 3, pp. 175. 47 Durham County Record Office, D/Wa/2/3/1, Fryer stock book, 1790s-1800s. 48 British Parliamentary Papers, 1806, Vol. 3, pp. 103±7, 130. 49 Ibid., p. 177. 50 Bury Archive Service, BBA 1340/2, Battersby and Sons letterbook, 1780s. 51 Liverpool University Library, Ms. 10.53, fol. 5, 11. 52 Ibid., fol. 9. Notes 183

53 WYAS, Kirklees, DD/TO/11, Tolson letters, 5 Aug. 1780. 54 Liverpool University Library, Ms. 10.53, fol. 32. 55 Ibid., fol. 7. In 1798, after gathering information from other manufacturers in the region, Hudson lowered the wages he gave for weaving bockings from 12s. 6d. to 11s. 6d. From what I can gather, this was the price paid for weaving on a prepared warp using wool which had been scribbled and slubbed but not spun, and the reduction may reflect his sense that it was justified by the ubiquity of the jenny: Ibid., fol. 64. 56 CUL, Pollard Letters, to Christopher Rawson, 28 Dec. 1765, and 10 Jan. 1766, and to Thomas Swire, 22 Jan. 1766. 57 WYAS, Calderdale, MISC:8/117/2; Hill letterbook, to Abraham van Broyel, 1 Feb. 1737/8. Bibliography

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

Bridewell Museum, Norwich: Anonymous pattern book, 1794±97 Ives and Co. despatch books, 1790s Bury Archive Service: BBA/1972, BBA/1340, and BBA/2094, Battersby daybooks and letterbooks Columbia University Library: Montgomery collection, William Pollard letterbook, 1764±68 Doncaster Archives: DD.WA/B/Aldam, Pease, Birchall and Co. ledgers, 1738±80s Durham County Record Office: D/Wa/2/3/1, Fryer stock book, 1790s±1800s Gloucester Record Office: D149/B11, Winchcombe accounts, 1770s D149/F92, Daniel Packer marriage settlement D149/F97, Daniel Packer will D149/F113, F114, Packer letterbooks, 1768±91 D3393/A4, Capel ledger, 1791±1804 D948/1, Anonymous dye pattern book, 1790s D1086/B1 & /B2, Whalley and Nelmes letters, ca. 1700 Historic Society ofPennsylvania, Philadelphia: James and Drinker letterbooks, 1756±66 Jones and Wistar invoice book, 1759±62 William Pollard letterbook, 1772±74 John Goodchild Library, Wakefield: Andrew Peterson ledger, 1793±1810 Liverpool University Library: MS 10.53, Charles Hudson day book, 1785±1815 New York Historical Society: Alexander Papers Beekman Papers Norfolk Record Office, Norwich: 211/various, Philip Stannard accounts, letters, and invoices, 1751±70 Public Record Office, London: C.102/32, Hanson and Mills pattern book, 1790s C.104/44, Jacob Turner accounts, 1676±92

184 Bibliography 185

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Ackroyd, Jonathan, 142±3, 146 Cadiz, 38, 49 Aire, 22 Calder and Hebble Navigation, 94, 96 Alexander family, 76, 78, 138 Calder, 22 Allison, W., 105 calico, 21 Amsterdam, 96 calimanco, 21, 81, 85, 107, 118, 126±7 Arkwright, Richard, 141 capital, variation in strategies Armley, 30, 133 employed, 9, 51, 60±2, 63±4, 73, Awdry, J., 28, 129 82, 92±3, 142±3 carding engine, 112, 145 Baccup, 146 cassimere, 88, 102, 124, 130 Bateman and Sherwood, 145 defined, 65; see also kerseymere Batley, 69 Chandler, Alfred, 11 Battersby and Sons, 124, 147 Choger, Christian, 118 Battiere and Zornlin, 46 Clark family, 57±8, 65 bay (baize) Clegg, John, 59 defined, 21, 22 Cockerell, William, 145 Essex, 12, 16, 21 Colne, 22 Lancashire, 123±4, 146 consumption, 1±7, 10, 44±5, 74, 98, Yorkshire, 16, 22±4, 30, 34±6, 58, 109, 119, 132, 150±1 113, 123±4, 146 Cooke and Lawrence, 78 Bean Ing Mill, 133, 135 Cookson and Co., 103 Beaumont, J. and J., 124, 125, 131 Cotswolds, 17 Beekman, James, 78 Crafts, N.F.R., 7±9 Benson and Aldam, 71, 109±10 credit, 29, 31, 41, 51, 63, 73, 77, 79, Benson, Gervase, 30±1 82, 86, 108, 120, 123, 142±3 Berg, Maxine, 6, 7 preserved to delay repayment, 40, Birmingham, 6 64±5, 93, 128, 139 Birstall, 91 Crediton, 19 Blackwell Hall factor, see marketing Cullumpton, 19 systems culture, entrepreneurial, ix, 9±10, 35, Blayds and Co., 96 37, 46, 47±8, 51±3, 110±11, 136, Blythsea, Thomas, 65, 73 149±51 Boston, 75 Boulton and Watt, 133 D'Orville, John and Peter, 27 Bradford, Wilts., 17 Davis, R., 5±6 Bradford, Yorks., 22, 31, 120, 121 de Berdt, Denis, 57 Brearly, John, 58, 67±8, 69, 72, 85, 88, de Vries, Jan, 10 91, 108, 111±12, 136, 139 Defoe, Daniel, 23 Bristol, 2, 18, 51, 52, 75, 77, 84, 86, demand, changing nature of, 5, 55, 88 66, 69±70, 75, 99, 110, 116, broadcloth, see woollen broadcloth 119±20, 123, 136, 139±40, 150 Burnley, 91, 123 Denisons and Co., 96 Burton, John, 103, 107 Devon, serges, 12±13, 16, 18±23, 25, Bury, 124, 147 35, 125

192 Index 193

Dewsbury, 69 Firnhaber, John David, 117±19, 122 Dinsley, Robert, 33, 72 Fludyer, Samuel, 55±60, 66, 70, 71, Dobson, J., 131 73, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 87, 92, 131 domestic system (ofmanufacture), see Fludyer, Thomas, 55, 78 production systems Fonnereau, Abel, 38, 72 Dorset, 19 France, 62 Dosi, Giovanni, 11 Frankfurt, 49, 98, 103, 106, 107 draw loom, 21 Fryer family, 146 dressing (ofcloth), see finishing dry goods merchants, colonial, 77 Gaussens, Peter, 38 Dunn, Joseph, 30 Germany, 16, 19, 60, 69, 95, 100, 117 Durham, 30 gig mill, 140 dyeing, 18, 19, 21, 41, 56±8, 59, 67, Gloucestershire, 16, 17±18, 55, 57, 90 101, 111, 117, 127±8, 134, 137±40 Glover, Daniel, 115±16, 123, 132, 138 Gott, Benjamin, 133±5 East Anglia, 12±13, 16, 21±2, 59, 144 Graben, Vincent, 43 East India Company, 21, 38±9 economy, growth of, 1, 3±11, 134±6 Hainsworth, 75, 77 Schumpeterian, 7±9, 136, 151 Halifax Piece Hall, 121, 143 Smithian, 7±9, 151 Halifax, 22±3, 26, 28, 31, 35, 66, 84, Elam, Gervase, 80 85, 94, 99±100, 101, 120, 121, Elam, John, 80 127, 137, 143, 145, 149 Elderton, James, 62±6, 70, 72, 73, 92, individuals from, 2, 15, 34, 54, 79, 129 80, 113, 133, 142, 144 Engerman, Stanley, 5±6 Hammerton, John, 83 Essex, 16, 35; bays, 12, 16, 21 Handley, William, 35 Europe, 5, 19±20, 24±5, 47±9, 77, Hanson and Mills, 129±32, 137 94±9, 114, 117±19, 139 Harding, James, 60 compared with North Hargrave, Mr., 145±6 America, 108±10, 119 Haslingden, 145 northern, 69, 117 Haworth, 120, 143 southern, 16, 19±20, 22, 25, 37, 39, Heaton, Robert, 120±1, 127, 143 69 Heskins and Norton, 129 Exeter, 19±20, 27±8, 38 Hill, James, 34 exports, export trade, see markets, Hill, Mr. 63 export Hill, Richard, 94, 97, 99, 100 Hill, Samuel, 32±40, 42, 43, 50±3, 55, factor, see marketing systems 56, 59±60, 70, 71, 94, 121 factory, see production systems Hill, T., 105 Farnworth, William, 38 Hindley, Henry, 60±3, 64, 70, 71, 72, fashion, 6, 44±6, 48±9, 65±6, 73, 98, 82, 87, 102 102, 105±6, 108±10, 118±19, 121, Holland, 15±16, 19, 23±8, 34±5, 37, 123, 130±1, 137 39, 62, 69, 94±7, 99, 117, 122, 124, Fawcett, William, 54 139±40, 147 finishing (of cloth), 38, 41, 134, Hollingworth, A., 103, 104, 105, 107, 137±41, 148 108 at London, 19, 85 Holroyd, Benjamin, 24 at Yorkshire, 38, 67±8, 85, 91, Holroyd, John and Joseph, 134, 101±2, 112, 128 137±41 194 Index

Holroyd, Joseph, 23±5, 71 Landes, David, 7±9 Horner and Turner, 117±19, 120, 122, Laycock, Godfrey, 80 124, 126±7, 130, 132, 139 Lazonick, William, 11 Hoskins, W.G., 20 Leeds, 2, 22, 25, 27±8, 30±1, 34, 37, Huddersfield, 22, 101, 113, 124 67, 71, 84, 88, 91, 94, 95, 99±100, Hudson, Charles, 113, 122, 133, 134, 101±2, 109,113, 115, 116, 121, 145±8 124, 127, 131, 133, 134, 137±8, Hudson, Pat, 7 139±40, 142, 147 Hull, 38, 88 Levant Company, 18 Hunslet, 106 Levant, 16, 18, 57 Huntley, John, 63 Liddal, William, 113 Lindert, P., 7 Ibbetson and Koster, 67±8, 69, 71 Lindoe, John, 80 inducement mechanisms, 11, 110, Lintall, Mr., 58 136, 147 industrial revolution, Lisbon, 52, 87 industrialization, 1±13, 112, Lister, Japhet, 54 132, 133±6, 137, 150±2 Lister, Samuel, 54±5 historiography on, ix, 3±5, 7±10 Liverpool, 2, 77, 81, 84, 88, 91 innovations, 4, 110, 114, 121, 128, London, 2, 13, 18±19, 21±2, 35, 38, 130, 132, 149 41, 46, 47, 49, 54, 55, 58, 59, 69, process, 6±7, 9, 111, 118, 134±6, 77, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 88, 91, 137, 140, 144, 148±50 92, 97, 98, 99, 107, 115, 121, 128, product, 5±7, 9, 45±6, 65, 68, 70, 137, 140, 147, 148 83, 95, 97, 99, 101±2, 104±8, 109, compared with Yorkshire, 88±93 111, 136, 137, 140, 149±52 finishing (of cloth) at, 19, 85 product and process long ell, see serge compared, 111, 136, 140, Long, Thomas, 17, 28, 62, 129 149±50 Loubier, Henry, 45 insurance, 2, 46, 48, 81, 96 Lozer, John, 38, 40 Ireland, 19 Italy, 38, 69, 94, 99, 100, 117 machines, machinery, 104, 125, Ives, J. and J., 48, 125 134±6, 137±8, 140, 141, 144, 145±8; see also technology James and Drinker, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, Malaga, 48 85, 86 Manchester, 107, 145 Jeffries, Mr., 58 Mann, Julia de Lacy, 60 Jones and Wistar, 78, 80 marketing systems Blackwell Hall factor, 18, 29, 55±6, Kelly, John, 47, 49 57±8, 62±3, 70, 78, 100, 129 kerseymere, 124, 129, see also cassimere cloth hall or market, 19, 21, 23, 67, kerseys 70, 101±2, 113, 122, 131, 147 defined, 22 commission/consignment, 15, 25, Yorkshire, 22, 23±5, 30±1, 33±7, 40, 34, 47, 48, 60, 70, 71 66, 84, 88, 95, 113, 123±5 direct sales, 15, 27, 28, 31, 34, 37, Kirkheaton, 124 41 retail orientation of, 49, 60±2, 66, Lancashire, 22, 113, 124 145 69, 70, 74, 82±3, 85, 96±7, 100±1, bays, 123±4, 146 110, 115±16, 117 Index 195

traveller, travelling salesman, 47, Naish and Lee, 63 49, 71, 91, 94, 95, 96±9, 102, Native Americans, 91±2 117±18, 120 Naylor, Jeremiah and William, 58, 59 warehouseman, 54±60, 66, 70, Nelson, R., 11 77±9, 87, 129, 131; compared to New England, 76 Blackwell Hall factor, 56, 70, 78; New York, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 116, 138 influence on production, 56±8 North America, 2, 3, 5, 75±93, marketing 114±17, 119, 120, 131, 138, 139, interaction with production, 16, 143, 148±9 27±9, 38, 40, 45±6, 48±9, 55±9, 61, compared to Europe, 108±10, 119 63±4, 66, 67, 71±4, 91±2, 95, 99, northern dozens, 22, 88±9; see also 102±3, 105±7 109±10, 114, 117, Yorkshire woollen broadcloth 120±1, 124, 127±32, 135±6, Northumberland, 30 138±43, 147±52 Norway, 46±7 mode of, 3, 5, 7, 9±10, 55, 60, 63, Norwich, 16, 20±1, 28, 75, 95, 125±8, 69, 95, 96, 101, 110, 114, 128, 129 132, 136, 141, 148±9 compared with West Country, 42, markets 50±3 domestic, 4, 19, 16, 30±1, 95, compared with Yorkshire, 109±10, 114 22±3, 41±3, 50±3, 84±6, 88, 127±8 worsted stuffs, 21±2, 40±53, 62, 73, export, 4±7, 10, 19±20, 22, 80, 84±5, 88, 100, 115, 126±7 25±6, 27, 29, 31, 36, 39±40, 64±5, 75±7, 91±3, 95±100, 108±10, 114, O'Brien, Patrick, 5 115±19, 124, 132, 140±1, 151±2 Oates, Josiah and Samuel, 67±8 export, historiography on, 5±6, 75 Oates, Samuel and Sons, 113 retail, 1, 2, 18, 19, 30, 71, 79, 88, Oporto, 48 115±18 Ovenden, 142 wholesale, 1, 2, 19, 21, 25, 39, 47, 49, 69, 71, 96±7, 118, 128 Packer, Daniel, 55±8, 59, 63, 64, 70, see also under place names and cloth 73, 87, 106, 108, 129 types Painswick, 55 Marriner family, 37 Parliament, 88 Marsh and Hudson, 55 Parliament, Enquiry into the Woollen Maryland, 87 Industry, 1806, 123, 146 Maude, Daniel, 58, 59 Passavant, L. 106 Maude, Frank, 58, 59, 66 patterns, pattern cards, 43±4, 48, 83, McCloskey, D., 5±6 98, 108, 115, 118, 126, 130 medley cloth, 16, 55, 58, 65; implications for production, 101±2 defined, 18 Pennsylvania, 76 Melksham, 17 perpetuana, see serge merchants, 1±7; see also under place Peterson, Andrew, 124 names and market towns Phelps, William, 129, 130 Mere, 60 Philadelphia, 1±3, 78, 79, 80, 115, Milan, 122 148 Milner, Joseph, 23±4 Pollard, William, 1±3, 10, 77, 79±85, Misenor, Thomas, 55, 66 91, 92, 96, 108, 114, 115, 122, mode ofproduction, see production 148±9 Mokyr, Joel, 4, 7±9 Portugal, 52, 60±2, 69, 73, 82, 87 196 Index

Price, Jacob, 6 Saddleworth, 66, 71 prices, setting of, 37, 39±40, Salisbury, 18, 60 42±3, 56, 60±1, 85, 104 say, see bay printing (ofcloth), 107±8, 130, 138 Scotland, 30, 59, 109 process innovation, see under scribbling engine, see carding engine innovations serge, 78 product innovation, see under defined, 18 innovations Devon, 12±13, 16, 18±21, 22, 23, production systems 25, 35, 125 bespoke or made to order, 24, 39, Yorkshire, 16, 34, 38, 115, 42±6, 56, 59, 60, 64±5, 67, 69, 123±5, 146 70±1, 73, 74, 87, 92, 102±5, 113, Yorkshire and Devonshire 119, 122, 130, 131, 146±8 compared, 38±9 domestic, 19, 21, 23, 72, 122±3 shalloon, 75±6 factory, 8±9, 71, 133±5, 145 defined, 22 putting out, 17, 21, 23±4, 34±7, 41, Yorkshire, 23, 30±1, 33±40, 76, 80, 66, 70, 123±5, 133±5, 145 84, 95, 99, 112, 118, 138±9 production, 1±7, 10 shape ofdemand, see demand, interaction with marketing, 16, changing nature of 27±9, 38, 40, 45±6, 48±9, 55±9, 61, Shepton Mallet, 75 Skircoat, 113, 133, 145 63±4, 66, 67, 71±4, 91±2, 95, 99, slubbing billy, 145 102±3, 105±7 109±10, 114, 117, Smith, Adam, 6 120±1, 124, 127±32, 135±6, 138± Smith, Simon, 5±6 43, 147±52 Somerset, 17±18, 19, 29, 55, 75, 138 mode of, 5, 7, 9±10, 55, 60, 63, 111, Sowerby, 79 114, 120±1, 127, 136, 148±51 Spain, 38, 47, 49, 69, 94, 117 products, range of, 34±5, 37, spinning jenny, 141, 145 39±40, 42±3, 48±9, 73, 83, St Petersburg, 122 98±9, 109, 118, 120±21, 126 Stannard, Philip, 40±53, 55, 59±60, profit, calculation of, 38, 41, 50±1, 70, 99 56, 58, 60±1, 64, 66, 73, 85, 104 Stansfield, George Jr, 94±7, 99, 101±2, proto-industrialization, 4 109, 114 Stansfield, George Sr, 15±16, 23, 25, Quakers, 80 28, 34, 36, 95 Quebec, 91 steam engines, 133±5, 145, 147±8 stuffs, see worsted stuffs Rastrick, 146 Styles, John, 6 Rawson, Christopher, 77, 80, 82, 83, Sudderick, 58 85, 92, 114, 149 supply and demand, 3±7, 9, 135; see Read and Wilkins, 64 also demand, changing nature of remittances, 2, 27, 48, 77, 82, 96, 115 Sutcliffe, John, 143 Rhodes and Hebblethwaite, 101, 104 Swire, John, 80, 81, 82, 84 Rhodes, Thomas, 106, 108 Switzerland, 69 Rhodes, William, 139 Riga, 126, 128 Tattersall, Holgate and Co., 123 Riley, Susanna, 24 Taxtor, John, 47, 49 Rochdale, 59 technology, 4, 7, 9, 112, 114, 133±5, Rosenberg, Nathan, 11, 110 138, 143, 144, 145; see also Russia, 37, 51, 72, 91 innovations; machines Index 197

Temple, William, 28 woollen broadcloth, 76 Tiverton, 19, 27 defined, 17, 22 Tolson family, (Peter, Richard, and West Country, 17±18, 28±30, 40, Peter), 94±110, 114, 117, 122, 42, 50±2, 55±8, 60±6, 73, 78, 84±5, 124, 130, 137 86±90, 98, 103, 125, 129±32 Tottie and Markham, 95 Yorkshire, 22±3, 30±1, 32, 40, 62, tows, 44, 127; defined, 41 67, 73, 78, 83±5, 86±90, 92, 99, trademarks, 36, 56, 87 101±5, 113, 115, traveller, travelling salesman, see 121±3, 131, 138±9, 144±8; types marketing systems of, 22, 83±4, 115, 118, 131 Trowbridge, 17±18, 57, 60, 65 woollen cloth, see woollen broadcloth, Turner, William, 64 medley, cassimere, kersey, kerseymere Vanderplank, Samuel, 33, 62 Woolmer, John, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85 Villion, Peter, 38 Woolrich, Thomas, 88, 89 Worcester, 17 Wade and Brown, 131 Worlmald and Fountain, 133 Wakefield, 22, 58, 66, 67, 71, 88, 91, worsted cloth, see worsted stuffs, 101±2, 108 shalloon, calimanco Walker, George, 63, 64 worsted stuffs, 23, 78 Walker, James, 123, 146 defined, 21 Walker, John, 63, 144 Norwich, 21±2, 40±53, 62, 73, 80, Wansey, George and Hester, 18 84±5, 88, 100, 115, 126±7; types Wansey, George, 50±2, 57±8, 70, 73, of, 21, 41±2, 49, 126 129 Yorkshire, 39, 73, 84±5, 88, 99, 101, Wansey, William, 52, 129 113, 115, 118, 120±1, 127, 141±4; War ofIndependence, American, 97 types of, 118, 131 warehouseman, see marketing systems Wrigley, E.A., 4, 8 Warminster, 50 Wasserfal and Meyer, 47 Yarmouth, 46, 88 waterframe, 141 yarn, worsted, 141±4 West Country, 12±13, 16±19, 42, Yorkshire, 2±3, 5, 12±13, 16, 22±7, 54±8, 60±2, 66, 73, 134±5, 145 54±5, 58±60, 66±70, 73, 79±93, compared with Norwich, 42, 50±3 96±7, 113, 124±32, 133±5, 148 compared with Yorkshire, bays, 16, 22, 23±4, 30, 34±5, 36, 58, 50±3, 59, 84±90, 129±32 113, 123±4, 146 woollen broadcloth, 17±18, compared with London, 88±93 28±30, 40, 42, 50±2, 55±8, 60±6, compared with Norwich, 73, 78, 84±5, 86±90, 98, 103, 125, 22±3, 41±3, 50±3, 84±6, 88, 127±8 129±32 compared with West West Indies, 77 Country, 50±3, 59, 84±90, Westley, William, 75±7, 138 129±32 Whitaker, Thomas, 63 finishing (of cloth), 38, 67±8, 85, Williamson, J., 7 91, 101±2, 112, 128 Wilson, R.G., 12, 25, 132 kerseys, 22, 23±5, 30±1, 34±7, 40, Wiltshire, 17±18, 29, 50, 55, 57±8, 98 66, 84, 88, 95, 113, 123±5 Winter, S., 11 serge, 16, 34, 38, 115, 123±5, 146 Wistar family, 115±16, 128 shalloon, 23, 30±1, 33±40, 76, 80, wool, Spanish, 17, 62, 124, 125, 131 84, 95, 99, 112, 118, 138±9 198 Index

supremacy of, 12±13, 114±15, 132 worsted stuffs, 39, 73, 84±5, 88, 99, woollen broadcloth, 22±3, 30±1, 101, 113, 115, 118, 120±1, 127, 32, 40, 62, 67, 73, 78, 83±5, 131, 141±4 86±90, 92, 99, 101±5, 113, 115, 121±3, 131, 138±9, 144±8 Zahedieh, Nuala, 6