Notes 1 INTRODUCTION 1 This episode will be treated in more detail in Chapter 5. 2 Columbia University Library (CUL), Montgomery collection, William Pollard letterbook, 1764±68, to John Swire, 5 Jan. 1767. 3 For archetypal examples ofthe two positions see D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969) for the demand side and J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches (New York: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1992) for the supply side. 4 For foreign trade, a good recent survey of the field is provided by S. Enger- man, `Mercantilism and Overseas Trade, 1700±1800', in R. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) pp. 182±204. For the domestic market see N. McKendrick, `Home Demand and Economic Growth', in N. McKendrick, ed., Historical Perspectives (London: Europa, 1974), and useful surveys in B. Fine, and E. Leopold, `Consumerism and the Industrial Revolution', Social History, 15 (1990) pp. 151±79 and J. de Vries, `Purchasing Power and the World ofGoods', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 85±132. For one example ofwork on the meaning of consumption see A. Vickery, `Women and World ofGoods', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 274±301. 5 J. Mokyr, `Demand vs Supply in the Industrial Revolution', Journal of Eco- nomic History, 37 (1977) pp. 981±1008; J. Mokyr, `The New Economic History ofthe Industrial Revolution', in J. Mokyr ed., The British Industrial Revolution: an Economic Perspective (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1993) pp. 1±131; E. A. Wrigley, Continuity, Chance, and Change (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1988); G. N. von Tunzelmann, `Technological and Organiza- tional Change in Industry During the Early Industrial Revolution', in P. O'Brien and R. Quinault eds, The Industrial Revolution and British Society (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) pp. 254±82; D. S. Landes, `The Fable ofthe Dead Horse or, The Industrial Revolution Revisited', in J. Mokyr ed., The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993) pp. 132±70; D. S. Landes, `Introduction: On Technol- ogy and Growth', in P. Higonnet, D. S. Landes and H. Rosovsky eds, Favorites of Fortune: Technology, Growth, and Economic Development since the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991) pp. 1±29; P. Hudson, `Proto-industrialization: the Case ofthe West Riding Wool Textile Industry in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries', History Workshop, 12 (1981) pp. 34±61; P. Hudson, `From Manor to Mill', in P. Hudson, M. Berg and M. Sonenscher, eds, Manufacture in Town and CountryBefore the Factory (Cam- 153 154 Notes bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) pp. 124±46; M. Berg, `Revisions and Revolutions: Technology and Productivity Change in Manufacture in Eighteenth-Century England', in P. Mathias and J. A. Davis eds, Innovation and Technologyin Europe: from the Eighteenth Centuryto the Present Day (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991) pp. 43±64. 6 Mokyr, `New Economic History', pp. 59±67; de Vries, `Purchasing Power', pp. 85±9; R. Szostak, The Role of Transportation in the Industrial Revolution: A Comparison of England and France (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1991) pp. 44±5. 7 P. K. O'Brien and S. Engerman, `Exports and the Growth ofthe British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens', in Barbara Solow ed., Slaveryand the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991) pp. 177±209; S. Smith, `British Exports to Colonial North America and the Mercantilist Fallacy', Business History, 37 (1995) pp. 45±63. 8 R. Davis, The Industrial Revolution and British Overseas Trade (Leicester: Leice- ster University Press, 1979); R. P. Thomas and D.N. McCloskey, `Overseas Trade and Empire, 1700±1860', in R. C. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860 (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1981) pp. 87±102; Szostak, Role of Transportation, pp. 39±40. 9 J. Price, `What did Merchants Do? Reflections on British Overseas Trade, 1660±1790', Journal of Economic History 49 (1989) pp. 267±84; N. Zahedieh, `London and the Colonial Consumer in the late Seventeenth Century', Eco- nomic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVII (1994) pp. 239±61, 251±8. 10 von Tunzelmann, `Technological and Organizational Change', p. 259; Wil- liam Lazonick, `What Happened to the Theory ofEconomic Development', in P. Higonnet, D. S. Landes and H. Rosovsky eds, Favorites of Fortune: Tech- nology, Growth, and Economic Development since the Industrial Revolution (Cam- bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991) pp. 267±96, 275; T. Griffiths, P. A. Hunt and P. K. O'Brien, `Inventive Activity in the British Textile Industry, 1700±1800', Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992) pp. 881±906. 11 Maxine Berg, `Revisions and Revolutions', pp. 56±9; M. Berg, `Commerce and Creativity in Eighteenth-Century Birmingham', in M. Berg ed., Markets and Manufactures in EarlyIndustrial Europe (London: Routledge, 1991) pp. 173±201; M. Berg, `Product Innovation in Core Consumer Industries in Eighteenth-Century Britain', in K. Bruland and M. Berg eds, Technological Revolutions in Europe: Historical Perspectives (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1998) pp. 138±60. 12 J. Styles, `Manufacturing, Consumption, and Design in Eighteenth-Century England', in J. Brewer and R. Porter eds, Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993) pp. 527±54. 13 Many ofthe essays in Porter and Brewer eds, Consumption and the World of Goods, make this argument. 14 P. Hudson, The Industrial Revolution; (London: Edward Arnold, 1992); M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures, 1700±1820, 2nd edn, (London: Routledge, 1994); M. Berg and P. Hudson, `Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLV (1992) pp. 24±50; Landes, `Fable ofthe Dead Horse'; N.F.R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution Notes 155 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985); N.F.R. Crafts and C. K. Harley, `Output Growth and the British Industrial Revolution: a Restatement ofthe Crafts- Harley View', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLV (1992) pp. 703±30; N.F.R. Crafts, `The Industrial Revolution', in R. Floud and D.N. McCloskey, eds, The Economic Historyof Britain since 1700: Vol. 1, 1700±1860 , 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) pp. 44±59; P.H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, `English Workers' Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: a New Look', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XXXVI (1983) pp. 1±25; J. G. Williamson, `Why Was British Economic Growth so Slow During the Industrial Revolution?', Journal of Economic History 44 (1984) pp. 687±712. 15 An important foundation of this interpretation is R. Samuel's extensive dis- cussion ofthe continued importance ofmanual labour in the age ofsteam: `Workshop ofthe World', HistoryWorkshop 3 (1977) pp. 6±72. Joel Mokyr's work on technology is a prominent example ofthe focuson technology: Lever of Riches. Illustrating the diversity ofopinion in this debate is the fact that David Landes places more stress on the leading sectors and technology than do Hudson and Berg: Landes, `Fable ofthe Dead Horse', and Landes, `Introduction: On Technology and Growth'. 16 Wrigley, Continuity, Chance, and Change. 17 Crafts, `The Industrial Revolution', pp. 54, 59. 18 Mokyr, Lever of Riches, pp. 12±14; N. F. R. Crafts, `Macro-Inventions, Eco- nomic Growth, and ``Industrial Revolution'' in Britain and France', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVIII (1995) pp. 591±98, 595. 19 D.S. Landes, `What room for Accident in History?: Explaining Big Changes by Small Events', Economic HistoryReview , 2nd series, XLVII (1994) pp. 637±56, 653. Crafts's reply to Landes concludes with a similar statement about his own gut feeling that chance did play and important role: `Macro-Inventions', p. 597. 20 de Vries, `Purchasing Power', pp. 107±21. The argument in the next three paragraphs is adapted from J. Smail, `The Sources of Innovation in the Woollen and Worsted Industry ofEighteenth Century Yorkshire', Business History, 41 (1999) pp. 1±15. 21 N. Rosenberg, `The Direction ofTechnological Change: Inducement Mechan- isms and Focusing Devices', in N. Rosenberg ed., Perspectives on Technology, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976) pp. 108±25; N. Rosenberg, Exploring the Black Box: Technology, Economics and History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); W. Lazonick, `Industrial Relations and Technical Change: the Case ofthe SelfActing Mule', Cambridge Journal of Economics, 3 (1979) pp. 231±62; W. Lazonick, Business Organization and the Myth of the Market Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); R. Nelson and S. Winter, An EvolutionaryTheoryof Economic Change (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1982); Giovanni Dosi, Renato Giannetti, Pier Angleo Toninelli, eds, Technologyand Enterprise in a Historical Perspective (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1990). 22 For `path dependency see Rosenberg, Exploring the Black Box, pp. 9±23 and the sources cited there. 156 Notes 23 For a useful summary see Berg, Age of Manufactures, pp. 34±44, and P. Deane, `The Output ofthe British Woolen Industry in the Eighteenth Century', Journal of Economic History, 17 (1957) pp. 207±23. 24 Berg, Age of Manufactures, pp. 208±11; D.T. Jenkins and K.G. Ponting, The British Wool Textile Industry, 1770±1914 (Aldershot, Hampshire: Scolar Press, 1987), Chapter 1. 25 R. G. Wilson, `The Supremacy ofYorkshire', in N. B. Harte and K. G. Ponting eds, Textile Historyand Economic History,Essaysin Honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Mann (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1973) pp. 223±46. 2 PRODUCTS AND MARKETS IN THE ENGLISH WOOL TEXTILE INDUSTRY TO 1730 1 West Yorkshire Archive Service (WYAS), Calderdale, FH/396, Stansfield ledger and letterbook, to John and Peter D'Orville, 11 Aug.