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GIP Krebuli Eng 2019.Indd Compendium of Policy Briefs April 2019 The Georgian Institute of Politics (GIP) is a Tbilisi-based non-profi t, non-partisan, research and analysis organization founded in early 2011. GIP strives to strengthen the organiza- tional backbone of democratic institutions and promote good governance and development through policy research and advocacy in Georgia. It also encourages public participation in civil society-building and developing democratic processes. Since December 2013 GIP is member of the OSCE Network of Think Tanks and Academic Institutions. *This publication has been produced from the resources provided by the National Endow- ment for Democracy. The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessar- ily refl ect the views of the Georgian Institute of Politics and the National Endowment for Democracy. Editor: Kornely Kakachia Authors: Salome Minesashvili Levan Kakhishvili Bidzina Lebanidze Nino Robakidze Printed by: Grifoni © Georgian Institute of Politics, 2019 Tel: +995 599 99 02 12 Email: [email protected] www.gip.ge 3 FOREWORD Since the mid-2000s, democracy has regressed for Georgia’s democratization, hampering the in nearly every part of the world. The global establishment of a stable party system. The watchdog Freedom House1 has recorded de- 2018 presidential election was a clear example clines in global freedom for 12 years in a row. of the trust crisis and the extreme polarization Some states where democracy was believed to challenging Georgian democracy. While polit- be well-rooted have regressed under populist ical rivalry is part of any functioning democra- pressure with authoritarian tendencies. cy, in Georgia it has turned into polarization, rather than pluralism, limiting the public nar- While democracies have not collapsed, cur- rative and causing the fragmentation of the rent trends in global politics show that mod- political landscape, which is a major setback ern democracy is challenged by resurgent au- in the struggle to win back public trust. The thoritarianism, weakened liberal democratic negative campaigning, harsh accusations and values, and rising populist movements as attempts to demonize opponents that charac- well as a sharp decline in citizens’ trust in po- terized the election left little space for struc- litical parties and institutions. These negative tured election programs and an issue-oriented tendencies are observed both in consolidated debate. They also diminished voters’ ability democracies, like those in the US and Europe, to make an informed choice.4 The negative and in hybrid regimes, such as Georgia. pre-election environment created fertile soil Against the global trend of democratic stag- for political apathy and citizen nihilism and, nation and backsliding, Georgia, which a few not surprisingly, public approval for political years ago looked like a prime example of de- parties has decreased. Recent polls show that mocratization in the Eastern neighborhood, only 13 percent of Georgians believe parties has also stagnated in recent years.2 While represent the interests of citizens.5 the country has made some achievements in The trust crisis has been further deepened by terms of fulfi lling some tasks from its Euro- polarization in the media landscape. Most peanisation agenda, Georgia’s path towards mainstream media outlets are either affi liated democracy is far from complete or perfect.3 with political parties or have aligned their ed- The present challenges of polarization and itorial policies to political agendas, contribut- the rise of populism are adding to a political ing to polarization in Georgian society. Inter- climate that was already less than favorable national election observation missions noted for Georgia’s unconsolidated democracy. the widespread use of aggressive and violent The high degree of polarization among polit- rhetoric in television programs.6 Besides, ma- ical parties remains a major stumbling block jor media outlets essentially became the in- 1 Michael J. Abramowitz, Democracy in Crisis. Available at: https://freedomhouse.org/report/free- dom-world/freedom-world-2018 2 Georgia: Key Developments in 2018 Available at: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/georgia 3 Eastern Partnership Index 2017. Georgia. P.56 Available at: https://eap-csf.eu/eastern-partnership-index/#- section-fi llup-1 4 OSCE/ODIHR International Election Observation Mission. Georgia – Presidential Elections, Second Round. Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions. November, 2018. Available at: https://www.osce.org/ odihr/elections/georgia/404642?download=true 5 National-Democratic Institute. Public Opinion Polls. December 2018. Available at: https://www.ndi.org/ sites/default/fi les/NDI%20Georgia_Political%20Poll%20Presentation_December%202018_English_Final.pdf 6 OSCE/ODIHR International Election Observation Mission. Georgia – Presidential Elections, Second Round. Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions. November, 2018. Available at: https://www.osce.org/ odihr/elections/georgia/404642?download=true 4 struments of the election campaigns, embrac- or the media but in democracy itself. Accord- ing biased positions. This partisanship caused ing to recent NDI polls, only 43 percent of the decline of public trust in the media, which citizens believe Georgia is a democracy, com- is now considered a source of disinformation pared to 46 percent who do not.7 This defi - by a large part of society. Civil society orga- cit of belief in Georgian democracy is at its nizations are also facing a wave of distrust. highest level since 2013, showing an urgent Polarized and partisan media outlets and civ- need to rebuild faith in democratic process- il organizations are usually more vulnerable es and institutions by developing practical, to negative external infl uences. Although it is issue-based platforms and inspiring voter diffi cult to draw a clear line between polar- confi dence. In this environment, crucial ques- ization and pluralism, attempts to do so can tions about how the government and society have an important positive impact on efforts should address polarization and distrust to turn polarization into pluralism, therefore should be put forward. This publication has encouraging democratic values and creating been developed under the project — “Polar- sustainable public trust in the political pro- ization as a stumbling block in Georgia’s de- cess. The democratic system is primarily built mocratization” — supported by the National on a stable competitive party system as well Endowment for Democracy and implement- as a strong and independent media, which ed by the Georgian Institute of Politics. contributes by keeping voters well informed The four policy briefs in the publication in- so they can ensure the accountability and re- troduce policy recommendations to tackle sponsibility of the government. However, in the trust crisis, polarization, and populism in an environment where those actors are expe- Georgia. In particular, the publication focus- riencing a trust crisis, the gap for other actors es on the effect the decreasing level of trust to shape the public narrative — including rad- in political parties has on democratization in ical groups and populists that position them- Georgia and the effect rising nationalist pop- selves as speaking “in the name of the peo- ulism has on Georgia’s European integration. ple” — expands. These radical groups have This publication is intended to create a foun- become a serious challenge to the established dation for discussion and serve as a resource structure and politics of Western democracy. for government offi cials, civil society repre- A similar trend is observed at all levels of pub- sentatives, fi eld experts, academics, citizens lic life in Georgia. Although the root causes as and other stakeholders who are engaged in well as the infl uence of radical populism can Georgia’s democratic development. differ in Europe and Georgia, right-wing rad- ical groups unambiguously harm the stability of the political system as well as democratic Dr. KORNELY KAKACHIA values. Therefore, a response should be found before these groups shatter political processes and gain signifi cant political powers. Polarization and radicalization lead to a lack Director,Director of trust not only in particular political parties Georgian Institute of Politics 7 National-Democratic Institute. Public Opinion Polls. December 2018. Available at: https://www.ndi.org/ sites/default/fi les/NDI%20Georgia_Political%20Poll%20Presentation_December%202018_English_Final.pdf SOCIAL UNDERPINNINGS OF RIGHT-WING POPULISM IN GEORGIA SALOME MINESASHVILI1 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Neither populist nor right-wing move- id basis for extreme right-wing move- ments are new in Georgia but their ments. Some of the social conserva- combination is more of a recent devel- tive values remain ingrained over the opment. A commonly assumed right- years, but what is alarming, the public wing populist party has made it to the has become more skeptical towards parliament in 2016 and at the same migrants, one of the major issues pro- time nationalist groups have gained moted by these groups. Moreover, increased visibility over the past three social and economic conditions are years. The paper examines the extent increasingly perceived as worsening, to which these right-wing and nation- trust in politicians, political institutions alist populist groups refl ect social val- and fellow citizens is breaking down ues among Georgian public. It also and these factors are usually used for
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