The RISE and REACH of Surveillance Technology 2
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Catalyst Circle Bringing Racial Equity Into Focus for St
Catalyst Circle Bringing racial equity into focus for St. Louis A reality in which a person is no more or Racial less likely to experience society’s benefits or bur- Equity: dens just because of the color of their skin. We operate in our world and live our lives unaware of many things happening around us – until there is a catalytic event. For St. Louis, for many people in St. Louis, the catalytic event to put racial equity at the forefront was the shooting of Michael Brown. Throughout its history, St. Louis has long wrestled with race relations. Today, through the diligent work of the Ferguson Commission, we can better understand our role in making our community more equitable. The goal of this work, undertaken by individuals, small groups, and organizations throughout St. Louis, is to raise the level of understanding and identify a path toward racial equity. Racial equity can come through system-wide policy changes. It can also come through YOU. By having potentially difficult conversations about race with your friends and family, we can all play a part in stemming the tide of racism. No longer being comfortable remaining a bystander to our community’s racial inequities, this work will equip you to engage in those conversations, to share insights from a mismatched history, to radically listen to those who are different from you, and to become an individual catalyst for change in our community. Why does this matter to you? To our community? Racial equity provides each of us with individual enrichment and exposes us to diversity of thought, making us each more knowledgeable and effective members of our community. -
Examining Police Militarization
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2021 Citizens, Suspects, and Enemies: Examining Police Militarization Milton C. Regan Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/2346 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3772930 Texas National Security Review, Winter 2020/2021. This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons, and the National Security Law Commons Citizens, Suspects, and Enemies: Examining Police Militarization Mitt Regan Abstract Concern about the increasing militarization of police has grown in recent years. Much of this concern focuses on the material aspects of militarization: the greater use of military equipment and tactics by police officers. While this development deserves attention, a subtler form of militarization operates on the cultural level. Here, police adopt an adversarial stance toward minority communities, whose members are regarded as presumptive objects of suspicion. The combination of material and cultural militarization in turn has a potential symbolic dimension. It can communicate that members of minority communities are threats to society, just as military enemies are threats to the United States. This conception of racial and ethnic minorities treats them as outside the social contract rather than as fellow citizens. It also conceives of the role of police and the military as comparable, thus blurring in a disturbing way the distinction between law enforcement and national security operations. -
Conference Proceedings
CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS The Twelfth Annual Diversity Challenge What to Do about Race and Culture and Violence October 19-20, 2012 Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 1 Diversity Challenge Committee: Janet E. Helms, Diversity Challenge Chair Guerda Nicolas, Conference Co-Chair Kim Ashby Dericka Canada Ashley Carey Dana Collins Kathleen Flaherty Susan Ginivisian Alesha Harris Ethan Mereish Philip McHarris Natasha Torkelson Shatina Williams Qingyi Yu Sponsored by: The Institute for the Study and Promotion of Race and Culture Carolyn A. and Peter S. Lynch School of Education 2 Table of Contents Invited Panels .............................................................................................................. 4 Abstracts Individual Presentations ................................................................................. 5 Workshop ....................................................................................................... 19 Structured Discussions .................................................................................. 24 Symposia ....................................................................................................... 29 Posters ............................................................................................................ 31 3 INVITED PANELS Critical Engagement with and Accompaniment of Maya Women and their Communities: Understanding Gender-Racialized Violence in Conflict and Post- Conflict Guatemala M. Brinton Lykes, Ph.D., Boston College; M. Gabriela Torres, Ph.D., -
The Freedom of Speech Vs the Right to Discriminate; American and French Policy on Banning Muslim Religious Attire”
“The Freedom of Speech Vs the Right to Discriminate; American and French Policy on banning Muslim Religious Attire” Cortni Holthaus A New Middle East Spring 2016 3/31/2016 From hijab bans to TSA patdowns, the American and French government have shown no tolerance whatsoever to the people in the Muslim community in the aftermath of terror events such as 9/11 and the 2015 Paris Attack. In my essay, I explain why the American and French government have responded to these events the way they did, how it negatively affects Muslim people, and how the problem should be solved instead. The first and fourteenth amendments of the U.S Constitution, according to the American Civil Liberties Union, gives religious Muslim women the right to wear hijab, because there can be no state or federal law which prohibits this activity. However, there is a major caveat in this amendment; Sometimes, in a building like a school or an airport, hijab is not allowed, along with headscarves. This is because these public buildings often have a rule of no head coverings, and wearing hijab can be perceived as a safety issue, as the garment is loose, and items could potentially be stored under it. In the US' laws and French laws surrounding the right to religious attire, the laws are often contradicting, and can be interpreted many different ways by the governments and other national institutions. My goal is to explain why the U.S and French are inherently Islamophobic towards Muslim clothing, and explain what can be done in order to ameliorate this problem, taking in mind the recent terror attacks in Paris, and of past events such as 9/11. -
A Response to #Livingwhileblack: Blackness As Nuisance
RESPONSE RACE, SPACE, AND SURVEILLANCE: A RESPONSE TO #LIVINGWHILEBLACK: BLACKNESS AS NUISANCE LOLITA BUCKNER INNISS* TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................ 213 I. Nuisance, Trespass, and the Interaction Between the Two ............................................................................ 219 II. #LWB Incidents as Legal Geography: Race and Space ................................................................................ 225 III. #LivingWhileBlack and Surveillance .............................. 229 Conclusion................................................................................... 231 INTRODUCTION In #LivingWhileBlack: Blackness as Nuisance, Taja-Nia Henderson and Jamila Jefferson-Jones examine incidents wherein white people called 911 to report Black people for occupying spaces that callers believed the Black people in question ought not to occupy.1 Sadly, these incidents * Senior Associate Dean for Academic Affairs, Professor of Law, University Distinguished Professor and Inaugural Robert G. Storey Distinguished Faculty Fellow, SMU Dedman School of Law. Ph.D., LLM with Distinction, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University. J.D., University of California, Los Angeles. A.B., Princeton University. 1. Taja-Nia Y. Henderson & Jamila Jefferson-Jones, #LivingWhileBlack: Blackness as Nuisance, 69 AM. U. L. REV. 863, 863 (2020). The phenomenon of white people calling the police or personally accosting Black people based on unfounded allegations of wrongdoing -
Candidate Number 25460
LOSING CONTROL: REGULATING SITUATIONAL CRIME PREVENTION IN MASS PRIVATE PROPERTY * ROBERT E. PFEFFER ** Introduction Three young men enter a shopping mall. In a security office in the mall a guard monitors them via closed circuit TV. Based on their appearance, such as their ethnicity or the way they are dressed, he decides to approach them and asks for ID. They are told that if they do not produce ID, they will not be admitted. He then runs their names through the computer and finds that one of them was arrested two years before on a shoplifting charge. He tells all three they must leave. This not uncommon scenario raises nettlesome issues regarding the general right of the mall owner to exclude persons from the mall property versus the right of the young men to visit the mall, as well as whether the exclusion was based on factors — such as race, age, or ethnicity — that many would find at minimum troubling and perhaps entirely unacceptable. 1 The owner of the * This Article grew in part out of two presentations made to the faculty of the University of Mississippi. I wish to thank the faculty for the opportunity to present my ideas and for providing helpful feedback. It also was motivated by research performed under the guidance of the Faculty of Law and the Center for Criminological Research at Oxford University, and I wish to extend thanks to those institutions for their guidance and assistance. ** Of counsel, Bickel & Brewer, Dallas, Texas; Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, University of North Dakota School of Law, 2006-2007; Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, University of Mississippi School of Law, 2005-2006. -
The Militarization of American Law Enforcement and the Psychological Effect on Police Officers & Civilians
Document1 (Do Not Delete) 4/8/2016 4:43 AM NOTES US VS. THEM: THE MILITARIZATION OF AMERICAN LAW ENFORCEMENT AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECT ON POLICE OFFICERS & CIVILIANS JOSEPH B. DOHERTY* TABLE OF CONTENTS: I. INTRODUCTION………………………..………………………416 II. BRIEF HISTORY OF THE MILITARIZATION OF AMERICA’S DOMESTIC LAW ENFORCEMENT………………………….417 A. DIRECT MILITARIZATION…………………………..……..…417 B. INDIRECT MILITARIZATION………………………….……....423 III. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECT OF MILITARIZATION….442 IV. REFORM……………………………………………………….445 A. REDUCTION OF SWAT DEPLOYMENTS……………….…….445 B. REALLOCATION OF DHS GRANTS…………………………..446 C. ELIMINATION OF THE 1033 PROGRAM………………….…...447 D. ELIMINATION OF JAG GRANTS………………………..…….448 E. REVERSING THE “US VS. THEM” MILITARY MENTALITY THROUGH COMMUNITY BASED TRAINING & RECRUITMENT…………………………………………...…449 V. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………..450 * Class of 2016, University of Southern California Gould School of Law; Staff Member, Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal, Volume 24. The author would like to thank the staff and executive editorial board of Volume 25 of the Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal for all of their hard work on this Note. The author would also like to thank Professor Dan Simon, and all of the investigative reporters that work tirelessly to expose the physical, psychological, and economic ramifications of the use of military equipment and tactics by local law enforcement officers. 415 Document1 (Do Not Delete) 4/8/2016 4:43 AM 416 Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal [Vol. -
Against the Immigrant, for the Law
Against the Immigrant, For the Law: An analysis of the “problem” presented in restrictive state-level immigration law in Georgia by LEANNE PURDUM (Under the Direction of AMY J. ROSS) ABSTRACT This thesis explores the immigrant and the role of state laws in constructing the image of the immigrant as a problem, specifically in Georgia House Bill 87, passed in Georgia in 2011. It uses qualitative research methods to investigate the politics of restrictive immigration law in a state with both a market for unskilled workers and nativist desires to protect the state from ‘unwanted’ immigrants. It concludes that a popular anti-federal government discourse hides a more complex relationship where the state of Georgia (lead by the Republican Party) uses imagined federal failure to legitimate claims to state level powers. With this power, the state law employs a racialized/ethnicized language that constructs the immigrant as “illegal”, poor, uneducated, and Hispanic, and blames the immigrant for the economic problems in the state. Ultimately, this thesis argues that the law aims to control the social territory of the state and increase the already tense everyday life of the undocumented immigrant. INDEX WORDS: Georgia, undocumented immigration, law, political discourse, federal-state immigration enforcement, House Bill 87 Against the Immigrant, For the Law: An analysis of the “problem” presented in restrictive state-level immigration law in Georgia by LEANNE PURDUM BA, University of Saint Thomas, Houston, Texas, 2004 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2013 © 2013 Leanne Purdum All Rights Reserved Against the Immigrant, For the Law: An analysis of the “problem” presented in restrictive state-level immigration law in Georgia by Leanne Purdum Major Professor: Amy J. -
Reckoning with Mass Criminalization and Mass Incarceration: a Proposal
Center for Popular Democracy/CPD Action – September, 2019 Reckoning with mass criminalization and mass incarceration: A Proposal to advance a new vision of public safety and dismantle the 1994 Crime Bill through a participatory People’s Process BACKGROUND After 25 years, opponents of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (the “94 Crime Bill”) have been proven right. While everyone supports violence reduction—the purported goal of the 94 Crime Bill—several of the provisions included in the 94 Crime Bill to achieve this goal have been proven ineffective and harmful.1 In particular, draconian punishment and imprisonment of citizens and non-citizens alike, paired with increased resourcing and militarization of the police, did not make communities safer.2 Instead, the 94 Crime Bill contributed to mass incarceration, overpolicing, and mass criminalization, destabilizing an entire generation of families in the United States, with particularly destructive impact on Black communities.3 By endorsing and financing ineffective and damaging policies and practices at the state and local levels, the 94 Crime Bill encouraged the growth of police and prison infrastructure while failing to prioritize community investments that would have increased public safety, particularly in under-resourced communities.4 At the time of its passage, the 94 Crime Bill faced widespread criticism from criminologists, civil-rights lawyers, community activists, and numerous members of Congress.5 Today, advocates, organizers, and even elected officials -
• LAPD Responds to a Million 911 Calls a Year, but Relatively Few for Violent Crimes
• LAPD responds to a million 911 calls a year, but relatively few for violent crimes LAPD headquarters in downtown Los Angeles. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) By JOEL RUBIN, BEN POSTON JULY 5, 2020 5 AM UPDATED6:47 AM More than a million times last year Los Angeles police officers were dispatched on calls for help. Contained within that huge volume of 911 calls is a defining aspect of policing in modern America: The job has expanded over time to include far more than fighting crime. Although armed with weapons and the unique authority to use force, cops often are sent to resolve problems that should not require their coercive powers. Family fights, episodes of mental illness, complaints of loud parties, and dogs running loose are all part of the job. Police, in fact, spend relatively little time responding to reports of violent crime, despite that being widely viewed as a core police function, a Los Angeles Times analysis found. Of the nearly 18 million calls logged by the LAPD since 2010, about 1.4 million of them, or less than 8%, were reports of violent crimes, which The Times defined as homicides, assaults with deadly weapons, robberies, batteries, shots fired and rape. By contrast, police responded to a greater number of traffic accidents and calls recorded as “minor disturbances,” The Times found. The Times included in its analysis categories of 911 calls and calls initiated by police officers. The extensive role of police in American life has come under scrutiny in the wake of the killing of George Floyd and other recent deaths of Black Americans at the hands of police. -
Tunnel Vision: How the System Chooses Its Target
Public Interest Law Reporter Volume 21 Issue 2 Article 8 2016 Tunnel Vision: How the System Chooses its Target Alison Hill Follow this and additional works at: https://lawecommons.luc.edu/pilr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Environmental Law Commons, and the Human Rights Law Commons Recommended Citation Alison Hill, Tunnel Vision: How the System Chooses its Target, 21 Pub. Interest L. Rptr. 131 (2016). Available at: https://lawecommons.luc.edu/pilr/vol21/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Public Interest Law Reporter by an authorized editor of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact law- [email protected]. Hill: Tunnel Vision: How the System Chooses its Target No. 2 * Spring 2016 Tunnel Vision: How the System Chooses Its Target Alison Hill 1 "It is better that ten guilty persons escape than that one innocent suffer." An idea has intensified within the innocence community, comprised of those exonerated from prison after being wrongfully convicted and their allies: the theory of tunnel vision.2 Tunnel vision refers to how state actors focus on a suspect and build a case around that one person in such a way that it ends in a conviction.3 Typically, both poor and minority communities are systematically left to the mercy of the justice system, including police interrogations, prelimi- nary hearings, prosecutions, public defenders, sentencing, and the appeals process. 4 Tunnel vision begins when police are called, yet there is a difference in 5 how police respond based on the community in which the situation occurs. -
Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil Rights Violations Impact Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice
DIRTY DATA, BAD PREDICTIONS: HOW CIVIL RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IMPACT POLICE DATA, PREDICTIVE POLICING SYSTEMS, AND JUSTICE RASHIDA RICHARDSON,* JASON SCHULTZ,** AND KATE CRAWFORD*** Law enforcement agencies are increasingly using algorithmic predictive policing systems to forecast criminal activity and allocate police resources. Yet in numerous jurisdictions, these systems are built on data produced within the context of flawed, racially fraught and sometimes unlawful practices (‘dirty policing’). This can include systemic data manipulation, falsifying police reports, unlawful use of force, planted evidence, and unconstitutional searches. These policing practices shape the environment and the methodology by which data is created, which leads to inaccuracies, skews, and forms of systemic bias embedded in the data (‘dirty data’). Predictive policing systems informed by such data cannot escape the legacy of unlawful or biased policing practices that they are built on. Nor do claims by predictive policing vendors that these systems provide greater objectivity, transparency, or accountability hold up. While some systems offer the ability to see the algorithms used and even occasionally access to the data itself, there is no evidence to suggest that vendors independently or adequately assess the impact that unlawful and bias policing practices have on their systems, or otherwise assess how broader societal biases may affect their systems. In our research, we examine the implications of using dirty data with predictive policing, and look at jurisdictions that (1) have utilized predictive policing systems and (2) have done so while under government commission investigations or federal court monitored settlements, consent decrees, or memoranda of agreement stemming from corrupt, racially biased, or otherwise illegal policing practices.