Pacifist Movement in the Methodist Church During World War II: a Study of Civilian Public Service Men in a Non Pacifist Church -

THE PACIFIST L-10V&"!ENT IN THE HETHODIST

CHURCH DURING WORLD WAR II: A STUDY

OF CIVILIP...!.'l PUBLIC SERVICE :OlEN IN

A NONPACIFIST CHURCH

bv.J.

E. Keith Ewing

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Humanities in Partial Fulfillment of the R~quirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

Florida Atlantic University

Boca Raton, Florida

May 1982 THE PACIFIST MOVEMENT IN THE METHODIST

CHURCH DURING WORLD WAR II: A STUDY

OF CIVILIAN PUBLIC SERVICE MEN IN

A NO~~AC!F!ST CWJRCE

by E. Keith Ewing

This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candi date's thesis advisor, Dr. John O'Sullivan, Department of History, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of the College of Humanities and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE:

Cha1rman, Depar nt of « .... -· y ar- History !>e;Aat~ nea~eg~ft::ties

Studies Date/ '

_.1..1.i .: .: ACKNOHLEDGHENT

The appreciation of the writer is expressed to the supervisory committee: Dr. John O'Sullivan, Dr. Heather

Frazer, anc Dr. Donald Curl. Each cf these persons has

~ ~~-~ ~~~--~-~~ euabled the w~ite~ to bscc~e '""" ...... ,.-c. "'"'J"' .. "!:'c '-~.L.L"""' historia~. A special acknowledgment is rendered

Dr. O'Sullivar. for many hours of ~,hurried consult~tion in encouraging the writer to perfect the thesis in a logical, scholarly style.

iv ABSTRACT

Author: E. Keith Ewing Title: The Pacifist Movement in The Methodist Church During World War II: A Study of Civilian Public Service Men in a Non pacifist Church - ...... Lns-c~t:u-c~cn: Florida Atlantic University Degree: Master of Arts

Year: 1982

The Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 provided that the conscientious objector could do "work of national importance under civilian direction." The arrangement worked out between the government and the·National Service Board for Religious Objectors was the Civilian Public Service camps. The Methodist Church had the largest number of Civilian Public Service men of any non- pacifist church. Methodists strongly emphasized pacifism and the evils of war in the 1930s, especially among the youth. This thesis examines a number of the Methodist men who chose Civilian Public Service instead of either combatant or noncorobata~t military se~:icG. The concerns itself with the church's influence upon them, their relationship to the church while in Civilian Public Service, and the effect of this experience on their rela-

tionship to th~ church following their service.

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT •.•. v LIST OF TABLES . vii

,1... __ ._ __

'-110. ~ \...CL. I. INTRODUCTION • • . l

II. THE MIXED RESPONSE OF THE r-1ETHODIST CHURCH TO WORLD WAR II . . . 18

III. INTERVIEWS ~~ QUESTIONF-~IRES ANALYZED • • • . • • • • 43 Introduction The Influence of the Methodist Church The Methodist Church Support of C.P.S. Men Specific Ministries of the Methodist Church to C.P.S. Men The Effect of C.P.S. on Attitudes Toward the Church Reaction to 1944 General Conference Mutual Fellowship Experienced By Methodists in C.P.S. Attitudes Toward Historic Peace Churches Evaluation of the C.P.S. Experience CONCLUSION • 135 APPENDIX 148

BIBLIOGRAPHY . 151

vi LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Respondents Who Indicated They Still Ass~~e an Active Role in Church Leadership ...... ,0'7 ,

vii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Methodist Church from the time of its beginning as a fervent, evangelical movement within the Church of England in the eighteenth century under the guidance of

~~at methodical and committed Anglican priest, John Wesley, to its present day American counterpart, the United Methodist Church, has expressed its faith more in practical applications than in doctrinal pronouncements. Wesley's evangelicalism led to a vision of the world as his parish and the improvemenc of life in the midst of moral decay as his mission. Wesley and his disciples, although earnestly concerned for theological scholarship, disciplined them selves to take the love of God into the slums, prisons, mines, and homes of England, and in so doing, laid a foundation that to this day is a cherished heritage of the people called Met..hodist: a vital piety that expresses itself by evaluating social issues, i.e., alcohol, gambling, prisons, family life, international relations, by the standards of the Christian faith. One writer notes that Wesley's sermons denounced slavery as the "worst of all villainies," and the sale of

1 2 alcoholic beverage as sending "men to hell like sheep." He writes tb.at Wesley termed war a ::reproach to a.L.L reason and humanity", and the fighting of war as a forgetting of God ....

By the second half of the eighteenth century the

!·1ethodist movE:l-nent made its way to A...-nerica by t.'l.e influence of English Methodists who came to the New World. The first missionary preachers, Richard Boardman and Joseph Pilmoor, were sent by Wesley in 1769. By this time, there were Methodist groups in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, . . . 2 New Jersey, De 1 aware an d V~rg~n~a. In 1771, Francis Asbury, "the British preacher who made the greatest impact upon early A..rnerican Methodism," arrived. By 1772, Wesley had placed him in charge of the

. h . Am • 3 Me th o d ~st preac ers ~n er~ca. Asbury insisted that the preachers itinerate and ride the circuit, preaching wherever settlements sprang up. As they preached and organized, they spread "scriptual holiness" {the combining of the piety and social concern) in the new land. As the Methodist circuit rider became a part of the frontier lifei the Methodist movement exhibited this concern for social holiness. In late December, 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church was formally organized in Baltimore, Maryland, and immediately evidenced its flexibility and creativity by ministering to the expanding American frontier rather than remaining in the coastal com.-nuni ties. lvhile it is readily

------.! --~ .&..t...-.&.. .a...L------_ ...... -1-.-- _;: ,c ___ ..__ -.C -t...... --'L.. J.;;;;•_:•_•';;!.!.".:'~U t....llO.t.... C....!lC:.1..'-== O.J..t:: C. .LlUJ.lUJt::.!.. VJ.. .J...Q.\,C:l.,..;:) V.!.. \,.,.llUJ...\,...11 struct·u.re and life that contribute to Het.~odism • s unique- ness, the on~ that is the concern of this study is the commitment to bringing the influence of the Christian faith upon social policy and public issues such as the Christian response to war. Georgia Harkness, ordained Methodist minister and theology professor, who taught, prior to her death, at Methodism's Garrett Biblical Institute, Evanston, Illinois, coiD.ments that Methodists have always been under "the im- pulse to take the imperatives of the gospel into the whole structure of human society" even when they have not been in agreement about what the gospel was saying at a par 4 ticular time on a particular issue. By 1907, five Methodist ministers had organized

~~e unofficial Methodist Federation for Social Service to engage the church in disturbing questions about the Christian faith and issues facing the developing industrial- ized! urban society. The Methodist Episcopal Church adopted a Social Creed in 1908, that stated social princi- pals by which the Christian and the church, as well as the society, should order their lives. With this action,

11 Methodism forthrightly ernbarked upon a career of social r: witness from which it never retreated."-' ...II

The Social Creed, which could and would be adapted

changi~g ,....1"""\n,.:;;.J.-.;",....~ n,, ~,,,..,...oo~il""''f"'f ~onor.::a1 (""'1""\1""'1- to social --··-----··- -.l ------··::;, --··------·· ferences, 6 was adopted by both the Methodist Episcopal

Church, South, and the ~1etl10dist Protestant Church wit..~in a few years. 7 This creed became the basic statement of the Federal (later National) Council of Churches of Christ in ~-~erica as their Social Creed of the Churches. 8 Keep in mind that this engagement of Christian faith, with the issues of the culture in which the church existed, was not approved by all Methodists. William Warren Sweet notes that some Methodists became the recipi- ents of the creed's judgments because of their businesses and/or personal beliefs. There were those who withdrew. The course was determined, however, and "at every General Conference since that time other courageous declarations and appeals have been issued."9 As t..he 1930s drew to a close, the ominous sounds of war were abroad in Europe, threatening to involve the United States. The Methodist Church, true to its practice of responding to critical social issues in the light of the Christian faith, would make policy statements through its General Conferences in regards to the individual Christian's response, as well as the church's response, to war. These statements directly influence our study and will be discussed in detail. 5

r'lo1uiT'IfT n.ooniv int-I"\ Before ---·-·-:~ ---&;-..! ----- the core of this study; however, it is necessary to review the Methodist Church 1 s action, or lack of action, on ~~e issue of war and peace in the early years of the 1900s. A widespread feeling

~~ong Methodists was expressed in ~~e California Christian

Advocate, ~~e publication of California Methodism, of Septeinber 22, 1917: "It is a little difficult to understand the mental operations of certain persons who pride

1n themselves as being conscientious objectors to war."~v One observer commented that in the Methodist Church during 11 World War I, "Pacifism was as suspect as treason."

Two incidents during World War I substantiate the general feeling of support for the war in the }!ethodist Episcopal Church. The Reverend E. P. Ryland, superintendent of the Los Angeles district of the Methodist Episcopal

Church, refused to participate in a series designed to promote patriotic support of the United States' participation in the War. His presiding bishop, Adna W. Leonard, responded to his refusal by removing him from his position -.· because of this pacifist action. The bishop stated: "The

Methodist Church will allow no other organization in the land to outdo it in demonstration of loyalty and patriot 1sm.. ,.12

A second case which fosters the conclusion that little serious consideration was given to the pacifist position during World War I by Methodists comes from the 6

South. In 1918, Chaplain Charles W. Gordon, a Canadian chaplain, en~~ralled the delegates to ~~e General Confer-

1 3 e .1.1.-ce o-=.L .._he'-" 1. .,;J.v.e ....."-1. hod~ ~ s .....'- .u.t'..._l;'-.~ scop-a.• 1""1-.··-ch'-'J..t..u.a... J. So ...... u '-.u. 1-.l •..n ~ .....'-.11 1-. a.- pro-war speech that declared: "My business as Chaplain was to help make a man a better fighter. To put into his heart the thing that would take his fears av1ay." He called on the Conference to set a spirit that will cause the 1..;omen to "keep sending their sons away willingly and not break them down with lamentations and tears." He characterized the Germans as more wicked, more darkhearted and more irreli- gious than the delegates knew. The Conference cheered and applauded the speech. 14 Finally, in support of the conclusion that the Methodist Church did not support opposition to World War I, and was not enamored with the pacifist position, Preachers Present Arms, the basic report on church involvement in World War I, states there were no Methodists listed as conscientious objectors15 (hereafter referred to as COs). The preceding statements appear to summarize the" majority opinion of Methodists on the issue of pacifism and involvement in war during World War I. The Discipline 16 of 1920, does not indicate any position on war even though a great war had just ended. 17 In the years following World War I! the Methodist Church evidences a growing concern with the issue of war. In contrast to the absence of any mention of this issue in the 1920 Disci,?line, the Disci.,?line of 1924 stated ~var to be "the supreme enemy of mankind." The church at this 18 time created the Commission on World Peace.

~1ethodist action on peace concerns reflected the national interest in the issue after 1920. Several conferences met to consider limitations on arm~uent build- ups: ·rne ?lashington Conference ( 19 21-1922} , The Geneva

United States, along with fourteen other nations, signed the Kellogg-Briand Pact (The Pact of Paris) in 1928. In essence, it was an agreement to resolve international questions peacefully and to repudiate war as a tactic of 20 national strategy.

Kirby Page, Methodist minister and pacifist, used questionnaires in 1931 and 1934 to sample the opinion of

Protestant clergymen. Results of both sa~ples showed

Methodist clergymen strong in pacifist ideas. The 1934

sample indicated 78 percent of Methodist ministers would

not endorse or support any future war and 72 percent would

not participate in any future war. 21

The 1932 Disciplin~ requested that the government

grant to conscientious objectors who were ~·1ethodist the same exemprion as granted to the Quakers. 'T'h;.,-··------l:"--··-n;.,,....;n,;no also continued the earlier statement on war as the "supreme

enemy of mankind.n 22 8

The 1936 sed its position t.hat "the Methodist Episcopal Church as an institution does not endorse, support or propose to participate in war," saying war is sinful and rejects Christ's teachings and transgresses human personality. 23 The year 1939 is an historic year for Methodists in the United States. In that year the three major branches of Hethodism merged to form The Hethodist Church at a uniting conference in Kansas City, Missouri. One of the churches forming the new, unified denomination, the Methodist Protestant Church, had separated from the Method- ist Episcopal Church in 1828 in a dispute over the rights of lay members to vote on church polity and doctrine. The Methodist Protestants brought to the union the disciplinary requirement that the policy-making bodies of The Methodist Church be composed of one-half ministerial delegates and one-half lay delegates. This provision is significant to this study, as will be seen, when the 1944 General Confer- ence action in regards to war and conscientious objection is examined. The second church forming the new denomination, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, had separated from the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1844 over the issue of slavery. Unfortunately, for the future Methodist Church, they brought into the union racial bias that resulted in all black Methodists being grouped into one jurisdiction 9

for a~uinistrative purposes rather than being integrated with the whites in ~~e normal geographical jurisdictions. It is reasonable to state that this indicates the conservative attitude on social issues this group brought to

~~e un~on.

The third group coming to the merger was ~~e parent body that began the Methodist movement in 1784, the Methodist Episcopal Church. This group brought two individuals to the united church who have a profound effect on this study. First, the Reverend Dr. Ernest Fremont Tittle, minister of the First Methodist Church of Evanston, Illinois, who was one of Methodism's most articulate spokesmen for pacifism. Second, Mr. Charles Parlin, a young attorney of New York City, whose distinguished career as a layman be- gins at the 1940 General Conference of The Methodist Church. This career spanned forty years and resulted in Parlin being known as "Mr. Methodist." These two men become the central figures in the 1944 General Conference debate on the church's position on war and pacifism. The 1939 Uniting Conference asserted its stand on war: We believe that war is utterly destructive and is our greatest collective social sin and a denial of the ideals of Christ. We stand upon this ground, that the Methodist Church as an Institution cannot endorse war nor support or participate in it.24

In the same year that The Methodist Church issued this statement, war loomed large on Europe's horizon and 10

occupied L~e concerns of President Franklin D. Roosevelt:

~Never in my life have I seen things moving in the world with more cress currents or with greater velocity." 25 The

Methodists left Kansas City in 1939 euphoric in the spirit of unity. They returned to the same city in 1944 with the nation and church in ~~e ••cross currents" of war and eX- perienced the most divisive issue to face the young church.

The first General Conference of The Methodist

Church met in Atlantic City in the spring of 1940. At the time the Conference convened, Americans looked with concern to Europe where Hitler's forces had invaded De~~ark and Norway. The Nazis were on a march toward France which resulted in France's fall only weeks after adjournment of the 1940 General Conference. In this setting, The Methodist

Church endorsed the statement of the World Conference of the Universal Christian Council which met at Oxford in 1937.

The statement declared war to be a "diabolical outrage against human personality, and a wantoR distortion of the truth." It cited war as evidence of the force of sin in the world and urged that war never be so gla~orized as to conceal such truth. 26

Using this position from Oxford, the 1940 Discipline clearly stated that:

The Methodist Church, although making no attempt to bind the consciences of its individual members! will not officially endorse, support, or participate in war. We insist that the agencies of the Church shall not be used in preparation for war, but in the ll

____ ._, __ .._,! __ -.1:----- 1".. 'r_ .,: __ .:._.&.. _,_,__.._ ..._,__ '---.!,.:3 pLUHLU.l.~QI...LVH V.i. po:::a~,;o;:: o no:: .1.J.1::>.1.::> I.. UlQI.. I..UO::: lJI.l.l..l.U- ingS of the Church dedicated to the worship of God shall be used for that holy purpose, ~nd not by any agency for the promotion of war.2' The Conference dealt with the individual Chris- tian's response to war. Once again using the Oxford statement, the Social Creed declared that the Church

aid a person in discov~~ing his conscience's :::-e- sponse to participation in war. When ~~ individual arrived at the position of his conscience then the church is called on to provide "the full fellowship of the body of Christ" to the individua1. 28 The Conference affirmed the "cherished" ideal of freedom of conscience as opposed to "any regimentation" which would subvert the freedom of conscience. The Con- ference recognized that "conscientious objection to war is a natural outgrowth of Christian desire for peace on earth."29 On this basis, the Conference supported exemption from military training and service of Methodists who professed conscientious objection to war. "Those of our members who as conscientious objectors, seek exemption from military training in schools and colleges or from military service anywhere at any time have the authority and support of their Church." 30 The Conference also requested that the Federal Council of Churches organize a committee from among the Protestant denominations to be the official representative for COs before the federal government. 12

As the threats o£ war loomed over Lhe united States with evermore intensity, Methodist young people who attended camps, retreats, and institutes heard of the church's position. Literature for both high school and college youth described the Methodist position on participation in war. Section One of Chapter Three of this study details this influence. Methodist families receiving The Christian Advocate, official Methodist newsmagazine, read of COs and servicemen and the church's response to them. December 7, 1941, Pearl Harbor, brought the American people as well as the Methodist Church, a new challenge. The Japanese attack on the United States' forces "quickly qui~ted the arguments over American foreign policy and united the nation" in response to this grave crisis. 31 The Methodist Church, as will be seen in the next chapter, experienced a similar response, especially among lay people. One prominent Florida Methodist pastor, R. C. Holmes, assessed the attitude of his parish- c:ners fcllm·ling the news of Pearl Harbor: "the enemy was coming from both directions and every one had to stop THE ENEMY." 32 In the presence of this new development, would Methodists remain firm on the 1940 position on war? Would ,..,..., the \,Vt an a~uitted minority in a church that remeu.bered its circuit riders' toughness on the frontier and its patriotic zeal in support of the United States involvement

--·in WArl··---- rl W~r-·-- T-, _ ----of.o.o 1 .::o-- c:: mnr-'h-··--·· --rr---,c::nnnAr+- ··--·nl"\t.T +-'h-··-- =>+- 'hi---- c:: r-1"\lln+-ru---.. ·--.J. 13

----WC1::> C1\.._..._ ----wcu.. as he ;..;hen ;..;a:;:- was a v1.s~on Oil horizon? This thesis will examine the men who acted upon the official position of The Methodist Church ~~d chose to become COs in a nonpacifist church. Over 100 former Methodist COs have responded by questionnaire and personal interview to such questions as: How much did The Methodist Church influence you to become a CO and serve in the Civilian Public Service (C.P.S.) camps? What support did you experience from the Methodist Church? In what tangible ways did the church's ministry reach you once you entered C.P.S.? What effect did this experience of conscience have in your relationship to The Methodist Church? In their significant work on COs of World War II, Conscription of Conscience, Sibley and Jacobs classify COs in eight categories. One of these categories is Protestants who were not members of the historic peace churches: Quakers: Church of the Brethren: and 33 Mennonites. This thesis examines only a small section of this diverse group: The Methodist men who chose to become COs.

The next chapter of the thesis explores the mixed responses of The Methodist Church to World War II, especially as experienced in the 1944 General Conference in

':lhich the !!lost di'!isive isslJ.e ~·!:s the report of the Committee on the State of the Church, "The Church lTl Time of War." The final chapter analyzes the returned questionnaires and the personal interviews. The response of the Methodist Church to its COs in C.P.S. is examined b~rough the words of the men who experienced both C.P.S. life and church response. The focus of the study throughout will be the CO himself. The man who went before his draft board and claimec IV-E status as one opposed to combatant and non- combatant military training and service; the man who had the Discipline of his church to undergird his case, but not always the verbal and visible support of his local congregation. The study looks at the man who went into C.P.S. with the ideal of doing work of "national importance" in a religious community only to find that the religious atmosphere of the camp was as diverse as each man there, and that work of "national importance" was often found at the end of a shovel or pick. FOOTNOTES

1 John 0. Gross, The Beginnings of American Method ism (New York: Abingdon· Press, 1961), p. 32. 2 Prederick E. Maser, The Dramatic Story of Early Alue....-icarl E-iethodism \New York; Abi11gdo.u P.1.ess, 1965) , pp. 9-12. 3Ibid., p. 47. 4 Georgia Harkness, The Methodist Church in Social Thought and Action {New York: Abingdon Press, 1964), p. 11. 5Frederick A. Norwood, The Story of American Methodism (New York: Abingdon Press, 1974), pp. 391-393. The five ministers: Frank Mason North, Worth Tippy, Harry F. Ward, Herbert Welch and Elbert R. Zaring. 6 Methodist church structure consists of four con ferences: General, Jurisdictional, Annual and Charge. General Conference meets quadrennially and sets policy, procedures, doctrines, and law for the entire church. The General Conference action is official policy and is re corded in The Discipline. The Jurisdictional Conference is a regional and geographical grouping of churches in several states which meets quadrennially. The Annual Con ference is a geographical grouping of churches in a smaller region (often a state or portion of a state) that meets annually and is presided over by a Bishop. The Charge Conference (formerly Quarterly Ccnfere~ce) is the local church's annual meeting. Each conference is under the policies and guidelines of the General Conference. 7Norwood, The Story of American Methodism, p. 392. 8 Wil1iam Warren Sweet, Methodism in American History (New York: Abingdon Press, 1933), p. 360. 9Ibid. ~ p. 361. 10 Walter G. Muelder, Methodism and Society in the Twentieth Century (New York: Abingdon Press, 1961), p. 81.

15 , c. ... v

1 1 . --Ibid.

l2Tb•d- 1 • , pp. 81-83. 13By 1844, the Methodist Episcopal Church had divided into three denominations in the United States: The Methodist Episcopal Church; the Methodist Episcopal Church, South; and the Methodist Protestant Church. In 1939, the three united to form The Methodist Church. 1-i --Muelder, Methodism and Society in L~e ~~entieth CentU-~J, p. 83. 15Carl Soule; "Fools for Christ's Sake;" Motive 6 (January 1946): 28. 16The Discipline of The Methodist Church, pub lished qadrennially following the General Conference of the church, contains the doctrines, rules, regulations, resolutions, and other related materials enacted by the General Conference which is the only official policy making body of The Methodist Church. 17soule, "Fools for Christ's Sake," p. 28. 18 Ibid. 19John A. Krout, United States Since 1865 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1955), pp. 186-187. 20 r·.010.. . - , p. 18-I. 21 Robert Moats Miller, How Shall Thev Hear Without A Preacher? {Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971), p. 419. 22 Soule, "Fools fer Christ's Sake, " p. 2 8. 23 Miller, How Shall Thev Hear Without A Preacher?, p. 421. 24 Ibid. 25 Henry F. Graff, gen. ed., The Life History of -cne United States, 12 vols. (New York: Time-Life, 1964), vol. 11: New Deal and War: by William E. Leuchtenburg; p. 97. 17

n:--:-1:-- 26n--~-:---UV'-I.....L..L~J.C.;:) Cl,U.Y.--~ JJ..L.;:n,,..;.~.,t'•..I..J.LC V..L.-~ m~-.&...U.C .::~'CI....U.VU...L.;:)'-"-~~-~:-~ Church 1940, eds., John W. Langdale and Alfred E. Smith (New York: The Methodist Publishing House, 1940), p. 777. 27 Ibid., pp. 777-778. 28 Ibid., p. 778.

29Ibid.

30Ibid.

31K rout , p. 219. ., .... ~LRobert C. Holmes to E. Keith Ewing, May 12, 1978, Personal File. 33 Mulford Q. Sibley and Philip E. Jacob, Con scription of Conscience: The American State and t'l1e Conscientious Objector 1940-1947 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1952), p. 18. CHAPTER II

THE MIXED RESPONSE OF THE METHODIST

CHURCH TO WORLD WAR II

While The Methodist Church took official action not to !!endorse, support, or participate in war," at its

1940 General Conference, t~e Congress of ~~e United States was considering America's first peacetime conscription. In September 1940, Congress enacted the Selective Training and Service Act. The act provided for a number of classi fications as to an individual's availability for military service. Section S(g) of the act provided for an individual ,to elect the CO status. The protection provided was sig nificantly better than in the first World War when COs could choose only between non-combatant military service and prison. An individual who opposed war by virtue of religious belief and training would not be required to serve in the armed forces. This person could apply for Selective Service classification IV-E which made him avail able for "work of national importance under civilian direction."

18 19

some COs registered under Selective Service classification I-A-0 which provided for non-combatant military service. Others, feeling it a violation of conscience, refused to register. The latter faced imprisonment for violation of the act. OL~er COs who were denied the IV-E classification by their draft board chose prison to I-A-0 classification. Not all COs, therefore, received the IV-E classification. The administration of section S(g} of the Selective Service Act caused some concern as to the proper means of implementation. Negotiations between the Selective Service System and the National Service Board for Religious Objectors, a group representing the historic peace churches, resulted in the establishment of the C.P.S. camps. The gover~~ent provided the physical facilities. The historic peace churches administered the camps. No CO could be refused admittance because of inability to pay the monthly maintenance fee of $35. The financing of the camps became the responsibility of the historic peace churches. The initial camps used old Civilian Conservation Camps. As the program developed, C.P.S. men served in facilities such as state hospitals. These agencies assumed the administrative cost of the men assigned to ~~ern. The Methodist Church had two such detached units: Unit 61 at Duke University Hospital and Unit 131 at the State Mental Hospital at

,,_-\....LH::::LVJ\.Ct::--1--- t ..LVwYCl•T -· ·- 20

Between the 1940 General Conference and the General Conference of 1944, The Methodist Church criticized the lack of opportunity for blacks in the Armed Forces and opposed the government's policy of segregation within the Armed Forces. The irony of this action is that The Methodist Church organized itself in five geographical jurisdictions but segregated all black Methodists into one jurisdiction regardless of their geographical location. In December 1942, each local church was requested to form study groups to discuss the issue of war and the plans for the world following the war. 1 The Methodist Church, the largest Protestant denomination in the United States at this time, reflected the spirit of the country as expressed in the Holmes letter: an enemy has been confronted and is to be defeated. In light of this increased sense of patriotism, the same church that declared itself as opposed to church participa tion and endorsement of war found debate about this position

~~eng both leaders and me~~ers. When the Page questionnaire disclosed the large percentage of Methodist ministers opposed to war, the Iowa Legionniare commented by predicting that a poll taken after "Old Glory were fired upon" would show a large nwTaber of 2 respondents altering their position. Such appeared to be the case as most churches in America, even though refusing 21

to call this a !!holy war,!! certainly aeteriuinea it to be a 3 "just war." Between the General Conference of 1940 and 1944 much discussion occurred in the pulpits and the official publications of The Methodist Church concerning the appropriate response of the church and the government to the threat of war engulfing the United States. Opinions ranged from the outspoken pacifist who affirmed, "I believe that the method of war with its bombing planes and starvation blockade is irreconcilable with the way of Christ, and therefore I cannot approve of any war or engage in its destruction and decimation"4 to the staunch defender of the

soldier and war 11 It all sounds very beautiful when some gowned cleric tells how love conquers all things •••• But it is utterly unworkable when such a man as Hitler starts his murderous columns rolling." 5 One pacifist pastor related his frustration at the shifting opinions: "It was distressing to see how the

people who were all for .1:"----T'\0.:>,..0 -··;,., '3? dwindled away •.• Confirming the prediction of the Iowa Legionnaire, the Rev. Robert Horton, an active pacifist and pastor of Trinity Methodist Church in Rochester during World War II, relates

that ~n the Fellowship for Reconciliation groups in that city he and a retired colleague were the only Methodist ministers involved. "I can't remember that we had any other Methodist minister who was maintaining a pacifist position throughout the war." 7 As might be expected, some responsible and respected leaders in The Methodist Church spoke for a middle- of-the-road approach. Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Commission on World Peace of The Met~odist Church and a me~~er of the Committee on Conscientious Objectors of the Federal Council of Churches, wrote in a pamphlet for Methodis~ COs, "I want its [The Methodist Church's] altars ready to receive the Christian who in conscience bears arms to resist contemporary inva- sion, and ready likewise to receive the man who for con science' sake has suffered social ostracism and prison."8 In the brochure Bishop Oxnam condemned the conscientious objector who refused to register. He commended the government for providing "fair treatment" for the religious objector. He implied that the church had no moral obligation to support the CO who does not cooperate with the Selective

-J: Service law; however, his disapproval U.1. including COs and C.P.S. camps in the Day of Compassion offering (discussed later) indicates little support of the CO who cooperated with the law. And, he wrote, "I am not now, and never have been, an absolute pacifist. I am not, therefore, a conscientious objector to all war." 9

Methodist Bishop Francis J. McConnell, writing early in 1941 in The Christian Century!s series on the 23

Christian response should America be caught 1n the web of

war~ argued the war should be entered only on a defensive course, to stop the insanity of Nazism from committing global homicide just as an insane individual is stopped. He stated, "If a people runs amuck it must be stopped. At least the people in the United States have a right to pre- vent a socially insane nation from overrunning this cmmtry ... l~ He defended the CO as being absolutely essen- tial to keep the high ideal of Christian objection to war before the nation. The bishop drew a picture of the objector as one who is not "disturbed by his inconsistency:" the soldier fights for the right of freedom of speech so that the CO can "protest against any soldiers' killing or being killed." The approach taken is almost one of humor- ing or tolerating the CO and being thankful that it is a . . . . 11 m2nor1ty pos1t1on. A pamphlet written by E. Stanley Jones, Methodist missionary to India, and circulated by the Commission on World Peace, added to the discussiou within the Dr. Jones argued for an active pacifism, citing the true meaning of the word pacifist, to make peace. He urged pacifists, of which he was one, to work for peace before war, during war, and after war. In detailed Biblical ex- position he disposed of the arguments of militarists who supported war with New Testament arguments such as Jesus'

---- -.C --~_., _____ ,! __ ., ___ ,:. __ •-'------_, ______.c ___ .._,__ U::>~ U.L V.i.U.i.~!H.;~ .i.H C...:.i.t::d.L.i.HI::j (....i.l.~ lllUllt::,Y-C...:HCI.HI::jt::.L::> .L.LUlll (....llt:: Temple. He supported the pacifist position with Biblical evidence and argued persuasively for changing the question from what should an American, Briton, or German do, to rather, "What should a Christian do?" His conclusion is clearly that a Christian cannot bear arms. And he warns his readers that neither America nor the Christian Church is ready to support the Christian response to war, thereby, preparing his sympathizers for a minority role. It is the Christian's responsibility to take such a position "even if he stands alone."12 In addition to the debate over the Church's position to United States' involvement in the war, and L~e individual Christian's place in that response, another incident gives insight to the modification the pacifist position underwent in The Methodist Church between 1940 and 1944. The Methodist Emergency Commission set March 2, 1941, as the day to receive "The Day of Compassion" offering to raise $1,000,000 to support, among other causes,

..... __,.,. ----- u-•\..-..::J~ -.a.. \...---- .: - -.:,.: •--· --..:l VYU.LJ'\. Q.I.UV.U'=f LWJ.C1,...1.1VU~.=, ..... JJVX,:) ..l...U. .&.Lt..L.L...Lt...O..L.Y C..L.lU naval service, to supplement the program of our churches near camps, to participate in interde nominational centers that may be established, and to undergird Methodist army and navy chaplains 13 in necessary provisions for their fullest ministry. Some consideration was asked for funds for Methodist men preparing to enter the Civilian Public Service Camps. Bishop Oxnam, as Chairman of Commission on World Peace's executive committee, responded that he had 25

;; grave doubts relative to the wisdom of diverting any of these funds to the care of Conscientious Objectors . . . and I doubt that including the Conscientious Objector Work . 14 Camps wou ld b e w1se. 11 So, no tangible means of express- ing support for those Methodist COs who had exercised their freedom of conscience as encouraged by the most recent Methodist Social Creed materialized. The Christian Advocate, the official organ of The Methodist Church, carried "An Open Letter To Our President" in which it implored him "to turn back the tide! Try again, Mr. President, to bring about a just and honorable peace!"15 The editorial denounced the exchange of destroyers with Great Britain and the possibility of large loans to the nations involved in the conflict, and expressed a real concern that the United States was in a "relentless drift toward war."16 During this time the Commission on World Peace urged the government "to stay out of the war and use its energies to bring about a just a~d lasting peace." The commission caused a stir when it called for the repeal of 17 the Selective Service Act of 1940. Some Methodists felt this action made them appear unpatriotic when newspaper headlines announced, "Methodists Oppose the Draft."18

A poll of April 1941, conducted by Motive magazine, a Methodist publication for the college campus, reflected

..,1\1\ •1...-L...U.C U.J..VC.L'::jC:::.U.l.....:J.: ··-----· \Jt-".,lr..,U__ .; _.;..... VJ..L.=.--- V.U.-- .a..t...-L..J..LC: -·--VWO..L• "-•.LV\.....1..VC·--·.: ··- __.l:"V..L.L.'C::::\,.oo. ,,-..::a Jtc /VV 26

Methodist students on eighty college campuses across the nation on three topics. More than 90 percent of the students polled were of the opinion that the United States should stay out of the war. When asked, "Do you think the draft a good ~"ling?," more than half (58 percent) responded affirmatively. The third question dealt with aid to England even if it involved the risk of war and more than 44 percent felt the risk should be taken to aid England, while 39 percent opposed aid at the chance of war. 19 The students who responded more favorably to militarist positions in the poll's questions came from the southeast and south central portions of the nation. For example, almost 74 percent of the students in the southeast favored the draft, and 57 percent of them favored risking war to aid England. Students from the north central states were least favorable to the militarist positions. Slightly over 43 percent favored the draft and less than 40 percent supported aid to England if it meant risking involvement in war. 20

.:- m"",... Mrs. A. D. St. &~ant, Jr., writiug •.u. .&..u.c Advocate, noted the diverse and conflicting opinions in The Methodist Church: On this vital issue our Methodist Church has a divided mind. If the tone of the General Conference report is the voice of the Church, then we have proclaimed the position of the conscientious objector as the right and Christian position. If the tone of many of our Church periodicals and most of our ministers and laymen is the voice of the Church, then we have chosen the stand of the con- __ .; __ ..L...:- ..... - __ ,..:a.; __ --.&...'-- ,,__.:-.a...: __ -..a..--.:1 ?1 .,:;n.... J....C.U'-..L.VU.;:J WV.LU.LC.L Q.j t-.Ut:: \,.,J.J..L..J..;;Jf.....J..QJ.J. .::tLClllU.--. 27

December 7, 1941, made the problem of the war more simple for "the consciences of many Americans" editorial- ized The Christian Advocate within hours after "Japan's duplicity and h.H.. iai..ive." The editorial condemned the

Japanese Goverwuent for borr~ing Pearl Harbor, Honolulu, and civilians without warning and urged the people of America to "steel themselves for the utmost in sacrifices." The war was judged to be one of defense. And this journal, which had been seemingly fair in presenting both sides of the argument for pacifism, urged Christians to pray for "American youth who are called upon to face the foe" with no acknowledgement of the youth who chose to be conscien- t1..ous.. o b"Jectors. 22 The Methodist Church was still under the official pronouncement of the General Conference of 1940 which

called upon the church to be a non-participant in the w~r effort. Would the entry into the conflict by the United States affect the Methodist people in their attitudes as expressed in the official pronouncements of the church? The issues discussed in the preceding pages indicate strong and divergent opinions existed among Methodists on the church's role in the time of war. As the General Confer- ence of 1944 saw the issue come to a decisive battle, the months leading up to that conference indicated the mood of the church shifting towards the endorsement of the war. 28

At a Deca~r 1942 meeting in Cleveland, the Council of Bishops, all Methodist bishops assembled together, voiced, according to the Christian Century maga zine, "unreserved support for the war."23 They affirmed the "un-Christlike" nature of war but noted the non- christian motives of the Axis powers and pledged themselves "to the destruction of this brutal and unwarranted aggression and to the preservation for all mankind of the 24 sacred liberties of free people." A Tiskilwa, Illinois, Methodist minister was under pressure from his congregation to resign because his son was a CO serving in C.P.S. He had the support of his ecclesiastical superiors and determined to stay in his church. 25 In 1943, the Northern Indiana Conference of The Methodist Church voted to receive voluntary offerings in its 300 churches for Methodist men in C.P.S. camps. The conference, however, struck from the resolution a phrase stating the young men were in C .P. S. because of !-~ethcdist tra1.n1.ng.. . 26 A mid-1943 poll of the 300 ministers of the Detroit Annual Conference showed that "nearly half of them were against exempting conscientious objectors from conscr1.p. t"J.on. ,.27 On a national level, the years 1943 and 1944, were highlighted in the church by the ''Crusade For A New World 29

Order," promoted by the Council on Bishops, especially

Oxn~~- The crusade looked to the end of the war as a time to implement the concept of world government. The effort led to strong support for the concept of the United Nations. 28 The~resolution of the debate about the individual's participation in war and the church's role in

World War II came at the 1944 General Conference in debate on the report of the Committee on the State of the Church. Commission on World Peace records indicated that almost 600 Methodists were in C.P.S. camps by January 1944. 29 The Methodist Church sent more men to C.P.S. camps than any other non-pacifist church. What was hap- pening to them in the period between the General Confer- ences of 1940 and 1944? The Co~uission on World Peace operated the two C.P.S. units mentioned previously. Unit 61, Duke University Hospital, began in December 1942, and Unit 131, Cherokee State Mental Hospital, Iowa, opened in February 1944. The church refused to have an offering for the support of C.P.S. men when Bishop Oxnam denied the request to include such in the Day of Compassion Offering. There was no official in the church responsible for maintaining contact with the C.P.S. men. The Commission on World Peace was occupied with many responsibilities in the area of peace and not until November 1944 did it appoint a

. . - ~ (\ person to superv~se the work with cos.-v The first C.P.S. camp opened in May 1941. The c.P.S. Round Tahle, the Methodist Church 1 s newsletter for Methodist C.P.S. men, first appeared in February 1944. By comparison with Methodist ministers who volunteered for the military chaplaincy, few offered pastoral services to 31 C.P.S. camps. By the time the 1944 C~neral Conference met, the Methodist C.P.S. man saw little practical assistance and support from his church. He knew by personal experience that the popularity of this war had taken its toll on the church's commitment to its 1940 "nonparticipation" position on war. As the lay and ministerial delegates came to Kansas City, Missouri, in the Spring of 1944 for the second General Conference of the united church, they came from towns and cities deeply affected by World War Ir. 32 They came from churches whose young men in large numbers were engaged in the battle, said to be more than 1,000,000 Methodists. Obviously, the delegates conducted business not connected with the church=s response to war. Nonethe- less, the most important action of this conference, and the one containing the most potential for division, would be a statement about the church's position on World War II. Among the delegates were two whose prominence in this conference would come because of their vying viewpoints on this issue. 31

_.. _------~ ""- ..... ____ ..._ T""\-----.L. ,.,.:.a....._,- -.!-.:.-..a....-- "J:Ut::: .t\t:::Vt::.L;::UU J.JJ..o LJ..UCO:.I.. r.LClL1UHI.. .L.LI-1-.LCt lLO.J.H.J.O:.I..C.L of First Methodist Church, Evanston, Illinois, who chaired the Committee on the State of the Church, would bring forth a reco~uendation to the conference on the church's role in a time of war. Dr. Tittle was a pacifist. He was active throughout the United States in the promotion of pacifism. His name was readily recognizable to the delegates as he had written extensively and lectured widely on his pacifist philosophy born in the aftermath of his service with the YMCA in World War I. His was not a shallow position. It was theologically and Biblically oriented and had stood the test of debate with such stal- warts as Reinhold Niebuhr. In addition to his wealth of experience in public circles promoting pacifism, Dr. Tittle was a veteran of church conferences. He had guided the same committee in drafting the 1940 Social Creed statement on war and on conscientious objection. He had been instrumental in founding and being involved in The Methodist Church's Commission on World Peace. This committee had an astute and seasoned leader in Tittle. Coming to his second General Conference was

Charles Parlin, la~wan and attorney from New York, who would present to the Committee on the State of the Church a statement supporting the present war effort and declar- 32 position of the Christian Ch\lrch." In couuuittae sass:tous,

Parlin challenged Tittle, Dr. Albert Edward Day, and Henry Hitt Crane, the latter two also leading pacifist clerg~~nen, about the report and its intent. When it becwue evident that Parlin was an astute participant, other members of the committee began to encourage him, and soon a minority group fashioned a report that would be brought to the floor of the conference as the "Minority Report." 33 On May 4, Thursday, "What had been a quiet, 34 ord er 1 y, 1 eJ.sure. 1y sewJ.ng . cJ.rc . 1 e came to lJ." fe. n The presiding bishop, A. Frank Smith, called for the report of the Committee on the State of the Church, "The Church in Time of War." The conference was ready for its most important decision. Dr. Tittle presented the Majority Report of the committee which called for a reaffirmation of the action of the 1940 General Conference that The Methodist Church

or war." 35 An additional paragraph was added which under- scored the support of the church for Methodists in the armed and auxiliary services and those in Civilian Public Service Camps and prison noting the church honored their "conscientious decision." The addition stated "we send our greetings and love to them all." 33 ...... - including the Reverend Dr. Glenn James, minister of White

Temple Methodist Church of Mi~ui, and one of Florida Methodism's ministerial delegates to the conference.

~x. Parlin presented the Minority Report to the Conference. The report was to replace Article 1716 of the 1940 Discipline. A layman from Iowa, Paul G. James, attempted to amend the minority report in several instances. Two of the proposed amendments acknowledged the right of those who chose not to participate in war and commended the Historic Peace Churches for supporting Methodist men 36 in C.P.S. camps. James' amendments failed. Finally, the reports were ready for a vote. Bishop James C. Baker, the presiding officer at the time of the vote, clarified that the vote would be on substituting the Minority Report for the Majority Report. A parliamentary manuever that Minority Report supporters felt was an effort by Majority Report supporters to defeat

the issue ".·.ras a cal-l for vote by "orders." In other words, the lay and clergy vote would be tabulated sepa- rately. If either order failed to carry, then a tie would result and the Minority Report would be lost. In the afternoon of Hay 4, the vote was taken. The lay delegates favored substituting the Minority Report for the Majority Report by a margin of 203 to 131. The

1 1 c.o ------~ T- -.t:.t:--+- \.,.._, .LC.L. ----- '::J:f .....V V_.&..._ I,...C -·--WO...:> ..1.. .,nI V .L.LJ..: - .c-----..I.. C. \1 V.J... I ..L. V-' Ul:".t:"'-'.:>..:;.\o.4 • ..i..~4 .;..._ .._ C""' ""'1 ._"'"'I""\""" ...... ~ 34

server noted, "It is manifestly unfair to both the Con- ference and the Church that any statement would be given out as representing the Church which might have been changed entirely by the shifting of no more than one vote." 37 But, the fact was that The Methodist Church had dramatically changed its position on war with the Minority Report which reads as follows: In this country we are sending over a million young men from Methodist homes to participate in ~~e conflict. God himself has a stake in the strug gle and he will uphold them as they fight forces destructive of the moral life of man. In Christ's name we ask for the blessing of God upon the men in the armed forces and we pray for victory. We repudiate the theory that a state, even though im perfect in itself, must not fight against intoler able wrongs. While we respect the individual conscience of those who believe that they cannot condone the use of force, and staunchly will defend them on this issue, we cannot accept their position as the defin ing position of the Christian Church. We are well within the Christian position when we assert the necessity of the use of military forces to resist an aggression which would overthrow every right which is held sacred by civilized men.38 A comparison of the delegates favoring the Minority Report with the number of Methodist C.P.S. men, region by region, reveals a similarity of sentiment on the issue of World War II. The Southeastern Jurisdiction of The Hethodist Church had six and one-half percent of the Methodist C.P.S. men. In this same region, 67 percent of the 1944 General Conference lay and clergy delegates 35

Jurisdiction had 13 percent of the C.?.S. men while 67 percent of the clergy and 85 percent of the lay delegates supported the Minority Report. The North Central Juris- diction had 41 percent of the Methodist C.P.S. men. The clergy and lay delegates cf this jurisdiction voted for the Minority Report by 34 percent and 59 percent, respec- tively. The Northeastern Jurisdiction had 22.5 percent of the C.P.S. men. Their delegates voted, thusly: clergy,

50 percent in favor, and lay 66 percent in favor. The

Western Jurisdiction had 17 percent of the C.P.S. men and its clergy favored the Minority Report by 31 percent while the lay delegates supported the report by 45 percent. The Central Jurisdiction, the only racial jurisdiction in the church, had all black Methodists regardless of their geographical residence. Thirty-three percent of these clergy delegates voted for the Minority Report. Twenty- 39 s~x. percent o f t h e 1 a~ty . d"d~ l"k~ ew~se. . Th e sout h cen t ra 1 and Southeastern Jurisdictions gave the strongest support to the Minority Report a~d had the smallest pe~ce~tage of C.P.S. men. The Western Jurisdiction, however, gave the smallest percentage support to the Minority Report but did not have the highest percentage of C.P.S. men. The North Central Jurisdiction had the highest proportion of C.P.S. men.

A~.ter the Minority Report was adopted, the Confer- ence requested t:hat the ci:Yu:r:ch' s Judicial Council, a type 36

Discipline still protected Methodists who chose to claim CO status under the Selective Service Act. The council ruled that the CO was protected by the church's Social Creed which was not changed by the Conference. The pertinent portion of the Social Creed read: "We ask and claim exemption from all forms of military preparation or service for all conscientious objectors who may be members a· of The Methodist Church.".u

It became necessary to amend Section 15 of Para- graph 1712 of the Social Creed which had repudiated war, forbidden the use of Church agencies for war preparations, and cited war as "utterly destructive" and a "denial of the ideals of Christ." Tittle and Parlin worked together on a substitute which the Conference adopted. It reads in part as follows: Christianity cannot be nationalistic; it must be universal in its outlook and appeal. War makes its appeal to force and hate, Christianity to reason and love. . • . It does not satisfy the Christian conscience to be told that war is inevitable .•.. The methods of Jesus and the methods of war belong to different worlds. War is a crude and primitive force. . . . The time is at hand when the Church must rise in its might and demand an international organization which will make another war impossible.41 The Conference did not close its ears totally to pleas for the conscientious objectors. It adopted a policy allowing "churches as desire to do so" to take 37

C.P.S. camps. 42 This endorsement of voluntary offerings could persuade churches wavering on the issue to proceed with such support for the C.P.S. men. When the conference halls had cleared, the Methodist delegates had taken their stand in support of the United States 1 involvement in World War II. While protecting the freedom of conscience of the CO, the Con- ference's tangible support rested with the military. The tenor of the new statement on "The Church in A Time of

War 11 did little to uphold the idealism which the conscientious objector had experienced in the 1940 General Conference statements. Furthermore, he had been informed by his church that .his position was not the "defining position of the Christian Church." Not fully abandoned, yet not completely supported, the Methodist CO experienced the realism of a church that had divided and mixed feelings on war and his stand as an objector to war. His position was tenuous: at best. In- spired and influenced by the idealism of pacifism presented, often attractively, by his church in the 1930s, and undergirded by the 1940 General Conference, he discovered in the time cf war a of t-~e idealism. The Methodist C.P.S. man, the major focus of this study, commands attention as the one experiencing this 38

ch~r.gir.g resolve cf The ?-!ethodist Church. It is these men upon whom our study now concentrates. FOOTNOTES

1Rev. E. W. Rogers, "War and Peace in Methodism," (unpublished paper, United Methodist Archives, La~e J~~aluska, N.C., n.d.~, p. 3 .

...,. A1"7 !:'· -:r..,,.

3Muelder, p. 179. 4charles Chatfield! For Peace and Justice: Pacifism in America (Knoxville, TN: The University of Tennessee Press, 1971), p. 331. 5Bob Shuler, "In Defense of the Conscientious Soldier," The Christian Advocate 116 (February 13, 1941), o. 210 0 6 Robert Horton to E. Keith Ewing, December 2, 1978, Personal Files. 7 Ibid. 8G. Bromley Oxnam, "Conscience, the Church, and Conscription" (Pamphlet, Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.), Files of Dr. Heather Frazer & Dr. John O'Sullivan, Florida Atlantic University, History Department, Boca Raton, Florida. (Hereafter cited as FAU files). 9 Ibid. 1°Francis J. McConnell, "If America Is Drawn Into The War, Can You, As A Christian, Participate In It or Support It?!" The Christian Century 58 (January 15, 1941), p. 82 0 11Ibid., p. 84. 12 E. Stanley Jones, "lifuat Should ~~ Christian Do?" (Pamphlet, Corr@ission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.), FAU Files. 13 Ralph Stoody, "Day of Compassion," The Christian

Advocate 116 (January 9, 1941) 1 p. 58.

39 40

14:oishop G. Bromley Oxnam to Charles F. Boss, Jr. January 13, 1941, FAU Files. , r::: -JRoy L. Smith, ed., "An Open Letter to Our President," The Christian Advocate 116 (January 16, 1941), p. 70. 16Ibid.

17 "Peace Proposed by Met.'lcdists," The Ccnscienticus Objector 3 {February-March, 1941), p. 6. 18The Christian Advocate 116 (January 16! 1941), p. 5. The General Conference is the only body in The Methodist Church that makes official statements on behalf of the whole church. The Commission on World Peace state ment, thus even though influential is not official Methodist policy. 19"Motive Poll No. I," Motive 1 (April 1941), p. 41. 20rbid. 21Mrs. A. D. St. Amant, Jr., "The Conscientious Objector Answers the Conscientious Solder," The Christian Advocate 116 (March 20, 1941), p. 366. 22Roy L. Smith, ed., "We Are At War," The Christian Advocate 116 (December 18, 1941), p.-r624. 23 "Bishops Give Full Support To War," The Christian Century 60 {January 6, 1943), p. 30. 24 "Bishops Go All-Out For War," The Christian Century 60 (January 6, 1943), p. 31. 25charles L. Venable, "News of the Christian World," The Christian Century 60 (January 6, 1943}, p. 22. 26 "Methodists Vote Support for C.O.'s," The Christian Cen.tury 60 (June 23, 1943), p. 746. -- 27"Agreements and Disagreements Among Michigan II ~~Me-1-1..'"'-'l~s <...UVU."'- .....1.. s 1 m"L..-.LUC ,..\..HJ. ... _~- ..1.;:, .....I....LC:Ui ~-- \,..,.,en.L··r·· I..U ::f 0V,.,... \'Septe-·"er LlUJ 22 1 .1.'9.t."'' • .;) } 1 p. 1059. C.P.S. was a form of alternative service within the Selective Service System not an exemption from con scription. 28Norwood, The Story of ~~uerican Methodism, pp. ..,.,11 ....

--carl?Q D. Soule,- ..-- Metnod.l.St- Men 1n Civilian Publl.c Service" (Pamphlet, Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.), FAU Files. 30carl D. Soule, "Chaplains for Civilian Public Service Camps" (Memorandum,Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.), FAU Files. 31 • d. . . . ,.. h ., . Metno 1st m1n1sters serv1ng as ~.P.S. c ap~a1ns did so en a volunteer basis. The responsibility was ful filled on their time with no financial remuneration. Cn the other hand, MeL~odist ~inisters who were military chaplains served on a full-time basis and were paid for this duty.

321"1\'ho ~onor::>1 f"nn~oron,..o wac: ,..1"\Tn"""C::O,:; n-F an onna1 6..&..1.'-' '-J ...... '-_""" __ ....,.~..~.---- ... ..__ • - --·--..1:""------.. -"':1- - number of lay and clergy delegates. Each Annual Confer ence in Methodism elected delegates at the session pre ceding the General Conference. The number of delegates representing an Annual Conference was determined by the ratio of Methodists in the Annual Conference to the total number of Methodists in the church. The Annual Confer ence's delegates were elected on an equal number from clergy and lay. 33 Ml."11 er, p. 461 . 34Roy L. Smith, ed., "Highlights." The Daily Christian Advocate 2 (May 5, 1944), p. 160. 35 The Discipline of the Methodist Church 1940, p. 777. 36 Journal of the 1944 General Conference, The Methodist Church, p. 375.

I , en ~uv.

38Roy L. Smith, ed., "Minority Report," The Daily Christian Advocate 2 (May 3, 1944), p. 123. 39 c.P.S. statistics from Carl D. Soule, "Number of Methodists in Civilian Public Service or Now Under Assignment" (Memorandum, Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, December 1, 1943), FAU Files. General Conference statistics from The Methodist C.O.: Carl D. Soule, ed. (Chicago: Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, September 1, 1945), p. 2. 42

40._ __ # T 1"'-.!~'L.. -..:J 11T ~· • 1 T'\ • • It fT1~- !\V} .l.J • .::».lu~t-11 1 cu. 1 vU.u.lC:i.a..~.. £-J~C.:LSlC:-lS 1 •.uc Daily Christian Advocate 2 (May 6, 1944), p. 167. The church officially assured the Methodist CO his posi tion was unaffected by the 1944 General Conference ac tion. The individual Methodist, however, appearing before the local draft board could be in a less secure position in claiming CO status depending upon the draft board's interpretation of the 1944 decision. 41 --Roy L. S!";th, ed., "Social Creed Statement:" The Daily Christian Advocate 2 (May 8, 1944), p. 173. A"' -~Roy L. Smith, ed., "To Keep The Record Straight," The Christian Advocate 119 (June 1, 1944), p. 661. CHAPTER III

INTERVIEWS AND QUESTIONNAIRES

&~ALYZED

Introduction

"""'------.t: ..... ,_.: _ _ ,__..,..:l ... - .:_ ._'Lo.._ ------.t: --- .....'L.- .!.!1C \..,:.VJ..C V.:. t...!l..L..::> ., t...UU.J' .L~ '-!1C J..C,O:,}:JV!1o::JC V.:. !Llt::.U W11V served as Conscientious Objectors in Civilian Public Service camps and who at the time of entering C.P.S. were Methodist. The response was attained through two methods: (1) a questionnaire mailed to 150 such subjects whose names and most recent addresses are on file at Florida

Atlantic University {see Chapter II, Footnote 8) and (2) interviews with eleven of these men. Five of the responses were not used because the subjects were not Methodists at the time of C.P.S. Eleven more questionnaires were returned with an incorrect address and no forwarding address. The study involves eighty-six valid questionnaires which is 57 percent of those mailed. The men selected for oral interviews were selected on two bases: (1) responses made on the written questionnaire and (2) geographical proximity to the

_..... ~ ...... - Q.\..l '-LlV.L. •

The responses will be analyzed in seven categories: The influence of The Methodist Church upon the

43 44 decision of each man to be a CO; The support (moral, spiritual, and psychological) the CO experienced from The Methodist Church; the specific ways in which The Methodist Church ministered to the C.P.S. man; the effect the C.P.S. experience had upon the CO's relationship to The Methodist Church; the Methodist CO's knowledge of and response to the 1944 General Conference action which stated that the CO position is not the defining position of the Christian church; the church-type fellowship, if any, the Methodists in the C.P.S. camps had with each other; and, finally, the effect of the C.P.S. experience upon the Methodist men's relationship to the historic peace churches. Because several of the respondents evaluated their C.P.S. experience in light of major life decisions, these responses are shared as appropriate. It is to be remembered as this section of the study is analyzed that when a Methodist man chose to be a conscientious objector and seek the IV-E classification

he was acting in a ...,...ol; - ...... "";"='_...., 1"'\l,e __ --··--c:ooneo from a tradition that was not historically pacifist. He placed himself in a more questionable position of church encouragement for his decision than one would assume a CO coming from an historic peace church did. A significant proportion responded to the mailed questionnaire. Every person asked for a personal inter-

__ .: -·· ------.L.-..:J "'------..:J--.a... __ .. ______.1-\....------.S: V.J..CW \,.,..UJ.J.,~:H:::J..L'-C:U.e V.UC .LC.;j!:'Vl!U.CJ..LI... CAf:.IJ.C.J.:lC~ l,...l.lC .::>C.L.t.::>t:: V.L

commitment that the C.P.S. experience still evokes: 45

when I rece1ve a questionair isicj from some one Isic] who is doing research for a Masters or Doctoral thesis I do not respond. I felt compelled to fill yours out as best that I could.l

The attention of the reader is directed to the men who furnished the L~petus and the real source of this study: men who chose to claim conscientious objection to war and serve in Civilian Public Service camps while being members of a church that was not, and is not, a pacifist church. Their experiences become the basis for the conclusions this study draws.

The Influence of the Methodist Church The 1930s saw a growing sentiment in most

Protestant denominations for pacifism. In 19.31, The World Tomorrow questioned more than 50,000 clergymen of all denominations concerning their attitudes toward war. Among the 19,000 respondents, 52 percent expressed the conviction that the church should not endorse nor be a

---.£...pc:u.. L..::f ... ·-L..V C.U::f--·· ··--WQ..L. c•.Lv..&..-.c•--· c..... Ten thousand these stated that they would take no part in an armed con flict.2

The mood of anti-war sentiment was supported in

The Methodist Church, especially in youth materials and conventions. Sweet says, "Great youth conventions were held in all parts of the country where flaming antiwar 3 resolutions were adopted. :: 'I·he Uniting Conference of 46

l939 set as one of the aims of the newly-created Method- ist Church that the church's department of education would direct the Christian education program of the church "to eradicate the causes of war and train our children fer cr~istian participation in the arts peace. "4 This direction for the united church came from an emphasis that was already being expressed in the church prior to union. The Epworth League (the youth organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church) had instructed Methodist youth through a study unit that the General Conference of the church opposed military training in

schools in 1928 and 1932. It further advised these young people that the church requested the government to exempt from military service any Methodist youth who claimed conscientious objection to war just as was done for Quakers and other peace churches. 5 In a brochure prepared by Charles F. Boss, Jr.,

"The Case for Methodist Conscientious Objectors," The Commission on World Peace of the church advocated that Christians not participate in "any war." The use of "non-violent" means was the methodology for surmounting

. ~ 6 ev~.l.

The same pamphlet suggested the following as a basis for registration: 47

'.1:.&--- --~ ..... -- .L.~-··-k• __ ,.:, ---1 ----~ ___ ., .. __ T ~.L t...CJ.. J.LLQt...U..J..C \....l1V\.l~1.l'- Q..u.u. ,t'.I,.V~V.&..l':JCU ,t-'.LQ.~C.L t ..L. hereby register as a conscientious objector to all war. I do this first, as a Christian who is convinced that war is irreconcilable with the Christian religion; second, as a patriot who is devoted to the best interests of my country; third, as a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, whose General Conference con de:mns war as "social sin. n7

Two cautions accompanied the suggestion: one, the registrant was to take this action seriously, and two, the church was not to interpret this advice to encourage persons to become conscientious objectors but to see it as responding to an expressed need. A study unit published for junior boys and girls {later elementary and early junior high age) in 1935 bore the title, "Makers of Peace." Although not required to be used in each Methodist church, this material was the church's officially endorsed and published study lessons. Three objectives of the unit were stated: (1) To enable the students to see peacemaking as more

"glorious" tha!1 !-!ar: (2) To sho\AI methods of peacemaking and persons involved in peace efforts along with estab- lishing the students' concern for the church as a "society of peacemakers;" and (3) To create a mutual sense of working with the boys and girls of the world .LVJ..~-- 8 "building friendships more enduring than battleships." Among the information and suggestions of the study unit w-as a 48

r.t=>of11C:.t=>n rl"'l nArt-i~inAt-P in ~l"'lmnnlc:nru mili+-::.ru +-r::.;,..,.;,..,,.. ------r------:------··r-----~ -··------~ ----··-··;:, on campus and of the church's backing of these students. The lesson stated that the boys did this because "We cannot be really Christian and kill people." 9

An activity of this unit suggested that the students look for advertisements in magazines showing weapons of war. The boys and girls were advised that their Junior League might write the magazines to protest 'ln the advertisements.~v

In a study unit er..titled, "Pacifism," the youth of the Methodist Episcopal Church were given definitions of pacifism that concluded that a pacifist is one who refuses "under any circwu.stances" to be a part of war or military activity. Quotes from A. Herbert Gray, "An

Unarmed Army of Peace," from The ~orld Tomorrow magazine; Ernest Fremont Tittle's The Foolishness of Preaching; and other articles picturing war as u~christian highlighted the study. The study concluded with action suggestions: protest programs in the community such as Armistice Day that increase "military-mindedness," affiliate with the War Resisters' League and the Fellowship of Reconcilia- tion, and register as a pacifist with the church's Depart- 11 ment of Epworth League and Young People's 't\Tork. Another young people's program, "What Is War Like?," encouraged a "War Service," the objective being to show "just how horrible a.!ld utterly devastati!lg t,.?a.r 49 is." The service included =. see war for the "monster" it is. Mark Twain's tongue- in-cheek prayer that C~d would assist us in covering the enemies' fields "with the pale forms of their patriot dead;" was a part of the service. The service concluded with a prayer seeking God's guidance for the youth to see the building of a world of peace as more romantic and 1? full of valor than war.--

Motive, the magazine for college-age Methodist youth, featured articles on conscientious objection,

C.P.S. camps, and other pacifist concerns in the early 1940s. One issue carried the diary of George Houser, one of eight theological students who refused to register under the Selective Service Act and was sentenced to a 13 year and a day in prison. A regular feature of Motive was "Peace Action" edited by Herman Will, Jr., which highlighted church and governmental actions in the area of peace with special emphasis on selective service. The April 1941 issue of

Motive announced a Strike Against War on April 23 with

"peace parades, mass meetings," and other public demon- strations opposing war. The strike was sponsored by the

Fellowship of Reconciliation, the Youth Co~~ittee Against War, the Progressive Students League, the War Resisters League, the Young People's Socialist League, and the National Council of Methodist Youth; the only church . d 14 group 1 ~ste as a sponsor. so

The Dece~her 1941 issue carried Magnolia and a plea for the churches to join with the

&~erican Friends Service Committee in financially supporting C.P.S. "Let the churches beware lest they miss an opportunity for supporting a Christian youth movement 15 such as may never come again." "To You Who Enter Civilian Public Service," was an article by men at the Coshocton, Ohio, camp who advised young men about C.P.S. and concluded, "You are entering a great and significant experiment. • • • We'll be looking for you."16

Classmate, the official Methodist rr~gazine for senior high age youth, featured C.P.S. Camp Lagro, Indiana in its March 1942 issue. The article, "Defense In Blue Overalls," pictured C.P.S. men at work and reported an extensive interview with the camp director, Paul H. Bowman. Camp Lagro had sixteen Methodist men at the time the article was written. Although not holding the CO in a superior position to Methodist men who were in the armed forces, it gave a picture of dedicated young men who "are willing to pay their own way, or arrange for their payment, in order that they may work for their country •••• " The Methodist CO was one who "takes a long look at his patriotic duty and determines that for himself his conscience bids him fight for the ~reserva- tion of his land using a shovel rather than a gun or bomber."17 51

··~ ..... ~ -- .... In 1944, n.J...J...J...J..cuu I\. Anderson rhetorically askea in The Christian Advocate, the official news magazine of The Methodist Church, why the Methodists had so many conscientious objectors in World War II. His answer was direct, "they got t.."lat way because, as a church, we taught them what they are now trying to exemplify."18 In a church appeal to raise funds for the support of Methodist men in C.P.S. it was stated that the majority of the Methodist C .P .·s. men were in camps because of the preaching and teaching of The Methodist Church.19 There is no doubt that in the 1930s and early 1940s official publications of The Methodist Church created the environment in which a young man could claim conscientious objection to military service on the basis of his Christian understanding as influenced by The Methodist Church. The study now turns to look at the eighty-six responses received to determine if these Methodist COs felt the church was influential in their decision of conscience. The questionnaire (see appendix for a copy of the questionnaire) contained two questions that deals with church influence in the decision to be a conscientious objector: Questions 1 and 3. The analysis of the questionnaires discovered that at times Questions 18 and 25 revealed some of the church's influence on the person.

In addition, written conrccu2nts d.l..- ·- ··-l..Ht:,_ -- (.;UH(.;.J..U::>J..UH-- - .. -- -.! -- UJ..- .c ..._l..Ut: ,_ - 52 questionnaire often provided helpful information. All of these sources are used to make the following analysis. A numerical analysis of the questionnaires reveals that fifty-three of the respondents give varying degrees hf cr2dit to The Me~~odist Church youth progra~ for influencing their pacifist position. Twenty-five of the questionnaires report that the church's youth program had no influence on the decision to be pacifist, while eight of ~~e respondents gave indefinite answers.

Thus, 62 percent of the eighty-six valid questionnaires attribute the conscientious objector decision to Method- ist Church influence. Since these responses give insight into the degree of this influence as well as the manner, a number of them are cited in detail. Some respondents were emphatic in the affirmation of The Methodist Church influence on their pacifist stance: "Unquestionably. The literature of the church school in the 20's and 30's was heavily anti-war and 21 20 Uorv 11 'Uorv mnl"'h often pacifist." "Yes. . --.;. much!" • --.J. ... ----1 it 22 was the entire and only influence." A former Methodist C.P.S. man who is an Episcopal priest writes that The Methodist Church and his parents were the sole influences 23 on his decision to conscientiously object to war. "Absolutely." 24· "Yes- very much through Epworth League,

Summer Institutes & through the Conference & Methodist 53

about how the church's influence was accomplished.

Several mention s~~er conferences, camping programs, conventions, and materials of the Sunday School and

Epwor~h League. One respondent noted that Sunday School conventions and rallies of the 1920s and 1930s were "strongly 'peace' oriented."26 A number of the responses attributed the influence of the youth program in the church as a determining factor in their decision. Typi- cal of these is this response: "I was active in Meth. H.S. lhigh school] programs, and was exposed to the 27 pacifist position by several Meth. ministers I adr-...ired. n A C.P.S. man who is a United Methodist minister reports that his first contact with a pacifist outside of his family was a member of a youth caravan which came to his church. After this introduction, he attended youth conferences and camps where he met a number of young pastors who were pacifists. He evaluates the influence of these young pastors as more influential than the other youth. He concludes that the youth program of The Methodist Church was "a very powerful influence."28 Four of the Methodist C.P.S. men mentioned and/or recalled signing statements affirming their conscientious objection to war and pledging nonparticipation in war. One noted that at some of the youth conferences devoted 54

to Slgn stating opposition to way and pledging not to be involved in war efforts. He could not, however, remember signing an individual, specific statement that registered . 29 him as a conscientious objector with the church.

Ano~~er interviewee recollected that he was instrumental in having a statement circulated in his youth group. He reports that "three fellows in the group" signed the statement, however, he notes the youth group was not large. 30 Only one of the individuals stated that he had registered with the church as a conscientious objector. He had a document from the Commission on World Peace stating his registration as a pacifist. This document aided him in obtaining the IV-E classification (conscientious objector) from his local draft board. 31

An Ohio C.P.S. man remembered that as a tenth or eleventh grade high school student a statement prepared and circulated by The Methodist Church was passed around

in his church youth group for all who chose to sign. The I intent cf the statement was that signees "would never participate in war." It is his recollection that ten or eleven of the youth signed the statement which was a majority of the group. He states "at that particular time I am sure that I had no comprehension of the pros and cons of conscientious objection •... " In college he participated in ROTC at Ohio State University, but

,_. __ ------..:1 ..... ~-- .:_ ..L.1...- ,.,,_.!,,.: __ ..._\.,_ ~-.=t ____ , ~-.1:!----.L---- ~c::u.. <:::.L t .::0<:::.1. VC:U L.~UIC: ~lL L.HO:::: '-lL~.L~~I,.;VL.lLO:::: L'O::::UO::::.LQ.L .1:\0::::.LV.L!LIQI...U.L}' rather than accept his draft board!s refusal to classify 32 .n1m . IV- E • Another C.P.S. man who lived in Ohio recalled the specific youth magazine, Classmate, which had stories about pacifism and a feature page of questions and answers regarding war, peace, and registration. In seeking the IV-E classification he used material from the magazine, his Sunday School classes and Bible readings that had been quoted in sermons and used as memory verses to substantiate his claim to conscientious objection. He also had encouragement from Charles Boss, Jr., the executive·secretary of the Methodist Church's Com- mission on World Peace. In addition, he had an overnight 33 visit to the Coshocton, Ohio, C.P.S. camp. Several of the returned questionnaires indicated that The Methodist Church had its greatest influence at the college level through the church's Wesley Foundation program. One response notes that it was the Wesley

Foundation's study groups and discussion ------f:' .L. V':j .L. C:UU.:> •'t..-•'-UC. '- introduced him to pacifism. The groups often discussed the position of the conscientious objector. 34 The returned questionnaires reveal that as influential as the church:s official position and literature was, the pastors of the churches along with certain teachers and youth leaders had an important role in the conscientious objector!s decision-making process. One of 56 the previously citea interviews creaitea young pastors at the youth convocations ana camps with promulgating the . -. . . . . 35 pac~r~s~ pos~~~on.

Thirty-eight of the responses indicate that the pastor of The Methodist Church was influential in the choice of pacifism. One of the churches, Mount Vernon

Place Methodist Church of Baltimore 1 Maryland 1 had six young men in C.P.S. camps according to the response of one of those men. The pastor of that church, Dr. Harold Bosley, was a leading pacifist minister. He and his two assistants were of draft age and registered as consci- . b" t 36 ent ~ous o Jec ors. In contrast to this large congregation, a small, inner-city Methodist Church in Chicago had five of its young men enter C.P.S. Influential in these decisions was the pastor, the Reverend Bailey Waltmire. "Under Rev. Waltmire's influence we were active in the swumer youth conference programs and had the opportunity to be-

.a..l--.- -•\...-- ... _ ...... __ , ~ \... ____ , come acquainted wi~~ some l...l.l'C:: V '-·U.C.J.. ,l' V\.. U.l':f I ._.,.&..IC.L 0._. socially conscious clergymen of the Chicago area. ,.37 Four ministers are named in more than one questionnaire as being of influence to COs: Ernest Fremont Tittle, First Methodist Church, Evanston, Illinois; Harold Bosley, Mount Vernon Place Methodist Church, Baltimore, Maryland; James McGiffin, Conference Director of Youth, Soui:.hern California; and Ernest Bromley whose 56

ch~rch is not identifieo but who now resides in retire- ment in Cincinnati: Ohio, still active in peace efforts. Five of the C.P.S. men are sons of Methodist ministers, and as one of them writes, it is difficult to tell if the support and influence was from the pastor or the father. "My father was the Methodist minister. He was very supportive, but this seemed to me at the time more in his role as a father than as a church official.;; 38 Among other church leaders listed as being influential are Sunday School teachers, Epworth League leaders, members of the church (but in only a few instances), and leaders of Wesley Foundations at colleges and universities. One respondent notes that both his Sunday School teacher and pastor had impact on his decision to be a CO, but that during the war they changed . . . 39 t.h e~r pos~ t1.on. Among the 29 percent of the responses which indicated that The Methodist Church youth program did not influence them in their pacifist position, several make pertinent observations. Two indicate that the youth program in their small church was too inactive to have influenced them. Another indicates that he arrived at

his convictions regarding pacifism at a young age by ap- plying an "honest interpretation" of .,conventional church teaching." He states, "I was not aware of any program that encouraged the pacifist choice." This respondent, 57

~-..:!~--..&--- .&..L-.L.- ••-.L.1...--"l.!-.a.. _.:,_.,:_.._ __ ~---.!-- 1-.!- however, J..!lUJ..~d.l...t::::> I...HC::.I.. C1 1'11;::: l....l.lUUJ..o::>l.. .I.LIJ..U..Lo::>l..t:J. UUJ..LH';:j .U.Lo::> "critical young years" did set examples that influenced 40 his c ..h O.!.Ce ~ o_~ c . ~r. s •

JL~other who did not feel influence to become a conscientious objector through the Methodist youth progra~ did get that influence at a Methodist-related college, DePauw University, through pacifist speakers brought to the campus by the college president, G. Bromley OXnam, a 41 Methodist minister who later became a Bishop. Recall that it was Bishop Oxnam who opposed adding the funds for

COs and C.P.S. camps to the 1941 Day of Compassion offering while serving as chairman of the executive committee of the Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church. Remember, also, he represented The Methodist Church on the Federal Council of Churches' Committee on the Conscientious Objector. Two others who disclaimed influence from the youth program made comments to the effect that they had influence on the church. One of them relates that through teaching a Sunday School class and being active in church leadership he carne to his C.P.S. decision and that his decision had an influence on the class he taught and some m~ubers The remainder of those who saw no influence in their C.P.S. choice from the Methodist youth program .. __ .. ------..:J .&..1...- -~--1- Cl.LJ.::>WCJ.. C:::...._ '-·UC: ~.L-1U.j:'..L.C HV 58

_t...... --t... .:_&, ...... ____ ..... \...-. .... - .... -- ~- •k-.:- ...:; __ .: -.:-- -.c ~1lU.L\...1.t ..L.llJ...J.UCJ.l\...C: YYJ.lO.\...C VC.J.. ~.11 \....U.C..1..l.. U.C:'-.J..,;:)..LV.ll. V.L.. \,..VJ.l..;::)'-..L,;;:;J..L'-C------.---- • The responses cited above, however, indicate that church influence runs through some of those who do not attribute the influence directly to the youth program.

The uniting conference's charge to The Methodist Church's Board of Education to train the church's children in the arts of peace had its effect. Whether directly through the materials and programs of the church, or through the example and homilies of the church's ministers, or the devoted service of lay persons, or a combination of all three, we see that a majority of those responding felt the church's influence and encouragement in choosing to be conscientious objectors. Did this influence and example translate into support of the CO's decision?

The Methodist Church Support of C.P.S. Men In his book, Preachers Present Arms, Ray Abrams concludes that a "historical fact of supreme importance" is that after every war the ministers are contrite and pledge their opposition to more war. "Yet when the country called upon its yeomanry to battle for Old Glory, 43 the parsons led the attack."

Can we see an erosion of support for pacifism and anti-war sentiment in The Methodist Church from the 1930s to the 1940s? Is such an erosion experienced by the

Methodist men whose decision tc --J...o r"fic:--- '·"'"''··-- --··--~ n-F1 ,on,-.orl__ .. ,_ ___ hu-.z the church? 59

"'- ,... __ , ,..._.~,- ...... _ -----..::1 ------"'----· .1.!------1~ J..I.L. • \,...Q..t., ..L I.JVU...LC I YY.L.l.U ,:,c.L. V'CU. o,,:, ~C\,....L.C: t...C.J..}" J..VJ.. WUJ.. h with COs in the Commission on World Peace, noted in a memorandum soliciting local Methodist pastors to serve as chaplains to C.P.S. camps, that it was not difficult for men who made the decision of conscience to feel such a decision resulted from the church's guidance in the 1920s and 1930s but to be disillusioned with the sense of deser-

A A tion by the church now that war was upon the nation.~~

The Reverend Robert Horton, who was pastor of Trinity Methodist Church, Rochester, New York, during much of the World War II period, comments that he was distressed to see the support for peace that was so strong in the

1 ate 1930 s Iaae- ~ 1n. tne . Iace- oi- war. 46 Prior to examining the individual questionnaires to see if this erosion of support was experienced by the _... C.P.S. men, several actions in the church C11... large will be cited as examples of the diverse response to support for pacifism in general and C.P.S. men in specific. It needs to be remembered that the next section of the chapter deals with specific means of ministry to C.P.S. men which will give more concrete illustrations of support or non-

support.

At least three Annual Conferences of The Methodist Church dealt with resolutions in relation to conscientious objectors. The New York East Conference

. 46 sess1on. 60

The Ge:1esee Cc!!fe~e!'lce (prim:~il~l Wester!! Ne~!

York state) at its 1944 session refused to endorse a voluntary offering for COs. The lack of endorsement would not have prohibitied a church from taking such action.

The vote came after the Rev. Arthur Gregson of \"i'ellsboro said, "Hitler would never have started this war if he knew we were the red-blooded Americans we should have been. I would never, never ask my people to support those who re- ..., fuse to fight."~'

The 1944 session of the Southern California- Arizona Annual Conference petitioned the government to change what it considered a policy of discrimination by requiring C.F.S. men to pay maintenance while in camp yet paying service men. The conference gave its moral support to Methodist men who sincerely elect to be conscientious o ....'h. Jectors. 48 The 1944 session of the General Conference which was highlighted by the report of the Committee on the State of the Church held a prayer service on May 2, 1944, for the Methodist chaplains in the armed forces, Methodist men in the armed forces, and the Methodist men in C.P.S. camps.

The prayer service was led by George F. Rixey, Deputy Chief of Chaplains~ 49 A brochure published by the Commission on World Peace, "Fools for Christ's Sake: A Symposium" contained

':Iords of co!!'.me!!datio!! for COs by Chaplain William .J, Erwin; 61

Methodist :minister. who observed that ;:~fter seeing war first-hand, he was convinced the CO made a real contribution by his witness to eliminate war from the world. "The cause of the conscientious objector is one which deserves the support of the Church."SO

In November 1944, the Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church appointed Carl D. Soule as secretary for work with Methodist Conscientious Objectors. Soule solicited Methodist ministers in churches near C.P.S. camps for service as chaplains to the camps. He sent a letter outlining the duties of such service. One of the major efforts of this position was to offer "love and . .• ,.51 fellowship" to these :men who are a "small m~:norl.'-Y· This could be interpreted as meaningful support of the general church.

The Co~~ission on World Peace, however, seemed sensitive to the criticism of a lack of church support by C.P.S. men. One Methodist C.P.S. man who was assigned first to a base camp and then to detached service with the commission sent a general letter to Methodists in C.P.S. over the letterhead of the commission. The focus of the letter was to advise the men that The Methodist Church did support them. While I was in camp at Powellsville, Maryland, I had acquired the pessimistic feeling that Methodism, in spite of the idealistic pronouncements in the Discipline, had almost entirely lost its pacifism- that the Church and its leaders were "all out" for 62

t-hP W.::lr-- pffnrt-_--·----- Wh.::lt--·-----.::l t-hriliina------_, ------rPVPl.::lt-inn it- tJ.:>c____ , then, to learn the actual facts and figures.52

A Florida Methodist minister reports an incident that illustrates the support he gave COs but the lack of support he felt from the church. At a meeting of

Methodist ministers, each pastor stood and reported the number of Methodist men from his church in the armed forces. When his time carne, he stood and reported one conscientious objector. This action met with "a silent response" from the presiding bishop and the other ministers. He concludes, "There was toleration on the part of the church and the people, but the position was not 53 popular." In February 1944, the Adult Department staff of the Board of Education of The Methodist Church initiated a newsletter, The C.P.S. Round Table. The second edition carried this statement, "If there is any one thing said repeatedly by most of you, it is criticism of The Methodist Church for its failures in--well, this is what some of you

C::/1 have written:. "...1"": The paper goes on to quote Methodist men who feel a lack of support from the church.

"What is hard to 'take' is to feel that the Church has 55 turned its back on us." Another wrote, "Until now, we would have had to say, with scarce contrary evidence, that 56 our church had forgotten us." One man, however, admit- ting little support, chides C.P.S.'ers for deserting the church. "When we realize that at least ninety per cent of 63 cur church constituency does net wonder if we are not being a bit egotistical in expecting a great deal of attention at this time?" 57

This introduces us to the consideration of individual responses to The Methodist Church support, or lack thereof, as perceived by Methodist C.P.S. men. The questions on the questionnaire which are analyzed in this section are two, six, seven and twenty-one. Some supporting data comes from other responses and from some interviews and newsletters. An analysis of the eighty-six valid questionnaires shows that forty-two of the respondents felt the support of the church while thirty-four did not perceive church support. Ten of the questionnaires gave answers that are classified as indefinite, usually indicating support by certain individuals but not of the church as a whole. Thus, slightly less than one-half of the respondents felt the support of the church. There were various ways in which the C.P.S. man experienced the support of his horne church. Two of the men report receiving Christmas boxes and cards from their hometown Methodist churches. One notes the boxes were

, 58 .-Ct:::!!'---~·~--•,·-al .... ~-:....v ~'h-:..... •• t::: o---!!!::::;::. ~t::.Uo...---• +--...,.u ...m-- ut::!! _,l·-•• · ~.._ 'h~..... - a~-~.: ...... -.~ ~ _-:...:.:...~·~~!"'PS. ---

Two men who were members of Evanston, Illinois' First Methodist Church report very strong support. "The

minic::·h:::.r.-··------, rhnrrh_, ______C::i-;:lfr----- ;;:_- '1-h.:::._,_ __ ------:Jl.:::.;:lr'linn mt::.mh.:::.rc::hin.-•a ______J:"I ;:lll--- wt::.rt::.••--- 64

59 supportive & informative." These men corroborate an

article describing the support First Church, Evanston,

gave its COs. An organized group of twenty-five persons

led by the minister, Ernest Fremont Tittle, studied peace

literature and led the church in peace activities through

lts. organlze. d structure. 60

The church's support was often expressed through the minister of the church. One man reports that although

his pastor was not a pacifist, he testified on behalf of

t h e C0 at h lS. ara~ f t b oar d .nearlng. . Gl Anot h er repor t s th a t even though he did not feel the support of his home church,

his pastor visited him in C.P.S. c~up during a vacation . 62 trlp. One church did not have any one who agreed with the CO's stand but he felt support and the pastor visited

him in the federal reformatory when he refused his 1-A

classification. In addition, the pastor appointed the 63 wife of the CO as choir director.

T."--'L...!--.a..-- ~ ,... The Hamline Methodist Church VVc.::.U.J..U':::ji...Vllt Uo ...... ,

was supportive of its man in C.P.S. and kept in its employ

his wife, also a pacifist, as the church's Director of

Christian Education. This employment furnished the monthly I 64 I malntenance. tee- f or tne . c .P .. s man. i I One conscientious objector experienced mixed re- ! actions from the members of his church, First Methodist, Los Angeles, but the church raised $1,400 in one Sunday:s 65

~~S he w.r-i tes, 11 a 65 lot of money in those days!" In another church where the CO found the members tolerant but not agreeing with his position, one mewber withdrew financial support of the church because it had a 66 conscientious objector in its membership.

The Urban Park Methodist Church, Chicago, placed a flag in its building with a star for each serviceman and they included a star for their member in C.P.S. They in- eluded the C.P.S.'er on the mailing list of a newsletter 67 keeping servicemen abreast of the activities at horne. Support was felt by some C.P.S. men from the Methodist Church in the vicinity of their C.P.S. camp. The reaction from the local congregations where C.P.S.'ers worshipped varied from one who reports acceptance by the 68 pas~or.... b u~ . a parano~. d congrega~~on...... t o one w.oh .....~rans f erred membership from his horne church to the church near his 69 C.P.S. camp. One man joined the church choir and became 70 editor of the choir's newsletter. Another was chairman 71 of the Education Department in the church he attended. A third C.P.S. man reports a very supportive church in

Missoula, Montana, and one of the C.P.S. Methodists was 72 Director of the Sunday Schoo1. It should be noted, however, that this final citation is of a C.P.S.'er who wrote in the February 1944 edition of The C.P.S. Round 66

.. 73 ln ~elaticr1 tc ~e has ;:,lmr'le+- r-r'lmnl.o+-.olv -f;:,~.o~ .....,,+- --···--- --···;;------~ ------· Since he is now dead, it is difficult to juxtapose experience recalled and statement made during the experience. Reference has been made to camp visitations by

C.P.S. men's pastors. Also impressive were visits made by ministers of churches in the C.P.S. ca~p locale. Several C.P.S. men report being surprised and pleased by this. One minister near the Keene, Ohio, camp served as a "tern- .,. porary chaplain" to the camp. I~ Another contrasts a pastor's visit this way: "Visit by Dr. Harold Bosley was a high point. Indifference of local church near camp a 75 low point." Another reports that the ministerial contact made by a Delaware pastor during C.?.S. resulted in a 76 personal relationship for several years following C.P.s. The C.P.S. men who experienced no support from The Methodist Church report interesting reasons for not feeling the support. First, it should be noted that six of the men claimed to be only nominally related to The

Methodist Church by the time of C.P.S. and did not expect 77 support from the church.

Among those who indicate that their home church did not support their decision to be conscientious objectors, one states that a church official who served on the local draft board asked, "Where did you get such 78 ideas?" Another found hostility that led some to call

. 'h" ,..,.,.... ::l ?,.1:::l?"'' C~7Tn'no~~ "'?Or 79 rr>'ho -f::.Tn~1u r.-f r.no hi~ a !-Jaz i _.._. - ··--- -J ... ••J:'-'-... ___ .._...... _ .... _ ...... J -- -··- 67

~~- •1-..-• - J:_,,_ ..... -1-~---'- ___ , ___ _ C.P.S. maD reported to U..L.lU ..... a. ... C1 .1.C.1..1.UW ~HU..L.I..:H .lUt::.lUUt::l. who was going into the Army promised to punch the CO in the nose if he ever saw him again. The CO writes that the

. .,, ~ ~ .. so nose '' ~s st~~~ unaamagea.

The widow of one C.P.S. man recalls that many ~n the local church, including the church's minister, ex- 81 pressed vocal opposition of her husbana. The son of the minister of a local Methodist church did not experience support from his father's congregation. His father's support was not only for him because "he also supported other cos." 82 One CO was not totally surprised by non-support from his congregation because he had begun to suspect that their attitude toward a pacifist pastor was one of tolerance. "By the time war activities began to build up in Europe, prior to my induction into C.P.S., some disapproval of my individual position began to be expressed by some of . ..83 t.eh men o f t h e congregat1on. For one of the COs opposition came from an unusual source, the president of a Methodist seminary. Dr. Horace Greely Smith of Garrett Biblical Institute, Evanston,

could not understand why a ministerial student would be

concerned pacifism v.;hen "the important thing was 84 that the church was short on help."

The men who report on their reception at local

"""~~- ·~-~- ,..~'""' ...... ,.. ,, __ ··--~ _.... __ .... ____ _ Methodist chu~ches ""~..:;..,.L. r.....u.C....a...L.. ..._..c. .. u.ut".:;t ""'"'::n~.. v U~ ..L.VU.o:;) ,t-'J.J...L. o..;:,c::.:;, 68

...__ ------•1-- 1--~- -& __ ,.,_,.,._.,: ___ ...... 1....--- ~_,....__ ··--· ... _, l,..U C:.h_t).L.C;:)~ \...l1C ..L.Cl\...J'\. V.L C.U\....LlU.~..L.Q..:;uu L.J.lC.J .L.C:..L.\...• ~1V'- YYC..L.- come there," 85 "not warmly received--although not com- 86 87 pletely rejected," "were outsiders," "minister feared 88 reaction of others," "others gave us the 'American-

89 11 Legion-type-cf-ccld-shculder, • n and "1le "'lere not par- ticularly welcome because of the warlike attitude of the 90 people." Two men report personal examples of non-support. One C.P.S.'ers mother would always have a vacant seat next to her in church. The minister's wife was the only one who would sit next to her. The minister of this church asked the CO if he wanted his name included on the bronze plaque to be put in the church with all the servicemen's 91 names. "I declined." Another man recalls visiting a Methodist minister who was a close friend during his C.P.S. time. He reports that the minister attempted to insulate him from the young people in the church. The C.P.S. man judged this to be an act of "political expediency" and notes that the minister

1s. now a b"lS h op. 92 The majority of those who felt a lack of support of The Methodist Church did not report their experiences with bitterness. There was a recognition that they were taking a minority position. There was an acceptance that not all would understand the decision of conscience.

Thc~c ~us dis~ppoi~t~z~t, hc~zv~r, with those who had ~c 69

Methodist Church. The C.P.S. man who reported that the church official on his draft board was perplexed as to where he got his pacifist views also writes: "It is most important to explain that although my family and friends in my home church could not accept my beliefs they never rejected me

0":1 personally."J-

With 40 percent of the questionnaires disclosing that the C.P.S. men felt no support from The r-1ethodist Church for their decision to take the IV-E classification and be assigned to a C.P.S. camp, the conclusion is that the church's pronouncements and teachings as detailed in section one, "The Influence of The Methodist Church," did not fare well in comparison to the church's actual per- formance when the decision of conscience was made by one of its men. This conclusion is to be tempered with the expressed understanding by several of the C.P.S. men that they were aware at the time of the decision that theirs was not a popular choice. One of the interviewees, when asked, "As you were forming your views about pacifism, did you perceive that you were in the process of taking a 94 minority position?," responded, "Yes," Another in response to the same type question said, "I still felt that there was a segment; maybe they were a minority like I was 70

a part of <.:1 :rni;-;ori ty: but th-?t they we:re s1.1pporting :me

... we don't agree with you but we respect your right to 95 have that point of view." A third said, "We knew we were going to be loners in that position and this was part of it and we went along with it! so why be worried about 96 _it?." Oth..ers rna.k e s1m1~ar . . 1 o b serva...... 1ons.. With a significant percentage of Methodist C.P.S. men reporting that they did not experience the church's support and encouragement, it is an examination of specific ministries to C.P.S. men by the church that we now focus our attention. Was the church able to translate into ob- servable acts of ministry the co~~itment to C.P.S. men that one would expect from a church that had influenced the CO to take his stance?

Specific Ministries of the Methodist Church to C.P.S. Men As the Methodist man went out from his community and church to the assigned C.P.S. camp in what ways beyond moral, spiritual and/or psychological support did he experience the ministry of his church? Were there concrete and specific acts performed by The Methodist Church, local and national, that encouraged him during his time in C.P.S.? Did he know of ministers and churches that would assist him in his C.P.S. encampment as the solider and sailor knew through the presence of Methodist chaplains? 71

1.i1 the C . P. S . '-''U"):J---- ··--wa-=> uv--~ '- """"-- ~::c.;;;,.Y---·- c:.;;;,-- ;;;,vut~::---- might think. The camp was often isolated in a rural area. The CO was not free to come and go will from the camp. One C.P.S.'er wrote that the only thing the men in his camp (Buck Creek, North Carolina) agreed was refusal "to bear arms and kill our brothers."97 In addition, most C.P.S. men felt keenly disappointed that the "work of national importance" was work that could be 98 handled by a "healthy moron." What had been a hope of idealism uniting in camps under church direction yielded "frustration" in "uncongenial surroundings" resulting in 99 "tenseness" and "intolerance." The need for a tangible support system was as real in C.P.S. camps as in an armed forces unit. In this section of the paper we study the church's

response to ~~e conscientious objector serving in C.P.S. to see if the church's influence and support is more than "lip service." The opening portion of this section briefs the reader on the national church's ministry as it related to C.P.S. Following this brief portion, the section concludes with an analysis of how the respondents perceived the tangible ministry of The Methodist Church.

One area in which The Methodist Church had op-

portunity to extend a visible and measurable ministry to the CO in C.P.S. was financial. The C.P.S. camps were 72

The churches supplied food, medical care, clothing, in- cidental expenses, etc. The churches paid $35 a month for each man in a C.P.S. base Cruup and $5 each month for a man ln a detached service unit at a hospital or public institution. The historic peace churches assumed the financial responsibility for all C.P.S. men. They re- lied upon the other denominations to pay them for the support rendered to the men from a particular denomination. The financial arrangement worked special hard- ships on the peace churches when three unexpected factors entered the picture. First, more than 40 percent of C.P.S. men came from other than peace churches. The original estimates had been from 15 to 20 percent. Secondly, C.P.S. service had been planned for one year when the government changed the plan to last the duration of the war, thus, further increasing the expense of each

C.P.S. man to the n<=>~t""o rhnr,-.h<=><> 'l'h; ..-,::11" t-ho ,....,.,,...._.,....o::>l""'<=> =------··----.z I --·- •• - .. ., 1:"---- church denominations were much slower in reimbursing the peace churches for the care of their C.P.S. men than had been expected. What specific ministries did The Methodist Church make in this area? The first observation to note is that throughout the C.P.S. program there was never an 73

C.P.S. maintenance fees. One example 1s illustrative.

The first Sunday of Lent in 1941, March 2, was established as the Day of Compassion Offering Sunday with one- fourth of that offering to be used to assist churches in the vicinity of armed forces bases. Publicity stated it to be the national church's "duty" to aid the local churches in ministering to the serviceman. "Methodism must follow her sons to the training camps." 100 In the planning for this offering it had been suggested that the Methodist COs and C.P.S. camps be supported. In response to this suggestion, Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam wrote that he had "grave doubts relative to the wisdom of diverting any of these funds to the care of Conscientious Objectors . and I doubt that including the Conscientious Objector Work Camps in the proposal 101 would be wise." The 1944 General Conference of The Methodist Church, after adopting the minority report of the Com-

-~'"'-.L-- -- ..&...t-- lll.l.\..\..0:::::0::::: UU l...UO::: .L.'t--l...UC \..UI.lJ..'-Htl""l...-.. --1... C.I..LUpl...CI..L-...:l--•-..:l C.- .LCpU.LO...-----· V.I..-~ that conunittee approving "the taking, in such of our churches as desire to do so, of voluntary collections for support of such objectors who are in the Civilian Public Service Camps.:: 102 At least one annual conference directed its member churches to take an offering for C.P.S. men. The

Upper Iowa Annual Conference in 1941 adopted, by a "large 74

called on each church to take an offering for the support 103 of cos. Certain groups were targeted for procurement of the funds needed. Interestingly, the first group mentioned were the COs themselves. In the beginning of the C.P.S. program approximately 65 percent of the income was , ('\ A from this group.~v~ A questionnaire sent by the church to COs asked detailed questions involving the CO's possible sources of support including "the names and addresses of persons to whom we might write in your in terests."105

Other sources of hoped for income to support Methodist C.P.S. men were pacifists who for some reason were exempt from serving, Methodists who supported the war effort but also supported freedom of conscience, and various church groups such as women, youth, Wesley 106 rounaa.,..., ~ t.~on, wh o cou ld h ave proJects . to ra~se. f und s.

The Cormnission on ~'?orld Peace devised a "Civilian Service Camp Fund Contribution Card" on which the donor could pledge a financial contribution or could pledge to fast and send in an equivalent amount of money. The cow~ission also offered a Peace Certificate which could be purchased for twenty dollars or Peace Stamps which could be purchased for one dollar each and twenty could ' ~ ~ ~ . ~. 107 ~~ --~--~-~ ~~~ ~ n-~-- ~--~~~,~~~~ .t.J\..,. .._ C'"""CCA,lC:::::"""'" .._.....,.... """ "'- C"""'""'C. ""-C:::::""- ~.._"'- .._.....,.""" '-"- • 75

The union Avenue Me~hodist Church, Alliance,

Ohio, formed a co~~ittee to assist draftees. The cornrnittee also received voluntary contributions toward aiding COs in paying their $35 monthly maintenance ree.- 108 Immediately following the war, the Commission on

World Peace made a concerted effort to reiw~urse the peace churches the money expended on Methodists in C.P.S. which had not been paid. In March 1947, the amount to be paid was $225,000. The goal was to erase this debt by 109 May 31, 1947. In Dec~~er 1960, the unpaid balance 110 of the "debt of honor" was $61,407. It appears that from this time forward interest was lost in the repayment of this money. Although certain Methodist officials desired to repay this money and considered it a debt, it was not so considered by the peace churches. The peace churches had agreed in the C.P.S. arrangement with the government to assume responsibility for maintenance of all COs. For them the books were closed. 111 As has already been reported, the Methodist Commission on World Peace appointed Carl D. Soule as secretary to work with conscientious objectors in November 1944. Many of the respondents to the questionnaire report his contact with them as a visible form of the church's ministry. The commission had a newsletter which it circulated among the Methodist men in C.?.S. 76

... __ ...... ,_ __ ..._ ___ ,!\...,,_ ~---_.c-.!-.!_.._ ___ ---- .L.'t------camps. ~HU 1-lH::::.L I..CI.H':;j.l..U.l.l::: .LU.LJ.L1 UJ.. !Ll.J..H.l.::>I...L,Y we.;:, I-HI::: u~;;:w;:,- letter of the Adult Division of the Board of Education of the church, The C.P.S. Rou~d Table. A survey of certain C.P.S. camp newsletters reveal that from time-to-time Methodist ministers visited cwups for worship services and other related activities. For example, the Reverend Karl H. Keffer of First

Methodist Church, Ludington, Michigan, assisted in the dedication service of the chapel at the C.P.S. camp at

Wa 1.na 1~La, M.1c h. 1gan. 112 In March 1943, Dr. Heil Bollinger who headed the Methodist Student Movement, the college-age division of the church, spoke at Camp Magnolia, Arkansas. The newsletter described him as a "person of understanding and 113 friendship." Bishop Clare Purcell of the Charlotte, North Carolina, area of The Methodist Church, visited C.P.S. camp at Buck Creek, North Carolina. He brought twenty- 114 eight new books for the ca~p. Bishop Purcell presided over the Western North Carolina Annual Conference of The

Methodist Church. One C.P.S. respondent indicates that visits to his camp, Buck Creek, were made by several

--s ...... s .,.. _____ , llS ""J.·1..... 1e ... :::.l-ld u-r;:c:::s:::. ):JCl 1.. o~s.L o~J.. I...H..L'~-~ ~1U1UQ.J.. \.,'"'o-~e~--~- UJ.. .LI::ll\.,1:;::: o R:::.·v·:::.~- - - -~ -

Nethercutt, Methodist minister from McNeil, Arkansas, spoke at Camp Magnolia on the subject, "Prayer." 116 : :

Another measure for ministry would be the involvement of the C.P.S. men in the progr~~s of the local churches in their camp areas. Bob Tuslor, a Methodist in C~up Magnolia, was the choir director at Jackson Street Methodist Church in Magnolia, Arkansas, and the ca~p newsletter reported that "a nwuber of the camp singers have joined up with Bob's choir .• The newsletter also reported that Chuck Wo~ley, another

Methodist in Ca~p Magnolia, had been elected vice-president of the youth group at the same church and was pl~ced in charge of the group's programs. The chorus from the camp was scheduled to sing at both the First Methodist . M . 118 Ch urc h and the J ac k son S treet Ch urch ~n agno 1 ~a. The returned questionnaires indicate that C.P.S. men made similar contributions in the Methodist churches near their camps.

Camp n~~er fourteen, Merom, Indiana, reported that campers filled the pulpits in a number of churches including Me~~odist. The newsletter stated the C.P.S.'ers regularly taught Sunday School classes in nearby 119 churches.

The Methodist Church, through its Commission on World Peace, operated two C.P.S. units; Duke University

Hospital and Cherokee, Iowa, Mental Institution. The unit at Duke University Hospital originated with

Dr. Charles F. Boss! Jr.! the executive secretary of the "70 IV

co~~iss1on, and Dr. Richard s. Lyman, professor of neuro- psychiatry at Duke.

The unit opened in December 1942 with ten C.P.S. men assigned to the hospital 1 s psychiatric unit and ten men assigned to the operating roams. An additional ten men were placed at Highland Hospital in Ashville, North 120 Carolina, a Duke-related mental institution. The C.P.S. men received praise for their work. Robert Carroll, M.D., of Highland Hospital, noted that the male department at Highland would have been closed had it not been for the services of the C.P.S. men as the staff had been depleted by the war effort. He commended their .. outstanding seriousness of purpose."121

Similar praiseworthy statements were made of the C.P.S.'ers at the Duke hospital. F. R. Altvater, the hospital's superintendent, praised the C.P.S. workers saying, "With their help, we expect to develop a type of orderly service that goes far beyond what is ordinarily aone~ 1n. a 'nosp.L : t a.L., "12· 2 ·1·ne_, l•le"C.nOolS"C.. . . ' ., . . t..nurcn,-· ' 1:.nrougn. . . its operation of these two units, gave tangible ministry to C.P.S. men. Finally, in discussing the general Methodist church means of specific ministry to C.P.S. men, the case of Henry Welty Kuhns is cited. A member of the First Methodist Church, Redlands, California, Kuhns was denied

IV-E classification by both his draft board and the 79

...... _ ---- _, ___ ~ .!_ .!-.!, .~:: __ .c_.:,.: __ .L.- appeals board. n~ wa::. .!:J.Lal..:t:U ..LH Ja..L..L J..VJ.. J..a..L.>..l.H';:j I...V report for induction in the Army. He was released from jail on bail paid by "prominent Methodists." At his trial he was represented by an attorney "provided for him by a cc~~ittee of the Southern California-Arizona Annual Conference" of The Methodist Church. The Rev. Walter C. Buckner, speaking for the Methodists of Southern California-Arizona, said that the church was convinced there was a miscarriage of justice and pledged "the re- sources of The Methodist Church" to get Kuhns in alternative service. Bishop James C. Baker, the presiding officer of the Annual Conference, said that something was wrong and pledged to see justice done for Kuhns. Several of the ministers supporting him were not pacifists but felt as the Reverend Willsie Martin, "I am not a pacifist my sole interest is to see that justice is done to a man with whose views I disagree. Why spend billions for defense if we abandon our democractic ideal of

..,,,t:+,. . ~0 ?"123 J ------The analysis of the questionna1r2s to determine what the C.P.S. men experienced in a tangible ministry from The Methodist Church involved questions four, five, seven through eleven, and The analysis shows that forty-four of the respondents felt the church made an effort to minister to them in a tangible way. Thirty- 80

tionnaires are in the indefinite response category. Fifty-one percent of Methodist C.P.S. men who returned the questionnaire saw a tangible and specific ministry en the part of The Methodist Church for th~~-

These eA~eriences varied as usual. Many mentioned the work of the Reverends Charles Boss and Carl Soule of the Commission on World Peace. Both through letters and visits to C.P.S. camps, these two men came to symbolize the presence of The Methodist Church with its conscientious objectors in the C.P.S. camps. The names of other prominent Methodist clergymen appeared in the responses: Ernest Fremont Tittle, Harold Bosley, Ralph Seckman, Robert Horton, and Sam Nichols. Herman Will, Jr., active in youth ministry in The Methodist Church, and a C.P.S.'er himself, was mentioned several times as being supportive and helpful. Several of the returned questionnaires discussed the financial aspect of the church's ministry. One man whose detached service assignment was assisting in the raising of funds for men in C.P.S. camps responds, "My local church and my annual conference raised considerable funds Another reports that his wife and family paid money to the commission who in turn sent the funds to the American

c--.,..,..;,..,...... ,c. v ·--..;;;... ethers 81

rr:onpv nn~=> loc~l sent - -- - .J. for their <:::nnnnrr. their churches ---~-L·---, ---- in a Brethren camp: the other a Quaker camp. 126 Another notes that although the church did not support him personally, its support of the units on a national basis was .. d 127 apprec~a-.:e . One interesting kind of financial support is noted in the questionnaire that tells of a woman who was a member of the C.F.S. man's home church. She sold him a life insurance policy prior to his C.F.S. service and paid the premiums for him while he was in C.P.S. Later, he repaid her. He also reports that his Methodist congregation in which he grew up, made a "very minimal

"b . It h" contr~ ut~on to ~s c ••.p s ma~n~enance . • ~~ee. 128 Several of the respondents report tangible ministry on the part of their home churches. The Mount Vernon Place Methodist Church'· Baltimore, kept in "close touch" with its C.P.S. man. The church was led by . f .• 129 Dr. Haro ld Bos l ey, a strong pac1 1s~. Another notes, "The local womanrs club sent me a little prayer book. Used it a lot!~' 130 Another Methodist C.P.S. man received letters from his Sunday School teacher. 131 The First Methodist Church, Evanston, Illinois, has been cited previsouly and appears again in a questionnaire that states occasional packages and letters arrived from that congregation. In addition, the pastor, Ernest Fremont Tittle, visited the Smokejurnpers unit at Missoula, Montana.-132 82

t""'"",...,.,..,..,..,,.. Tr'l.;"'"'.;c:-,._..,..",. '-="'V"""'""Y"'.;O'",..o.M Another fcrn1 c: ~!:""----..A...... ~...... , '-... .1 ---~·,t'~- --.~.·-'-- by several of L~e men has been mentioned already, visits from leading Methodist clergymen and the official representatives of the Commission on World Peace. One C.P.S. 'er reports that Carl Soule came to the Germfask,

Michigan, camp when the men had been restricted to ca~p for unruly behavior. Soule could not conceive that the men would be prevented from attending local worship services; however, this particular man was charged with being A~~OL when he went to an Easter sunrise service. 133 Another reports receiving a letter from Dr. Harold Bosley offering any help that would be useful.

The man replied to Bosley, "I'm not much of a Hethodist."

Bosley's reply, 1'Much of a Methodist or not, we want to .,134 h e 1 p. Several C.P.S. men report becoming involved in the local church near the camp. The Methodist church in McDonald County, North Carolina, invited the C.P.S.'ers to come and help conduct the services because most of their men were in the armed forces! "We from the CPS unit went there and led the singing and acted as Sunday 135 School superintendent and helped wherever we could."

One man at the Spike Camp in Reno, Nevada, be-

1~&: carne the organist for the Methodist Church in Reno.~~v Another reports, "I felt supported strongly by the pastor

; Y'\ T"\o1 :U.T::lVO ::l'n~ l.o::.c+- t.,.ol,-.1"\m.o.-:1 in +-'ho ,-.'h,,,...,..'h -·· ----··1..4...... - -··-1 _____ , ··----···-- -·· -··- -... ·---·· 83

137 fellowship." A C.?.S.!e.r at unit 61 in Durham, North Carolina, was involved in the church and he and his wife were enabled to provide social and educational experi- 138 ences for parents and children in a low-income area.

JL•other man states that in the Missoula, Montana, Methodist church the men stayed overnight at times in the church basement. Several of the C.P.S. men found their 139 wives among the college group of this church. The last cited man reports that Reverend Grant of First Methodist Church of Sacr~~ento, California, made several visits to a side camp at Lake Tahoe some fifty m1."1 es away. "I was very 1.mpresse. d . .,140 An event that represented a tangible form of ministry of The Methodist Church is reported by two C.P.S. men. In 1945, Dr. Ralph Seckman, minister of Christ Church, Methodist, New York City, was instrumental in planning the Eastern Area Methodist C.P.S. Conference, a gathering of over 100 men who were in C.P.S. The con- fere!"lce met in ~Jet.·.: York Ci t:l and the men t·.:ere invited to 141 fellowship at Seckman's residence. An examination of the responses which indicated that no tangible ministry was experienced by the C.P.S. man concludes this section. Two reasons appeared several times for the ministry of the church not reaching the men: no church in a reasonable distance of the camp,

- -- ~ •• .L. ,_ - -- - ~----, ..:1 ,_ ---- 1-. ------.: - .! - .._ ---- .L.- -- .: ~ "T" ,_- ..:::1 aHU I..Ht:J.t:! WUU.LU HaVt: .Ut:!t:!H lUU.Lt: lli.LH.L;:.I...L:f I..U Hit:: .L..L. .1. HQU 84

~ade effo~t to identify with ~ Method}st Church ln the 142 a~ea."

Some men, however, definitely felt unwelccrne in the local Methodist church. One pastor let it be known 143 that C.P.S. men were not welcome in his church. An-

other man was near a church served by the sa~e minister

he had had in his h~ue church when he was younger. He

reports, ''he gave no encou~age:ment to those in CPS 1.1.1 camp ... -·· A man at Coshocton, Ohio, recalls that the

local District Superintendent of The Methodist Church

sent a letter to the camp asking the men not to attend the local Methodist church as it was "too upsetting to

~'L-. & th .. . ..145 m~Uwers o~ e co:ngrega~1on. In relation to the national church one man comments, "I expected nothing because there is no money 146 making in my interpretation of the Bible." Another comments on his perception of Methodist leadership. "My impression was; Isic] the Methodist are great leaders. As soon as they perceive which way the flock are running, 147 they rush to the front and lead." Others reported feelings of abandonment, insignificance and disillusion- rnent at the lack of tangible ministry.

A large segment, 42 percent, of the respondents felt a lack of tangible ministry on the part of The

Methodist Church. We find here as in the discussion on the perceived support of the church, a gap between 85

cfficial church pro~ou~ceme~ts a~d i~doctri~atic~ a~d the practice of mi~istry in the local church. It worked out as o~e C.P.S. man wrote, 11 I knew the church leadership was sympathetic but the congregations not as ,.148 muc h . The logical question to pursue now is, "What effect did this have on the C.P.S. man's relationshi? to The Methodist Church?"

The Effect of C.P.S. on Attitudes Toward the Church The first conference of Methodist C.P.S. men convened in Philadelphia, January 6-7, 1945. One of the conference's themes, "to ascertain what changes had taken place in Methodist CPS men's attitudes during CPS," revealed that C.P.S. had made these Methodists 11 Sadder- but 149 wiser" in understanding the church. The Methodist COs had reason to believe their church supported them even though it was not a peace church. As they discovered the support system to have its fragile points, what changes came in their attitudes toward The Methodist Church? Forty-eight of the men who responded to the survey indicated that their attitude toward the church was affected by the C.P.S. experience. The majority of these expressed the feeling that this experience weakened their relationship to The Methodist Church. 86

~~o~g thG rcspc~d~~ts who cxpe~ie~ced C.P.S. as a strengthening of their relationship with The Methodist Church, several became ministers and/or professional staff in the church. Nine of the men became Methodist ministers although two later affiliated with the Quakers. One became an Episcopal priest and another, although remaining a layman, became director of the Council of Churches for Indiana. Because of his C.P.S. experience, one man became "more convinced than ever that I wanted to work with people" and has served The Methodist Church in various positions of youth work. 150 Another C.P.S. man went directly to the pastorate of a local church following service. Since 1961, he has served as treasurer of his annual conference and concludes, "The church has been good to me. .,151 One Methodist minister found that C.P.S. "was a spiritual experience" that deepened his religious life and bound him more closely to The Methodist Church. 152 Another of the men who became Methodist pastors sees his ties to the church existing independent of the C.P.S. experience. C.P.S. was a "part of my churchmanship, not

. . -F ... • .... ,.153 a d e t ermlnlng _ac~or ln l~. His questionnaire con- eludes with strong feelings for the church: "I have continued very active in the Methodist church, am a United

Methodist pastor and have continued a strong interest in 87

~"~ ~~0~~~,~--~ ~~-~-- \,..o\J,U'-'C.LJ..&..;:)------ I ...... ""' o..J!::'""""•'"""..L...L. ~C""'- ... ~,..&...... &...;:, try 1n. both rura 1 an d urb an comrnun1t1es.. . .,154 A C.P.S. man who is now a Minnesota Methodist minister "was surprised and pleased" to discover that a position he knew to be unpopular was supported by "so rr.any" Methodist pastors. For him this strengthened

. , ~. . t. 155 _M etnOQlSt: leS. A C.P.S. man who remained a layman while holding professional positions with the church "ap- preciated inclusion in the church" during C.P.S. and felt drawn to the church as strongly after as before C.P.S. This has been undergirded with service in local churches as board chairman, chairing several committees and serving as a lay preacher. 156 One C.P.S. man was ordained a Methodist minister in 1946 and served as college pastor at Antioch College for thirteen years. Later he worked for the ~~erican Friends Service Committee leading seminars, conferences, and a peace mission. During C.P.S. he reports, "I had not expected more support than we received." His C.P.S. experience led him to conclude that The Methodist Church 157 wou ld not b e 1nvo. 1 ve d 1n . t h e ro 1 e o f peace 1 ea d ers h"1p.

The C.P.S. days broadened the attitudes of one Methodist man as he met people from a variety of backgrounds. Then in service as a minister he found himself uncomfortable "with parish ministry situations that were . 1 ,_ ,158 narrow ln out_oo.><.. ~ After seven years as a minister 88 and three years as a member of Methodist churches he became a Quaker and served as the Executive Secretary for the Baltimore Yearly Meeting of Friends for twenty years. An Episcopal priest recalls that C.P.S. caused him to lose interest in Methodist Church. "The

Methodist Church, after all, determined my attitudes toward war but, save for special individual friends, I felt that it deserted me during my struggle."159

A Methodist minister who is distinguished in service as a specialist in continuing education and retreat leadership found his C.P.S. time an introduction 11 to the cynicism I have about the majority of people in the local church." His local church ostracized his parents during the time he was in C.P.S. He concludes that because of the encouragement received from youth camps and some church leadership, "I was aware in the midst of all this there really were people who had vision ..•. "160 Among those who found C.P.S. affecting their attitude toward The Methodist some are are active in church leadership. One CO describes himself as feeling like a "political pawn" while in C.P.S., but determining to remain active in the church so he could work for "a more active understanding of, and tolerance for, the pacifist position." He reports that for three years he participated in Quaker meetings following C.P.S .

.:. ·- .L 1... - , - -- ., .... - .L '- - ..:l.: - .L. -'-.-- _,_ 161 but since has been active .LH l..:!t:: .LUI.:Cl.L L"Lt:: W!UU.!..::> l.. I.:HU.!.I.:U o 89

A C.?.S.

Congregational and Co~uunity churches, but primarily

Methodist churches since C.P.S., reports a sense of "disappointment" that he received no more support than he did. At the same time, hm·1ever, he recalls that there was pride that L~e church gave official recognition to his pacifist position. In his local Methodist congregation he has been board chairman, chairman of the co~~cil on ministries, a part of several co~~ittees and delegate to 162 annual conference.

Other respondents indicate an awareness of being pacifist in a non-pacifist church and experience the

"sadder but wiser" feelings voiced at the Methodist C.P.S. conference in Philadelphia; yet, they indicate an active involvement in the church since C.P.S. days. One man saw the church's lack of support as a response to the "popular or majority attitudes of the time." He is, by his des- cription, a "very active" participant and leader in his local church. 163

A university professor who experienced C.P.S. as a time to get his beliefs solidified lists many church responsibilities on both the local and regional level. 164

A California attorney was disappointed with church s~p- port of his position but this did not weaken his ties to the church as he has held "almost all jobs including lay 90

165 the local church leve1. The C.P.S. men cited above faced the C.P.S. time with mixed response to the church's encouragement of them. As indicated, some faced disappoinL~ent. Some found hostility for themselves and/or their families expressed by the church or its members. All retained, in one form or another, even if in another denomination, a relationship with the church and organized religion.

For other C.P.S. men the experience resulted in disillusionment with the church and institutionalized religion. One respondent describes his home as 11 Strong Methodist!! and his participation in the church as a normal part of growing up. As a university student he disassociated himself from the church but became interested again as a university instructor. He finds it difficult to assess the effect C.P.S. had on his relationship to The Methodist Church. Now he has no relation with the church and writes, 11 It is possible that it [C.P.S.] hastened or intensified it.n166

Another respondent who was at the time of entering C.P.S. considering the ministry as a career finds that

'h" C.P.S. had a greater effect upon • .~.J..S attitude toward the church "than I had any notion at the time. 11 He relates, "I was especially unhappy when a summer conference I had - ..._ ------.: - , .a_ - ~- ---- .a_ .L. -- ..:l - -- ... -'- - ..:1 ~ - ..:1 .: - .a..'------::>l..UUt::: ~Ut:::llLU.l...1.C1.1. l..V .J...U.i.Hlt:::.l.. Cll...l..t:::UUt:::.L.::> WUV U..l.t:::U .l.U l..Ut::: IIYC1.1. instead of helping re-build a war-torn world." Although maintaining his religious interest he has separated himself from institutionalized religion to become "heavily

. 1 ~ . 'h 'h ,167 .1.nvo _vea J..!l ot.. er approac.. es. Another C.P.S. man who experienced disappoinbuent in his attitude toward the church reports "a growing cynical attitude toward most organized religion" during C.P.S. He, however, serves in a local Methodist church as Sunday school teacher and officia1. 168 The C.P.S. program introduced one man to what happens "to idealism as it confronts the status quo." The frustration that resulted from the lack of support of the C.P.S. program by The Methodist Church led to a com- plete alienation from Methodism. This was no marginal r-1ethodist. He had taught Sunday school, sang in the choir, attended conferences and camps, and was the most active young man in his church. 169 Other C.P.S. men became disillusioned with The

~1ethodist Church through C. P. S. but not with religion as a 'l.vhole. Many of these men found themselves turning to other denominations or religious groups to meet their spiritual needs. One ffian, writing in a C.P.S. newsletter, informed his friends that his family changed from Method- ist to the Church of the Brethren because of "a greater

:respect and acti "

YY_ ---.3:..~-_.::2 JI.L.t...- T--..:JII •• .!.L.\... , __ ..::l.:-- this denornination." nt:: \,;.1.. t::U.l. l..t::U '-.l.lC .UV.L U YY ..L. \...U. ..L'CQ.U...L.U.'.:j him to a Brethren C.P.S. cwup for this purpose. 170

A hospital a~uinistrator who became a Presbyter- ian following C.P.S. sees his experience in C.P.S. as weakening his relationship so that he left ~~e Methodist Church. In a letter to his pastor during C.P.S. he wrote, "I ~u not too sure about my attitude toward the

Methodist church. I don't like its politics its petty bourgois [sic] conception of social issues (despite its excellent social creed)."171 Among those who found their relationship to The Methodist Church adversely affected by the C.P.S. experience are those who became Quakers. As one writes, "I became a Quaker where the stated peace testimony is clear." He describes the change not only resulting from C.P.S. but his "developing theology." 172 Another relates that the c.P.S. experience "essentially severed my ties with the Methodist church." He is now a Quaker and has been a member of the Executive Committee of the Northwest Region of the American Friends Service Committee. 173 The attitude of the local church to his parents distressed another CO who was to become a Quaker. "All in all, I felt rejected and estranged from the Methodist

, .., A church.".J..'"'t

Another r-1ethodist C. P. S. man became a Quaker and 93

t_, ___ .._ ,:_ .:S-- Meeting, the largest in Illinois. He is .:..J.LUHI.. .LH Ul::~- cribing how C.P.S. affected his relation to The Methodist

Church. "It destroyed it." He describes the pastor of his local church coming to his home at the conclusion of the war "to let me kno~·; I would be forgiven if I ca..rne back." Because of his C.P.S. experience, he characterizes 175 Methodists as "rich, conservative and stand patters."

One man who serves now on the staff of the

American Friends Service Committee recalls his C.P.S. days "without rancor" for The Methodist Church. He expresses appreciation for Methodist pastors who took the pacifist position and "paid a heavy price." The reason for his change to the Quakers was his conviction that

"pacifism must be at the center of Christian witness."

And, as he concludes, this was not the case in The 176 Methodist Church. Others who chose not to remain Methodists after

C.P.S. found various denominations. Some were no stronger pacifist than the church they left: Presbyterian;

Baptist, Congregational. Perhaps one questionnaire expresses it for many: "I felt alienated since the

Methodist teaching was clearly pacifist--until the .,177 war--.

One observation that appears often enough to be noted is contained in the following response: 94

~ ao not 1n~ena ~o infer that lack of support by the Methodist Church for CPS alone has driven me from the denomination. Rather, the Methodist Churches which I have observed while in CPS and since that time seem to have limited spiritual depth and cornrnittrnent lsic]. The people seem more interested to us in social than in spiritual values and many of the members and some pastors se~~ not to take ~~e Bible and its teachings as fundwuental and basic to living and sharing faith and concern for mankind because of Christian love

.4V.l.~-- CC.\,..:.11---~ V1....11C..L.-~~-- •-17~.. -

A n~~er of C.P.S. men see leaving The Methodist Church for another denomination as more than just a result of the

C.P.S. experience. Theological, governmental, and worship issues often enter into the decision, however, C.P.S. is the point of perception where the men become aware of

their disenchanb~ent and make the change. In addition, as the above statement indicates, it is often done with little ill-will. Many see the change as a culmination of personal spiritual growth rather than an angry reaction to a church that does not support them. Fifty-five percent of the questionnaires indicated that C.P.S. affected the respondent's attitude toward The Methodist Church, positively or negatively. Those issues have been discussed. Forty percent of the replies stated that the C.P.S. man was not affected in his attitudes toward the church by C.P.S. The study now focuses on these men.

The replies of these respondents did not give

much detail since b~ey did not see attitudes changing as a result of C.P.S. One observed with a sense of 95

historic peace churches, "was less guilty of war histeria

[sic] than most." He continued active in The Methodist

Church following C.P.S. until fifteen years ago when he identified with the Quakers where he feels more at 179 home.

Another was not able to distinguish whether a

"loss of enthusiasm" for the church came during C.P.S. or college days. He had no problem, however, understanding why he bec~~e a Congregationalist after C.P.S. "I probably would have joined the neighborhood .Heth. church but the minister had been chairman of the local draft board, who boasted that no C.O. came thru his board." 180

One reason for not being affected by C.P.S. in relation to the church would be the realism expressed by one reply. "I was aware of ~,e fact that C. Os. [sic] .,181 were a minority ••

A Methodist minister's son dropped out of the organized church all together but he could not relate his action to his C.P.S. experience.

I suppose the $64.00 question is whether I would have stayed with the Methodist Church had it strongly supported CPS and the pacifist position. Perhaps, but I doubt it very much. Too many other important influences in my life have pro pelled me away from the Methodist or for that matter any church.l82

Another C.P.S. man who is now very involved with the M.onnf"'lni+-.o f"'hnrf"'h .=.+-+-ril-.n+-.oc: h-ie: f"'n::>nNo .,...,._.;.. +.,...,._..., .._..,,... ------·-··--- --·---.... ------··-- --·-··::;,-, ...... __ """" ... -... ~· """""'"''- 96 effect of C.P.S. service but Bible study. He writes that two reasons prompted him to change membership:

(1.) ~1y need to follow Christ included my need to live out my faith each day. Our Mennonite brotherhood supports me in this. {2.) I could no longer remain a member in any church denomination whose membership is pro mili tar.t .183 their C.P.S. service did not affect their attitude toward The Methodist Church evidence some change which may be indirectly related to C.P.S. The Methodist Church today has been affected, directly and indirectly, by some of

L~ese men. As indicated above, some have held positions of responsibility in clerical and lay leadership roles that have affected the church and its members. One C.P.S. man headed the Division of Peace for the church's Board of

Church and Society, while another headed that board's . . . . 184 Governmenta 1 Affa~rs 0 ~v~s~on. The men and the church have been affected by the C.P.S. experience. The eighty-six respondents indicate they still assume an active role in church leadership as shown in Table 1. Since each respondent was a Methodist at the time of entering C.P.S., it is interesting to note that less than one-half are now Methodists. The other fact of note is the high percentage who are still active in the church despite the expressions of disappointment in the Methodist church's response to the CO and C.P.S. The 97

TABLE 1 P£SPONDENTS !iHO INDICATED THEY STILL ASSU~£ P~! ACTIV~ ROLE I~ CHURCH LEADERSHIP

Church Percent

Active in a Church 75 87

United Methodist 34 40

Quaker 18 21

United Church of Christ 6 7

Presbyterian 4 5

Brethren 3 3

Mennonite l 1

Baptist 1 1

Other 8 9

Not Active in Any Church 10 12

No Response on Questionnaire 1 1 98

cc!1cl1..!sio!:. is that. a.rno!!g the respondents attitudes towt:JrO_

the !-lethodist church were changed but the C. P.S. man

found other churches through which to express his co~~itment.

Reaction to 1944 General Conference When the 1944 General Conference debated and voted

on L~e State of L~e Church report, nThe Church In Time of War," affirming the minority report presented by Charles Parlin, it took the position that conscientious objection

to war was not the definitive position of the Christian church. The details of this action have been discussed in the chapter, "The Mixed Response of The Methodist Church to World War II." The study looks now to the effect such action had on the C.P.S. men. In May 1944, approximately 600 Method ist men were in C.P.S. camps or on detached service (hospitals and other public institutions). Their rights to claim conscientious objection had been upheld by the General Conference, but the minority report tempered the

1940 General Conference position and put the church in the position of supporting the war. Seven Methodist COs at Camp 111, Mancos, Colorado,

resigned their memberships in their Methodist Churches. This was an action they encouraged other Methodist COs to take as a protest to General Conference action. "An honest 99

but we feel th:t this reversal of position is backsliding which should not

. ., ., ., h , 1 d ,.185 ~e aiiOwea to pass unc a~_enge . Protests by Methodist students and faculty at institutions such as Yale Divinity School, Boston School of Theology, and Duke Divinity School objected to L~e General Conference action. 186 The proposal to withdraw from The Hethodist Church was challenged in an open letter from six C.P.S. men of

C~up 16 at Kane, Pennsylvania. The letter challenged the action of withdrawal on the grounds that The Methodist Church would never become a strong witness for peace if

the COs withdrew. The men at C~up 111 were asked to consider where they might be in ~~eir understanding of pacifism if earlier Methodist pacifists had let discourag- ment drive L~em from Methodist ra~~s. They pointed out that no other major denomination could boast of as good a peace record as The Methodist Church after the war had gone for over two years. The stated goal was to work through the Sunday School, Youth Fellowship, Wesley Foundations, and Methodist Colleges to promote pacifism from within in a way that outsiders could not. 187 Letters from C.P.S. men in The C.P.S. Round Ta.ble, a letter circulated by The Methodist Church Board of Education, indicated a disappointment with the church's position but a determination to work for change within the church. 100

naire exhibited one surprising fact: almost one-half could not recall the General Conference action or were unaware of it. Of the 51 percent who could recall the action, there was aLuost even division as to whether the General Conference position concerned them or not.

Twenty-nine of the respondents indicated L~at the

1944 General Conference action caused consternation. In one way or another most expressed a feeling that the 188 "church's official stance had left C.O.s behind." The 189 action left one CO feeling "I was a bastard." Several of the responses were more concerned with ·..;hat the action said about the !-1ethodist church rather

than their own position in the church. "It was a feeling of deep regret that a church with a history of social and peace concerP~ would fail to meet the challenge of "1" . d .. m~ ~tar~sm an war • 190 "I had hoped my church would

. 1" h . lf . ~ . . ,19l estao ~s ~tse as a recogn~zea peace cnurcn. Not only was disappointment felt because of the loss of idealism for the church, but also a sense of duplicity. "Felt let down-didn't hold to what they be- 192 lieve in peacetime & then became a flag waver." "It

made me think some Methodists believed 'turning the OL~er cheek' was a good platitude for sermons but not prac- . 1 ,193 t ~ca . 101

The action was interpreted as a respo:nse to popular demand. It resulted from "one more church that 194 couldn 1 t take the pressure." And some were resigned 195 to tl.at.1-. "I t came as no surpr1.se.. " Anow •h er CO reports t."'lat the action was discussed in his ca."np. "I think

~96 y.;e understood t.l'le pressures of the moment." .1. "It was a 'news event' over which I had no control." 197 Some men were not critical of the church's position. One stated the position was "about as strong as 198 you can expect from a church as large as this." An- other comments, "I never felt deserted by the church although I recognized we had a lot to do in influencing 1.t. ext:ens1.ve . . 1 y. .. 199 Any position that made war not acceptable was approved by one man, however; he noted, "I saw that such official statements made no noticeable change in the beliefs of m€.1-nbers in my local church." 200 Another comments, "I approved the overall statement especa 11 y I s1.c. J : Ch r1.st1.ant1.y . . . cannot b e nat1.ona . 1"1.st1.c. . .,201 Among the nineteen men who did not feel concern over the 1944 General Conference action, most seemed to have anticipated it would happen. "I expect I was unhappy about it at the time, but expected it. The 'peer pressure' of a war situation is so strong tends to pull or push all organizations, including churches, into conformance unless their convictions are quite strong." 202 Several others indicate very similar reactions. 203 102

that either the action could not be recalled or they were not aware of it. This seems surprising in light of the

controversy the decision caused within the church and the

letter circulated by the seven COs of Camp !-lances who withdrew from the church. Several explanations surface.

One is that men on detached service were more likely to be busy with other matters. One man reports that with

3,000 patients and twelve hour shifts at Sykesville

Hospital, "I didn't have much time to know what was going .,204 on.

Another factor is the participation in another denomination at camp or loss of interest in the institutional church. "By that time, wasn't following the M.E. church. Attended Quaker meeting (distant) and local

Ep1scopa . 1 c h urc...... ( c .... , ose,. ' "205 "As the CPS experience progressed, I became less involved with and less approv ing of the institutional church." 206

Others credit the passage of time with the inability to recall the specifics but did recollect certain feelings. "I don't recall that particular action by the church but I do recall having a profound feeling of having the church completely do an about face in regard to its attitude towards a pacifist position." 207 Another could not recall the action but remembers feeling supported by 103 t-he church because it "made room :for conscientious objection." 208

The !-lay 4, 1944 vote t.~at put The Hethodist Church behind the war effort and defined the CO as one who had a right to his conscience but could not claim his position as definitive for t.~e Christian church did not affect as deeply as might be expected the COs who responded to t.~is study. None report this being the deciding factor in changing churches despite the seven from Camp Mancos who

~~ged such. None of the respondents indicated much pro- longed or heated discussion in his camp over this issue.

It did leave t.~e CO feeling less secure in his church's support of his position. It did cause determination on the part of some to work harder for the cause of pacifism. The passage of time, however, has dulled the memories of the respondents and what generated great debate in the church in 1944 is not remembered by a sizable number directly affected by the action.

Mutual Fellowship Experienced By Hethodists in C.P.S. The Board of Education of The Methodist Church stated the purpose of the newsletter, The C.P.S. Round Table, was to meet the often heard need of communication among !vlethodists as "you had with each other before the 209 war •... " One of the C.P.S. men wrote in that initial edition about the "lonesome" feeling the Methodists 104 experienced in comparison to other major denominations because of the closer knit fellowship to which Methodists were accustomed. He told of forming a group of Methodists in his camp and agreeing to promote the idea among Methodists in other ~amps. 210

Ano~~er Methodist C.P.S. man saw the problem of

MeL~odists getting together in camp as related to the diversity of religious convictions among Methodists. The !·lethodist men in ca.-

The perceived need for mutual support and communication among Hethodists in the particular camps was not satisfied by the actual experience of the C.P.S. men who responded to this study. Sixty-five indicated that the Methodists did not gather together as an identifiable group separate from other religious groups in camp. Twenty recalled that there was at least an occasional time when they assembled as Methodists, perhaps just to greet a Methodist official or visitor in camp. The C.P.S. man who wrote in Round Table describing the need for Methodist men to meet together recalls that 105

he .....·as assigned. The groups had as their purpose "in 212 fluencing and informing church leaders." Another reports that weekly meetings were held with the focus being the discussion of problems and ways of service. 213

One man ra~embers that the Methodists met to look at ~~e 2"'" "practical implications of the Bible for us." ..~...,

Three respondents mention the New York Conference of Methodist C.P.S. men held at the Washington Square

Church and ~~e home of Dr. Ralph Seckman. Grover Har~uan recalls organizing for fellowship the Eastern Seaboard

Association of Methodist COs. He recalls L~at sixty to seventy-five attended the New York and Philadelphia conferences. Bob Cary describes being active in organizing these two conf.erences. One C.P.S. man writes of the New

York meeting: "Ralph Seckman invited Bishop Oxman [sic] to debate our CPS fellows on the Pacifist position in war . ,.215 t ~me.

One man writes that even though the !-1ethodists in his two camps (*45 and #117) did not get together for 216 spec~·f· ~c f e 11ows h"1p th ey exper1ence· d a s~_nse- of k;nsh;p.~ ~

Several responses indicate that a value was seen in meeting with men of other religious backgrounds rather than being separated into one distinct group. As one puts it, "I don't see how or why pacifists could be separatists~" 217 Another affirms, "the fellowship with 106

peopJe with v~rieo backgrounds seemed richer ana more im- .. 218 portant t o me.

The desire to fellmvship \vi t."1 ether denominations was stronger than going to Met~odist churches for worship.

"Some of the Methodist went together to a local Meth. church in town but soon found we enjoyed worshiping [sic] . h h . "219 w~t. ot ers ~n camp. \'1hen men work together, reasons one response, w~e denominational lines become hazy and, ??n t..~erefore, "worship was non-denominational. .. --~ One participant in t.'i-Ie non-denominational services reports, "We 221 were fully accepted and loved."

Even though the expressed need of several men and of the leadership of The Methodist Church was for identifiable support groups of Methodist men in the C.P.S. camps, this study does not find that much was accomplished in this area. Several indications point to the reason for the failure. Methodist men were dispersed throughout the various camps and did not always find themselves in large nunlbers in camp. The Hethodist Church has persons of many religious viewpoints in its constituency and they often identified with groups affirming their interest in camp. Uethodist men were intrigued by and found support in sharing on non-denominational bases in the camps. The transfer to camps kept men moving so that long-term affiliations were not possible. The lack of a large enough staff within the church to encourage and promote 107

their formation to efforts among the campers th~~selves.

The respondents to this study did not show overwhelming interest in putting forth that effort.

Attitudes Toward Historic Peace Churches Since the Hethodist operated only two C.P.S. units, most Hethodist C.P.S. men had contact with one or more units operated by the Quakers, Brethren and Men- nonites. As these Methodist men cwue in contact with the historic peace churches, what happened?

None of the questionnaire responses indicate unfavorable impressions as a whole of the historic peace churches. Some responses indicated a mixed attitude toward all three, however, in each instance there was an appreciation for one of the three. Seventy-eight of the responses, an impressive 90 percent, gave favorable re- marks when asked of their attitudes toward the historic peace churches as a result of the C.P.S. experience.

Seven gave mixed responses and two gave no response. As indicated at the conclusion of the section on attitudes toward The Methodist Church, nineteen Methodist men became Quakers; three Brethren; and one Mennonite. Not all of these changes carne immediately following

C.P.S. but most of the men cite the C.P.S. experience as the beginning of the change. 108

Two of the responses that gave some unfavo:cable

co~~ent on the peace churches questioned their coopera- tion with the government in the operation of the C.P.S.

cwups in that ~~e goverr~ent appeared to have final con-

trcl of the ca~ps. Nei~~er let this dim his appreciation for the peace churches. 222 Among the other mixed attitude responses were co~uents indicating that the Brethren and Mennonites were too rigid223 and some Mennvnites were "negative toward conservative Mennonite." 224 One response gives high marks to the Quakers but has some negative comments in regards to the Brethren and Mennonites. "I respected the Brethren but found their liberal people a minority. Learned to distrust the Men nonites because of their slavish respect for authority." 225 Another Methodist C.P.S. man who later became a Christadelphian wrote of the disparity between Brethren doctrine and practice in one church:

I attended services a number of times at a Brethren Church in Decatur, Ill. In one he could have nice ly made a statement for Pacifism. I talked to him about it. He shook his head and said 'You can't do that--we'd lose our financial support.' Not much difference from other churches.226

The large majority of Methodist men recall their association with the historic peace churches in a favorable way. Several respondents indicated great identity with the Quakers. A Methodist minister writes, "I have often felt since that, if I were to be totally intentional 109

,.:..e_ "T' ---~-.,.:I ...:_.:- ..._,_ -- ,227 H1 my religious .l..l..:..~, .l. WVU.l.U JV.l.Jl \...!lt:::::J.U • Another scores the same point: "In fact I feel my personal philosophy is more in harmony wi~~ them than wi~~ the . .. ..228 .M e th o d1s ... s. One reason for the close identity with the Quakers is theological. "I gained respect for all three. But I felt more in corr~on with the Quakers. The 229 other two seemed more ~~eologically conservative. n One man notes that one of the strong differences he observed between ~~e historic peace churches and Methodists is that the former hold their beliefs more firmly. 230 A few of the questionnaires expressed appreciation for ~~e financial support rendered Methodist COs in camps operated by the peace churches. "I was grateful for the long, unbroken heritage of peace effort and sacrifice which culminated in assuming (at that time) the responsi- .,231 bility of their men and all others •• Another offers a tangible means of gratitude. "Expect to be- gueath substantial funds to them [peace churches]--now & later. Will pay back many times over their support of me 232 years ago." One man not only received financial assistance while in C.P.S. but "returned to college after the war, and received some scholarship support from AFSC & some help & assistance at a Mennonite college." 233

Following C.P.S., several of ~~e men did work with

L~e American Friends Service Committee (AFSC). This led

Tf'"\ <:::1"'\mo mon r-"h~'nninrr +-hoir Yo1irril"'\,,~ ;:)-F-F"~li~~.;""" -9-1"'\ .._'h'-' ------~- -··-·· -··-··:;J- ..... ;; _,. ____ ----J------_...... 4- .__ -··- 110

Qua.ke.r:s. Another gained. such respect l:Jrai:. throughout his service as a Hethodist youth leader he has referred youth to work proJects• o_-f b ot..h t h e QuaKers , an d Bret h.ren. 234

~~enty-five percent of ~~e men responding to the questionnaire bec~~e m~~ers of one of the peace churches at some point following their C.P.S. time. Eighty-two percent of this group becarrte Quakers. Why? One describes his feelings: I had grown up in The Methodist Church and in formal meeting, but, of course, there was some form to it, in fact, they had a bulletin every Sunday but they didn't have the form I later found a little bit of objection to. In fact, when I went home on furlough they opened the meeting with a procession with a cross and choir all in robes and marching down the aisle. The Palms were exhibited, I don 1 t know whether it was Palm Sunday or not, but they used the palms. I visited the Catholic and Episcopal churches and seen the similarity and become disenchanted because I felt the Friends were really down-to earth in their informality. They had more con cern for others.235

Another man who became a Quaker about fifteen years ago, finally made the change for much the reason given above.

"~,;ent to Quakers because their concern was more nearly my concern, that is, a concern for the plight of people." 236 At least two of the respondents report becoming Quakers as a resu lt o f C • P . S • 1n. fl uence and marr1age. . 237

There were no indications of efforts on the of the historic peace churches to persuade the men to change their affiliation from The Methodist Churrh. One 111

time socially nith the other C.P.S. 'e~s there aud ~e eu= joyed the worship experiences with them but I don 1 t believe there was any attempt to lead us to join with 238 t.'l-teir church. " The conclusion as a result of the questionnaire response is that the Methodist men in C.P.S. left with favorable impressions of the historic peace churches, especially the Quakers. With 40 percent of the respondents still Methodist, the largest change in religious affiliation is to the Quakers, 21 percent. Two reasons are apparent for the Methodist appreciation of the Quakers: theological similarity and concern for people. Methodists tend to organization and liturgical forms of worship. The simplicity of Quaker ways is appealing and

C.P.S. was an opportunity for !-1ethodist men to experience t.'l-tis first hand. The historic peace churches rendered a distinct service to the Methodist men in C.P.S. The gratitude of these men extends to the present time.

One man 1 s comment fairly reflects the tenor of most comments and represents the lasting impression these churches made.

I have a great respect for the historic peace churches. • . • I find them to be modest and simple people of great spiritual force v:ho gi\te of their time and substance very liberally when ever disasters occur here in the U.S. and abroad. We count very good friends among them.239 112

Evaluation of the C.P.S. Experience

The questionnaire contained no question concerning the C.P.S. man's evaluation of his C.P.S. service, however, several added evaluative comments under the sectic:1 headed, "An~( other com..rnents you desire to add?" Ten men indicated that C.P:S. was an experience which was not regretted nor had the ideals leading to L~e decision to be in C.P.S. changed over the years. "The years have passed, but I do not regret having taken and . - .,240 h e ld to th e c. 0 . pos~t~on. A university professor credits his C.P.S. experience for making him a "better person." 241 A wife of a deceased C.P.S.'er writes of two trips to visit her husband's C.P.S. camp, Camp Rufus

Jones, Gatlinburg, Tennessee, calling the visit a "senti- mental journey." On the first trip the children were taken and the second trip was successful despite dif- ficulty in locating the "much overgrown" camp. "It was an important time for us, with the friendships formed, and the whole thing of standing for something we believed in so firmly." 242 Another C.P.S.'er who spends much time in Boy Scout work attributes his skills of leadership to the

C.P.S. experience. He, too, notes the lasting friend- . d . c p s 243 s h ~ps rna e 1n . . • Another man notes that he was acqu~1.nteC v;ith several Methodist C.P.S. men who l , "" -..L~

p~~ifist beliefs a~d c~list.ed iu the Armed Forces. In contrast, he writes, "I have never had . . . ,.244 any doubt about my pOSJ.t:J.On. Others note more gen- erally that it was "most valuable" and that it still seems to be the proper thing to have done. One C.P.S. man is more strongly convinced today than during World War II days that the stand against war is correct. He notes there has been no end to "bloodshed, loss of lives, property damaged and destroyed, etc.," and 245 he expresses a hope for "real peace" soon. One man writes that "C.P.S. was probably an easy way out for the government and C.P.S. men." He continues in his discussion recalling the power of the early Christians when they were endowed with the Holy Spirit. He advocates that if pacifists had such power, the story would have been different. Although he does not clarify his implication, the assumption is that if pacifists had acted as those early Christian disciples (many who were jailed for their strong proclamation of the Christian faith) the pacifists, likewise, would have been stronger in their witness had they been jailed rather than accept- ing C.P.S. assignments. He admits that he does not possess such power or courage, but advocates it for ?.c1,:; pacifists.-·v

The strongest statement of positive support for the C,P,S, experience comes from an opthamologist, "I 114

'------'--..:1 -4~-----.J:! .... , ,.., .. -- __ ,.. ____ , Ll...- .... ---~- -~ ----- !£QV0::: vpo:::J..C.I...O:::U :::>U'-'-O::::::>:::>J..U..I-..1-_l' \,Jl; ;:,o;;:vo;;:J..o...L 1... uvu::>o.uu;:, VJ.. c_yc;:, 1 but I feel the greatest contribution I have made to society in my lifetime is to protest against the whole- 247 sale sin of war by being a World War II c.o." T\.;o respondents chose to leave C.P.S. service and

take jail sentences rather than continue in the c~ups. One objected to the camps being under "final government

control" and made the decision to leave C.P.S. "I was 2<18 sentenced to 2 years in prison and served one." - An- other man, thinking refusal of any type service was the best response for a CO, reported for C.P.S. service with a "guilty conscience." After serving in four camps, he walked out from the Minersville, California camp when the bombing of Hiroshima occurred. This man hitch-hiked from California to New York City. Enroute he distributed a leaflet protesting the bombing, calling upon &uericans

to cease waging war. "Eventually I was sentenced to 2 years. Went on a fast a month before trial. Was tube

fed for 8 mo.: did 7 months at Medical Center for Federal Prisoners at Springfield, Mo. before they kicked me .,249 ou t .

Four men evaluated their attitudes today in com-

pari son t·1i th the attitude L~at caused them to be COs and report that issues are not as "black and white" for them now as then. One writes that being a pacifist was un- pleasant to an extent but not "too harrassing." Prior to 115 the conclusion of the war, he had become ready to take l-AO status (non-combatant) in order to "feel useful."

There is no doubt about his conclusion: "I don't t."link

I would do it again because the world isn't as black and 250 white as \-le tried to make it. "

Another C.P.S. man reflects essentially the same position. "I don't believe I a.u as simplistic in my

Christian and Political beliefs as I once was." He then describes the young Christians of today and their idealism and notes that the idealism will change. "But I also know that life and experience will bring them shocks and insights that will modify their thinking, even some of 251 t ·ne1· r ·oe 1·1eis. - "

Another replied t."lat his pacifist position during World War II came from his opposition to killing another human being. Today he has a.ubivilant feelings in relation to pacifism. Citing the Vietnam War, he would

refuse to fight in a war like that but he adds, "If asked

to drop a bomb on a Hitler-type; and I felt that I could

do this without killing a lot of innocent people, I might consider it." 252

A C.P.S.'er who lives in a Quaker community in

San Jose, Costa Rica, writes that a lot of the ideology of his youth has been lost. He sees weaknesses in the

pacifist philosophy (which are not spelled out) that does not make 116

The evaluations cited above indicate an affir.ma- tion today of the values that lead to the decision to be a CO, a changing value system in relation to C.P.S. while serving in the camps, and a changed attitude toward pacifism today in comparison to the 1940s. o~~er evaluations appeared on a few responses and will be summarized briefly. One man reports pleasant surprise at the lack of hostility experienced since his C.P.S. days: "There has been surprisingly little rejection in the years since W. War II [sic] ...• " He surmises that the absence of the expected rejection might be due to his choice of . 1 . 1 254 soc~a c~rc es. Another C.P.S.'er advises that pacifists become members of one of the historic peace churches so that they might be involved with activists of a like mind. This course of action would be less frustrating, and more action-filled, than being a pacifist in a non-peace 255 church. Another man sums up his C.P.S. experie~ce i~ desolate words: "It was a long, lonely road. Still . .,256 ~s.

One man sees his C.P.S. time as one of making life-long friendships. "A lot of C.P.S. men and their families have visited in our home. . . • They are the most wonderful people." 257 117

proved to be a valuable educational experience, in fact, for these two, the most important of ~;eir lives. nr would say that CPS was the best education I ever had, and better for me than any I see ~~at I could reco~~end today 258 to anot,.~er young person." The other evaluation sees the educational value from a different perspective. This C.P.S.'er had not had an opportunity beyond high school days for "intellectual advancement." His relationships among men in C.P.S. gave him a wider view of life and his service in a mental hospital unit increased his intellec tual knowledge. 259

Ni~e of the respondents beca~e clergymen, eight

Meth o d1st. an d one Ep1socopa . 1 . 260 Only one evaluates C.P.S. as decisive in the choice of ordained ministry for his vocation. "My C.P.S. experience was a critical factor in my decision to enter t..'l.e ministry." He relates that a close friend was killed in combat and L~is led him to commit himself to a life-long witness for pacifism. Since he drew his pacifist convictions from his faith in Jesus Ch r1st,. t h e c h 01ce . f or m1n1stry . . was rna d e. 261 Two men who spent C.P.S. time at the Duke Hospital unit found ~~eir life's work in the medical field and remain at Duke to this day. One is an administrator, the other a medical artist. 262 118

....._, ___ ..______.._ ____ , ..... -~.!--- .s:: __ ,., T"'\ (""' ----- .._t__ .llH::: :::>i...LUH'::;jt:::;::,l,.. 1::::\IC'. .J..UC.I...l.UU:::> J..U.L \...o.ro.::>o CUUUH'::;j I..HI:::: respondents was that it was an experience of importance and influence that remains cherished today. It is apparent that a number of respondents remain co~~itted to the pacifist position while some have modified their views on conscientious objection. The indication is that a few of the men are pursuing life vocations today as a direct result of C.P.S. The evidence is not strong enough to make any generalized statements to the total group of respondents, however, among those who volunteered evaluative statements, the conclusion is that C.P.S. was a valuable experience still evoking warm memories of those days. FOOTNOTES

1 Questionnaire of R. E. Collins: York Beach 1 Haine. All questionnaires cited are in the personal files of E. Keith Ewing. 2 Sweet: p" 412= 3 rb·J.a., ~ P· 4~3.L • 4 Journal of the Unitin Conference of The Methodist enure UnJ.tea Met oaJ.st ArcnJ.eves, Lake Junaluska, N.C., n.d.), p. 364. 5Alvin Goddard, "Military Training," Toward World Comardeship (Chicago: The Methodist Book Concern, 1932} , p. 4 8. 6charles F. Boss, Jr., "The Case for Conscientious Objectors," (Chicago: Co~uission on World Peace, The Methodist Church, 1938), n.p. 7Ibid. 8Marion C. Armstrong, "Makers of Peace," Junior Adventures in Christian Livina (New York: The MethOdist Book Concern, 1935), p. 3. 9 Ibid. I P· 21. 10 Ibid., p. 27. 11 "Pacifism," Toward World Comardeship (Chicago: The Methodist Book Concern, 1932), pp. 67-68. 12Mary Hunter Walsh, "\Vhat is War Like?," Everyday Adventures in Christian Living {Chicago: The Methodist Book Concern, 1930), pp. 4,6,20-21. 13 George Houser, "Diary 1 " Motive 1 (February 1941), 1":l_1A At: pp • ..J...... I .!.""%t""%V• 14 Motive 1 (April 1941) , p. 41.

119 120

15wilma Lual.ow, ··l.s A Third Order Being Born?,:: Motive 2 (December 1941), p. 35. 16"To You Who Enter Civilian Public Service," Motive 3 (Harch 1943), p. 24. 17T. Otto Nall, "Defense In Blue Overalls," Classmate 59 (March 1, 1940), pp. 6-7 • .,.., 0 ;.;.; 11.; ,..,., " - .1...... w...... "'"· P..,.,..,,..:;o,...sc .. ___ n, "';:;,... F!'1c1-- - -J:'e~ .... a ...... s ;;,...,""'J:', " The Christian Advocate 119 (January 27, 1944), n.p. 19"Methodists Can Raise Money for Civilian Public Se!:'vice Ca.~ps to Care fc~ C~~scie~ticus Objecto2:s" (Evanston, Ill.: Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary Librar~, MicrofiLu VB343.C586, v.l). 20Questionnaire of Greg Phifer, Tallahassee, Florida. 21Questionnaire of Robert J. Cary, San Mateo, California. 22Questionnaire of William P. Coston, Placentia, California. 23Questionnaire of John M. Gessell, Sewanee, Tennessee. 24 Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California. 25Questionnaire of Malcolm I. Nichols, Whitter, California. 26Questionnaire of Delmar E. Wiggins, Raton, New i•lexico. 27Questionnaire of Murray Braden, Boston, Massachusetts. 28 . . h k Interv~ew w~t Mar A. Rouch, Jr., Lake Junaluska, North Carolina, 22 August 1979. Personal files.

29 . • 'h T ,... "" 1 Interv~e~tl 'jol~ t...... van Moon I ~cotta.a .... e 1 Pennsylvania, 29 August 1979. Personal files. 30 rnterview with Robert L. Blake, Durham, North Carolina, 31 August 1979. Personal files. 121

...... ~~Questionnaire of Albert L. Jones, Sylmar, California. 32 Interview with Ralph E. and Elizabeth Dunkel, Ashville, Ohio, 28 August 1979. Personal files.

33 ~~n~erv2ew · · w2"th Lawrence Gor h am, w·2nc h es t er, Indiana, 27 August 1979. Personal files. 34 Questionnaire of Clark G. DeHavc~: ~est Ccvina, California. 35 I nterv2ew . w2"th Mar k A. Rouch, Jr., L~ke Junaluska: North Carolina: 22 August 1979. Personal files. 36 Questionnaire of John c. Paisley, Baltimore, Maryland. 37 Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California. 38 Questionnaire of Donald L. Grumman, East Lansing, Michigan. 39 Questionnaire of Dale A. Entwistle, Missoula, Montana. 40 Questionnaire of Warren D. Stetzel, Beallsville, Ohio. 41 Questionnaire of Grover L. Hartman, Indianapolis, Indiana. 42 Questionnaire of Robert L. Blake, Durham, North Carolina. 43 Ray H. Abrams, Preachers Present Arms (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1969), p. 257. 44 carl D. Soule, Memorandum, "Chaplains for Civilian Public Service Camps," n.d., FAU files. 45 Robert E. Horton to E. Keith Ewing, 2 December 1978, personal files. 46 "In Brief," The Conscientious Objector 2 (August-September 1940), p. 5. 47 "Methodist Conference Rejects Backing COs," The Conscientious Objector 6 (July 1944), p. 4. 122

48 ''The week in Methoa1srn, :: The Christian Advocate 116 1July 17, 1941), p. 918. 49 Daily Christian Advocate 2 (~ay 3, 1944), p. 119. 50 "Fools for Christ's Sake: A Symposium" (The Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, Jwie 1944}, n.p. 51 soule, Memorandum, "Chaplains for Civilian ..,... __ ,_,.:: - ,... ----.! -- ,.. ___ - 11 rU.U.L.l.~ .Vt:.L.Y.l.~t: \..C:UIIfJ:::>o 52 Albert L. Gray to Methodist Men In Civilian Public Service, 20 December 1943, personal files. 53 John J. Rooks to E. Keith Ewing, 24 May 1978, Personal Files. 54 The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (March 1944), p. 3. 55 Gene Holdredge letter, Ibid., p. 4. 56Hal Clark letter, Ibid. 57Bob Cary, "Methodist C.O.'s and the Church," Ibid. I p. 5. 58Questionnaire of John L. Ains-vrorth, Yakima, Washington. 59Questionnaire of Russel P. Brotsman, Lawrence, Kansas. 60 The Conscientious Objector 2 (February-March 1940), p. 2. 61Questionnaire of Lawrence Gorham, Winchester, Indiana. 62 Questionnaire of L. E. Hodges, Jr., Washington, North Carolina. 63 Questionnaire of Ralph E. Dunkel, Ashville, Ohio. 64 Questionnaire of Grover L. Hartman, Indianapolis, Indiana.

65Q uest1onna1re. . . or~ Rooert. J.- c ary, s an Mateo, . California. 123

66 Questionnaire of George A. .M.!lU(:!.L::;uH,... -- !'I ------Fer:noale, California. 67 Heather Frazer Interview with Herman Will, United Methodist Building, Washington, D.C., November 1977, FAU Files. 68 Questionnaire of Melvin A. Zuck, Fairview, Pennsylvania. 69 Questionnaire of Lawrence GorhCJ.u, Winchester, I:1dia:1a. "7n 'vQuestionnaire of Willia~ 0. Caster, Athens, Georgia.

71Questionnaire of Grover L. Hartman, Indianapolis, Indiana.

72Questionnaire of Murray Braden, Boston, Massachusetts. 73 Harry Burks, Jr., letter, The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (February 1944), p. 5. 74 Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California. 75 Questionnaire of Earl W. Jackson, Jr., Lakeland, Florida. 76 Questionnaire of LaRoy Seaver, Omaha, Nebraska. 77 . Bent B. Andressen, Robert F. Beach, Willys R. Knight, Charles H. Ludwig, Ralph R. Spillman, J. Dennis Wilcher. 78 Interview with Ivan Moon, Scottdale, Pennsyl vania, 29 August 1979. Personal files. 79 Quest1onna1re · · o f I rw1n . R . Hogenauer, S eatt1 e, Washington. 80Questionnaire of Albert L. Jones, Sylmar, California. 81 Questionnaire of Janet Pieh (widm·l of Charles E. Pieh), Minneapolis, Minnesota.

82Q . . .t: D , ..::l T uest1onna1re o~ ona~u ~. Grurr~on, East Lansing, 124

8 3 Questionnaire o £ Delrnar E. Y.iiggins, Raton, New Mexico. 84 Interview with Warren Stetzel, Beallsville, Ohio, 28 August 1979. Ja~es B. Fleek, Jacksonville Beach, Florida, reports that Kentucky Wesleyan College, a Me~~odist church college, found him not acceptable as a teacher because of his C.P.S. experience. Bozeman, Montana. 86Questionnaire of Robert L. Blake, Durham~ North Carolina. 87 Questionnaire of John H. Clegg; LoiDbardl Illinois. 88 Questionnaire of William J. Harkey, Irving, Texas. 89 Questionnaire of Robert J. Fenneman, Evans ville, Indiana. 90 Questionnaire of Carlton E. Hollister, Manistique, Michigan. 91Questionnaire of William J. Harkey, Irving, Texas. 92Q . . f h .. uest~onna~re o Jo n n. Clegg, Lombard, Illinois. 93Interview with Ivan Moon, Scottdale, Pennsyl vania, 29 August 1979. Personal files.

94T . . 'h _nterv!.et·l t..·1:!. t ... ~Jirlchester, Indiana, 27 August 1979. Personal files. 95 rnterview with Donald Hayman, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 30 August 1979. Personal files.

96I ntervlew. w1t . h C asslus . F enton, I n d"lanapo 1" lS, Indiana, 25 August 1979. Personal files. 97_Lawrence Gornam. . Personal files. 98 rbid. 99T . E ~ouls . s wanson. Letter, 30 March 1945, 125

100 "one 1·1illion From Eight .i:•lillion," The Christian Advocate 116 (January 2, 1941), pp. 18-19. 101 Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam to Charles F. Boss, Jr., 13 January 1941, FAU Files. 102 "c ornrn~~~ee·~~ on s~~a~e ~ o~~ th.e Ch urch , Repor~ ~ No. 13," Daily Christian Advocate 2 (5 May 1944), p.-15. 103 "The Week In Methodism," The Christian Advocate 116 (September 25, 1941), p. 1238. 104 carl D. Soule, "Methodist Men in Public Service," (The Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.), n.p. 105 Joe Nunnally, I Was A Conscientious Objector (Berkeley, CA: Sooner Publishing Co., 1948), p. 42. 106 soule, "Methodist Men In Public Service." Also, "Methodists Can Raise Money for Civilian Public Service Camps to Care for Conscientious Objectors," (Evanston, Illinois: Garrett-Evangelical Theological Seminary, Microfilm UB343, .C586, v. 1). 107 "Peace Stamps and Certificates." Motive 2 (April 1942), p. 49. 108 "cornrnittee to Assist Draftees," The Christian Advocate 116 (June 19, 1941), p. 793. 109 "unfinished Business for Methodists" (The Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, March 1947), n.p.

110 11 - Mernorandurn on the Methodist 'Debt of Honor'," ,.... ? 9 Decernber 1960, ;:-. -. Fli.U Files. 111 rbid. 112 Newsletter of Camp Walahalla 1 (September 1942) , p. 2. 113 Peace Pathways, Newsletter of CPS Camp 7, Magnolia, Arkansas (March 25, 1943), p. 3. , , . .L.L'i Calumet, Newsletter of CPS Camp 19, Buck Creek, North Carolina, 1 (May 11, 1942), n.p.

115,.., .._. . .&: ~ '\... R B ~ues~1onna1re OL u01ill • • rown, Westininster, .. 11 __.,._, --...:1 .L"'J.a..L X ..L. a."J""" • 126

116Peace Pathways, 2\:n..d.), p. 3.

ll?~n·.1. l "d . , 2 (February 1, 1942), p. 4 •

118Ibid.

119The Plowshare, Newsletter of CPS Camp 14, Merom, Indiana, 1 (November 24, 1941), p. 2.

II 120 .... ; c:.Lor;1 c-,, -- Sp __ ,_; -- s----~ ~- , t"'-~--1...-- n.!.- - -.!. C..L.!..:f t::C.!'\.~!!~: t:.L. V~\..,..1:: ..L \VC'-~LUoJC.L 1943), p. 2. Service was C.P.S. Unit 61 (Duke University Hospital) newsletter.

121 I b"~lu. : p. 6 ~ 122 T. Otto Nall, "In Civilian Public Service." The Christian Advocate 118 (18 February 1943), n.p.

123"Investigating Methodism," The Christian Advocate 116 (December 11, 1941}, pp. 1590-91. 124 . . f ' ~ Quest~onnalre o Rooert u. c ary, s an Mateo, California.

125 . . f th ~l Quest~onnalre o An ony v. Rana es, Los Angeles, California. 126Questionnaire of Harlan M. Smith, St. Paul, Minnesota; and Questionnaire of Allen R. Twente, Napolean, Missouri. 127 Questionnaire of Robert J. Fenneman, Evans ville, Indiana.

128Questionnaire of Delmar E. Wiggins, Raton, New Mexico. 29 1 Quest~onnalre · . o f Naorn~ . Matt h e1ss . (w~ . d ow o f Ted Mattheiss), Stevenson, Maryland. 130Questionnaire of Willys Raymond Knight, Atlanta, Georgia. 131 Questionnaire of Lawrence Gorham, Winchester, Indiana. 132Questionnaire of Murray Braden, Boston, Massachusetts.

133 . . . ~ ' ' Ques~lonnalre OI Bent B. Anaresen, Larnnert- ville, New Jersey. 127

Georgia.

135 . . h T G h h Intervlew Wlt ~awrence or am, w.lnc ester, Indiana, 27 August 1979. Personal files.

136 . . ;: h dl Questlonnalre o_ An~.ony V. Ran -es, Los Angeles, California. 137Questicrmaire of LaRoy Seaver, Orr:aha, Nebraska.

Kansas. 139Questionnaire of John L. Ainsworth, Yakima, 1-;rashington. 140 Ibid. 141Q uestlonnalre. . o f John c. Paisely, Baltimore, Maryland; and Questionnaire of Grover L. Hartman, Indian- apolis, Indiana. 142 Questionnaire of J. Ben Stalvey, South Miami, Florida. 143Questionnaire of William P. Coston, Placentia, California. 144 Questionnaire of Carlton E. Hollister, Manistique, Michigan. 145Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California. 146 Questionnaire of Walter R. Deskel, St. Louis, Missouri. 147Questionnaire of Ivan S. Moore, Murfreesboro, North Carolina. 148Questionnaire of Willys Raymond Knight, Atlanta, Georgia. 149"Methodist CPS Conference," The Methodist C.O. 1 (February 1, 1945), p. 2.

lSO Questlonnalre· · o f Ro b ert J . Cary, S an Mateo, California.

C! Orrie u C::+::. .... + ...... - --·· --~·t New York. 128

of Ja!'let Pieh), Minneapolis, Ninnesota. 153 . . - s . Quest~onna~re oi LaRoy eaver, Omana, Nebraska. 154 Ibid. 155Questionnaire of Paul Metzger, St. Paul, Minnesota. 156 . . f Quest~onna~re o Grover L. Hartman, Indian- apolis; Indiana= 157 Questionnaire of Morris Keeton, Columbia, Maryland. 158 Questionnaire of Naomi Mattheiss (widow of Ted Mattheiss), Stevenson, Maryland. 159 Questionnaire of John M. Gessell, Sewanee, Tennessee.

J - 1601 nterv~ew. w~t . h Mar k A. Roucn, . r., La k e Junaluska, North Carolina, 22 August 1979. Personal files. 161Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California.

162Questionnaire of William P. Coston, Placentia, California. 163Questionnaire of Malcolm I. Nichols, Whitter, California. 164Questionnaire of Donald Haymon, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

165Q uest~onna~re. . o f Anth ony V. Ran dl es, Los Angeles, California. 166Questionnaire of J. Ben Stalvey, South Miami, Florida. 167Questionnaire of Warren D. Stetzel, Bealls- 1"'\\.....: ville, Ul.J.~U.

168Questionnaire of Ralph E. Dunkel, Ashville, Ohio.

169 .T~noc: ~ .C::u1 m;::ar _ Questio~~aire of Albert L. --··--I -.l --~--- , California. 129

17 0 T-.-~~ n-. •• -~ .,_,.,_ .... _,_.._.a... __ u u..&.uc.:;;, "'<..&.~ .uc: 1 .I.'Ct;:Y'f,::,..L.C:I...I...'t::~ I February 1955, n.p. l?lLou1s . E • Swanson t o Rev. Zen t z, 17 Dece rnb er 1944, personal files.

172Questionnaire of unidentified person. 173Questionnaire of Charles H. Ludwig, Bellingha~, Washington.

174() . . -F , xllest~cnna~~e C- C.a~k G. California. , ... 5 ~~ Questionnaire of John H. Clegg, Lombard, Illinois.

176Q uest1onna1re. . of !-1elvin A. zuck, Fairview, Pennsylvania.

177Questionnaire of Henry H. Marter, Cherry Hill, New Jersey. 178 Questionnaire of Carlton E. Hollister, Manistique, Michigan. 179Questionnaire of Ralph L. Spillman, Atlanta, Georgia. 180Quest1onna1re . . o f Murray Brad en, Boston, r.1assachusetts.

181Questionnaire of George A. Anderson, Ferndale, California. 182Quest1onna1re . . o f Dona ld L. Grumman, East Lansing: Michigan. 183Questionnaire of Ivan Moon, Scottdale, Pennsyl- vania. 184 Quest1onna1re . . o f Herman W1"11 , Was h"1ngton, D.C.; and Questionnaire of Jack Corbett, Washington, D.C.

185_. ,...., ~ Tne L.: • .t'.;:,.- Round Table l (May-June 1944), p. 2. 186 "Methodist COs Leave Church," The Conscientious Objector 6 (June 1944), p. 2. 187John of Camp Mancos, w. Edward Dysoa et al., 25 May 1944, FAU Files. 1-:ln .J....IV

1QQ ~~~Questionnaire of Halcolm I. Nichols, Whitter, California. 189Questionnaire of JaDet Pieh, Minneapolis, Minnesota. 190Questionnaire of Melvin A. Zuck, Fairview, Pennsylvania.

191Quest~onna~re · · o:r- p'aU.L - uetzger,M · S t. ""'raUl., - Minnesota.

192Qu~--~r__ ion __-- ~_a_i_re o•_- .:...:T • .:....:~ • -·Hodge~ - I Jr- • I Washing~on• -·· \... •• I ~!c::-th Ca:::-olir:.a.

193 . . ~ T'\-\...--.L. "T T"'------Questlonnalre OL .ri.UL.H::.l. I.. u o r t:::!U!=uc::.H 1 Evans- ville, Indiana. 194Questionnaire of Herbert Hogan, Claremont, California. 19SQuest1onna1re - . o f Da 1 e A • E ntw1st . 1 e, M.1ssou 1 a, Montana. 196Questionnaire of Donald Hayman, Chapel Hill,·' North Carolina. 197Questionnaire of Anthony V. Randles, Los Angeles, California. 198Questionnaire of William 0. Caster, Athens, Georgia. 199Quest1onna1re . . o f Grover L. Hartman, Indian- apolis, Indiana. 200Questionnaire of Ivan Moon, Scottdale, Pennsylvania. 201Questionnaire of Lawrence Gorham, Winchester, Indiana. See Chapter II, p. 36 of this thesis for the statement, "Christianity cannot be nationalistic." 202 Questionnaire of Clark G. DeHaven, West Covina, California. 203coston, Herman Lautzenheiser, George R. Reddell, and Spillman. ., ..... , ...__ 204 ... _ .L ----.! --- __ .:. .L'L.. T"\-, _,_ r-_.!,, -- __ ..LHI..t::.L V..Lt::W W..L 1..11 .r\.Q...L_t:.J.L1 .::lp..L..L..Llllc:l.llt .t::.I....Lc:l.HI..Q. I Georgie, 19 August, 1979. Personal files. 205 Questionnaire of Willys Raymond Knight, Atlanta, Georgia. 206 Quest1onna1re. . o f Warren D. Stetzel, Bealls- ville, Ohio.

207 . . .f h ~ il . 11 . h Quest~onna~re o_ c .. 2.:!'.!.eS H. LU-W~g I Be __ ~ng ..a!n, t-Jashington. 208 . . Quest1onna1re of LaRoy Seaver, Omaha, Nebraska • .... '"' ~v~The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (February 1944), p. 1. 210 Bob Cary, Ibid. 211 Johnny Bray letter, The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (April 1944), p. 4. 212 Quest1onna1re. . o f Ro b ert J. Cary, San Mateo, California. 213 Quest1onna1re. . o f Russe l P. Brotsman, Lawrence, Kansas. 214 Questionnaire of Richard A. Mornmsen, Rifton, New York.

215 . . ~ Quest1onna1re 0.1. John R. Brown, Westminster, Maryland. 216 Quest1onna1re. . o f Herman Lautzenh e1ser, . Wooster, Ohio. 217 Questionnaire of Walter R. Deskel, St. Louis; Missouri.

218 Quest1onna1re. . 0.1.~ Warren D. Stetze 1 , Bea 11 s- ville, Ohio. 219 Questionnaire of Robert L. Blake, Durham, North Carolina. 220 Questionnaire of William P. Coston, Placentia, California. 221 Questionnaire of Willys Raymond Knight, Atlanta, Georgia. 132

222,...... ~~ ..... ~---~~~~ -~ 1"\---·· r.1~1-1-.~- n~-,-~,--- \c!u.c;;, \.....L.VU.. U.U...L..L C V.L I.J'C~~~~~ U.L...L.'-"U.'C.L f U'C~ J\.C.J..'C.:f I California; and Questionnaire of George A. Anderson, Ferndale, California.

223Q . . . ~ - . -· ues~1onna1re OI ~rv1ng rt. Garrison, Pasadena, California. 224 ouestionnaire of J. Eldon Whitesitt, Bozeman, Hontana. 225Questionnaire of John H. Clegg, Lombard, Illi~ois. 226 ouestionnaire of Walter R. Deskel, St. Louis~ Missouri. 227Questionnaire of LaRoy Seaver, Omaha, Nebraska. 228Questionnaire of T. Richard Flaherty, Granada Hills, California. 229 Quest1onna1re. . o f Murray Bra d en, Boston, Massachusetts. 230Questionnaire of John L. Ainsworth, Yakima, Washington. 231 Quest1onna1re. . o f Herman Lautzenh e1ser, . Wooster, Ohio. 232Questionnaire of Willys Ra~wond Knight, Atlanta, Georgia. 233Questionnaire of Lin Haydon, Salem, Oregon. 234 0 uest1onna1re . . o f R o b ert J . Cary, S an Mateo, California. 235rnterview with Lawrence Gorham, \\Tinchester, Indiana, 27 August 1979. Personal files. 236ouestionnaire of Ralph Spillman, Atlanta, Georgia. 237Gorhwu and Carl Ryerson. 238 Interview with Ivan Moon, Scottdale, Pennsyl vania, 29 August 1979. Personal files. 133

23 9Questionnaire of Del.t--rlar E. wiggins, Raton, New Mexico.

2/lfl ~vQuestionnaire of Robert F. Beach, Woodbury, Connecticut.

241Q ues~~onna~re.... · · o~~ Dona~, d H.ayman, C~ape h 1 H.l 11 , North Carolina.

242Qu.esticnnaire of Naomi Mattheiss (wido'.·l cf Ted Nattheiss), Stevenson, Maryland. 243 . . Quest1onna1re of John L. Ainsworth, Yakima, Washington. 244Questionnaire of William P. Coston~ Placentia: California. 245 Questionnaire of L. E. Hodges, Jr., t'Vashington, North Carolina. 246Questionnaire of George A. Anderson, Ferndale, California. 24 ?Q uest1onna1re· . o f.. R o b ert J • F ennernan, Evans- ville, Indiana. 248Questionnaire of Denny Wilcher, Berkeley, California. 249Q . . . f B .. ues~1onna1re o ent ~. Andresen, Lambert- ville, New Jersey.

250Questionnaire of Louis E. Swanson, Durham, North Carolina.

25ln,es"-.;"' ...... -a.;~t.:) ,...... f= T"'\c1"""':),... 't:" t~'T.;,.,.rr;""'c 'O::~~+n""" "'-',.,., '-•'-'J.J.J.J. ..L.L~ V..&.. .IJ~..&...I.Lt.\.4 ...... -••• _."='-:;,..a..&ol..._,, .,,._.... __ .,., New Mexico.

252Quest1onna1re · . o f Orame 1 E. Greene, 0 kl a h oma City, Oklahoma.

253Q uest1onna1re. . o f Dan Boe hm, San Jose, c osta Rica. -? 5-d·Quest1onna1re . . o f Wlliys . . Raymond. Kn1gnt,. . Atlanta, Georgia. 255 Questionnaire of John H. Clegg, Lombard, Illinois. Pennsylvania. 257 Quest1onna1re. . o.~ A11 en R. Twente, Napa 1 ean, Missouri. 258Questionnaire of Warren D. Stetzel, Bealls ville, Ohio.

259 . . - 'h Quest1.onna1.re o! Lawrence Go:r: •• a.'l'!1, Indiana. 260Pieh, Rouch, Seaver, Stanton, Corbet, Keeton, Mattheiss, Metzger are the Methodists. Gensel, the Episcopalian. 261Questionnaire of Paul Metzger, St. Paul, Minnesota. 262 Swanson and Blake. CONCLUSION

The majority of the questionnaire respondents, who compose

••-..c...l....-..:::1.!-..a.. ,....,: __ ,:,.,:_,;,_ ~·...... 1-1~- C'----=-- --- _____ .~...... _\...-"'- ml--.- rlt::'""J1VU~~._ \..,..LV.J....L..C..J..l rU.J..J...L~'- .,:)C:.l..V.J..'-C lUCllf .l..C:'V.I..\.. t-J.J.Q.\.. .LJ.J.'C

Methodist Church did influence their decision to be conscientious objectors and to serve in C.P.S. The evidence is that the church's intent to lead its youth to be peacemakers had its results. Granted, the overwhelmingly positive response of :r-1ethodist young men was to the war effort; 1 however, the church's official position still did reach and influence a small nu~ber of Methodist young men. These youth chose the CO position, a minority stance in their church and in their nation. It is instructive to compare the response of Methodist men who chose C.P.S. with the response of men in the historic peace churches who served in C.P.S. Among the traditionally pacifist churches, the Mennonites had a high number of C.P.S. men. Four thousand six hundred and sixty-five of the Mennonites were in C.P.s. 2 Lawrence S. Wittner reports this to be 60 percent of 3 Mennonite men who had to register with Selective Service. 136

The Brethren Church eAperienced a s~rpr~s~ng re~ sponse among its young men and its local churches in the face of the war fever in the nation. Only 12 percent of Brethren youth chose the pacifist response to war according to Wittner. In addition, he notes L~at more L~an 60 percent of the Brethren congregations dropped the pledge of refusal to partjcipate in war from their mem-

~ ~ bership vows.~ There were 1,353 Brethren C.P.S. men.J

The Quakers had 951 C.P.S. men. 6 Wittner reports this as 25 percent of their men registering with Selec- . s . 7 t~ve erv~ce. Also, he reports that many Quaker colleges 8 had armed forces training units on their campuses. Thus, when compared to these traditionally pacifist churches, The Methodist Church, a non-pacifist church with 673 C.P.S. men9 had a smaller number of its men claiming C.P.S. status. The Methodist Church was the largest Protestant denomination in America at the time of World vi'ar II with over e1g. h t rnl_"11" 1on me rnb ers. 10 With 673 C.P.S. men: the proportional number of Methodist men choosing to bear arms was great. Among mainline Protestant denominations this was the largest number of C.P.S. men for any one denomination. The Congregational Christia~ Church, with just over one million members, had 209 C.P.S. men. The Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., with more than two million

'T''ho 1\ol"\ri-'hoY"n i:l::.n+ i c+ ,-.'h,,...,-.'h me~be~s had 192 i~ C.P.S. -··- ··-- -··--·· __I:' ____ --·-----, 137

-:,,.: ---'---- with one and a half 1Ll.L .L .L.LUU__ 1Lt1::1LIJ.JI::.I..;;, t Thus, the number of Hethodist C.P.S. men v.·as three times greater than the next greatest nlliT~er in any one denomination. This was a striking record for a mainline Protes- tant, non-pacifist church. It testifies to the effective- ness of the youL~ training in pacifism in the Methodist church during the 1930s. The Methodist CO found that having taken his stand to oppose war and be a part of C.P.S. did not mean the church would reciprocate with strong affirmation of the pacifist decision. Less than one-half of the Methodist C.P.S. men reported support of the church in their stance and during their C.P.S. experience. The affect of this popular war took its toll on those who took a less than popular position. William E. Leuchtenburg cites Pearl Harbor as the event that solidified the nation's will. "Americans . . h d d • . nl2 everywh ere respon d e d to ~t w~t anger an eterm~nat~on. There is no evidence that The Methodist Church responded in anger to the men who chose to travel the less- travelled road of conscientious objection; however, in the determination to respond to the war effort the church in both its national and local responses was less than encouraging to the CO in C.P.S. The conclusion is drawn that most Methodist C.P.S. men did not experience a sense 138

The Methodist Church did net individual to work directly with its COs until late 1944 when Carl Soule was designated as the secretary for

MeL~odist COs in the Commission on World Peace. In addition to being the church's emissary to COsr he had the added responsibility of oversight of the two Methodist C.P.S. units at Duke University and Cherokee, Iowa. During his work as the secretary of COs, Soule reports that he visited only twenty-five of the C.P.S. camps, a small nwuber, and this c~ue four years after the c~ups opened. 13 Soule's superior, Charles F. Boss, Jr., Executive Secretary of the Commission on World Peace, did not visit C.P.S. c~ups because of ~,e administrative load of his office. Soule sees as "sad" the fact that the church had no one responsible for this visitation. He notes that local Methodist church pastors did not cooperate with the pleas of the Commission on World Peace to 14 relate to Methodist COs in C.P.S. camps. In addition, he contrasts the church's encouragement of Methodist ministers to become chaplains in the armed forces with the lack of any official effort on behalf of the C.P.S. men. "And that was really an in- 15 justice on the part of the church." The Christian Century referred to World War II as

II t h e gu1"1 ty necess1ty.. 1116 This phrase depicts the dis- jointed position of many Methodists who desired peace: 139

powers. Thus, the Methodist C.P.S. man experienced this dichotomy in waning support from his church for his position. The General Conference action of 1944, "The Church in Time of War," discussed in detail in Chapter

Two and analyzed in Chapter Three, would seem to be the issue at which the CO would have painfully experienced his church's lack of support. As noted in Chapter Three, 49 percent of the respondents had no recollection of the action. The external evidence cited indicates extensive debate throughout the Methodist church over the action. With almost one-half of the respondents unable to recollect the action, and approximately one-half of those who rem~bered it not concerned about it, it appears the C.P.S. man, at least by 1944, had become less interested in his church's official position. One response noted indicates the reality of "peer pressure" forcing the church to the 1944 position, and thus, the fading idealism of the 1930s and 1940s came as no great shock. The con- elusion is that the C.P.S. man had come to rely more on his mm belief than the church's pronouncements. The C.P.S. man matured to the point of realizing that even though the church "had taught pacifism" and influenced hi!n to that position; he "could not place the bl-3.me or the 140

.,17 credit on ti1~u £or my taking the CO stand .. Ultimately, the C.P.S. man looked inward for strength. This study began with the observation that the Methodist tradition has developed more as a practical response to the society in ~·1hich it seeks to be fai t.."lful rather than a creedal church which applied its doctrine to the society in which it exists. Between World War I and World War II The Methodist Church expressed its responses to war along three changing positions: pacifism as symbolized by Ernest Fremont Tittle, opposition to war unless it is a response to an attack as represented by Bishop Francis

McConnell, and 11 realism11 which sees war as a "crude and primitive," but necessary force in an imperfect world as typified in a person such as Charles Parlin. In the 1930s when The Hethodist Church's youth literature and programming encouraged pacifism and opposition to all war, the United States was in the throes of isolationist attitudes. The church's teaching was not foreign to the national atmosphere. President Franklin D. Roosevelt remarked in August 1936: We shun political commitments which might en tangle us in foreign wars; we avoid connection with the political activities of the League of Nations. . . . I have seen war. ~ nave seen war on land and sea. I have seen blood running from the wounded. . • . I have seen the agony of mothers and wives. I hate war.l8 141

of conscientious objection in the minds and hearts of a nwuber of our respondents was an understandable response to the reaction against war that developed in the 1930s. As is noted in several places, the attack on

Pearl Harbor, Dec~uber 7, 1941, solidifjed a nation in its determination to respond to an advancing tyranny which one Florida Methodist pastor reported as "the enemy."12 As the nation's will to wage war intensified following Pearl Harbor, so The Methodist Church's debate over the proper Christian response intensified and began to shift from the 1940 General Conference position of nonparticipation in war and the easy acceptance of pacifism to the more patriotic position that came out of the 1944 General Conference. As the nation moved from isolationism to involvement, The Methodist Church was moving from a position of encouraging pacifism to one that saw conscientious objection to war as not the defining position of the Christian church. The Methodist Church did not turn its back on the CO just as the United States did not become a nation of warmongers. On the other hand, Methodists began to share the conviction of the respected Methodist Christian ethicist, Paul Ramsey, that it was time to quit crying over "gun-powder" and time to "get on with the shooting." 20

The clcse vote at thz 1944 Gene~~l Ccnfcrcnc~ indicates 142

t.~:t The !-lethodist Church was not comfortable with the position of taking a strong stand on war, but the majority felt the stand had to be taken even in the face of reversing previous positions.

Bishop G. Bromley Oxn~u personifies the Methodist dile~ma. In the 1920s and 1930s he championed labor, served as minister of the All Nations Church in Los Angeles, taught social ethics at the University of Southern California, and abolished the R.O.T.C. unit at DePauw University when he was president of that Methodist college. When he was elected Bishop in 1936 and assigned to Omaha, he was attacked by the magazine, The Red Network, as a co~uunist S}inpathizer because of his action at DePauw as well as his association with the Methodist Federation o f Soc1a. 1 s erv1ce. . 21 During World War II, Oxnam served as chairman of the executive committee of the church's Commission on World Peace 2nd represented the church on the Federal Council of Churches' Committee on the Conscientious Objector. On the other hand, he served on the Secretary of the Navy's Civilian Advisory Committee and received the Navy's "highly prized" Certificate of Appreciation for 22 service rendered during the war. Oxnarn wrote the pamphlet, "Conscience, the Church, and Conscription." for the Conunission on World Peace of the church, He defended the CO who registers with 143

all such men of conscience. Yet, he would not agree to

a church-wide offering to support C.P.S. men and ca~ps. During the war he defended the intense bombing of German cities as necessary to defeat Germany. After the war he advocated the use of force to maintain the peace. 23 The bishop's two sons participated in the war effort. Robert was an infantry officer. Philip was an Army chaplain who was known as the "foxhole chaplain" because he accepted a dangerous assignment with the . y 1 . 24 Rangers ~n ugos av~a. The bishop, like the church he served, acted boldly in the removal of armed forces training from the campus; and yet, in the same manner of the church he served, called for a military victory over the Axis powers in the Merrick lectures on the carnpus.of another Methodist college, Ohio ~oJesleyan University. 2 5 The paradox is seen in his representation of the CO on behalf of The Methodist Church with the Federal Council of Churches while declaring "I've never held the pacifist view •• And, further still, the irony of representing COs while two sons serve in the armed forces.

The bishop's rnan~l social invclve...uents indicated a man t.;ith a deep interest in bringing the church's ministry into engagement with the issues of a changing social order, in

fact; so ~uch so that some labeled him a socialist and ___ ..... _.: -.&... \..._,,..::.: __ \..:U!LUU\.!!!..1.;:, '- yet .U.V..L\..L~J..l':j a militarist position.

The MeL~odist Church is reflected in this same dilemma. Confronting the issues of the post-World War I society it spoke boldly for a pacifist position in several areas of youth ministry, and yet, when confronted with the reality of World War II, it supported the war. The Methodist CO serving in the C.P.S. became the "forgotten" idealist of The Methodist Church when such a large number of his co~~terparts from Sunday School and youth groups went to war. The Methodist Church did not forsake its pacifist idealism experienced in strong terms in the 1930s but it was jarred from its pacifist leanings by the national experience of war. The church did not turn its back on the CO but it focused its major attention on the majority of its men who were in the armed forces. The Methodist Church, true to its heritage, responded to the critical

time of ~'1/orld War II in the t..'!ay its General Conference judged to be the most practical in the light of the national situation and Biblical understanding. That response is open to judgment; however, it came about

~--,~~- through the swue established procedur:s that the C:ClJ....L.Lt::.L positions which inspired the COs had developed. The Methodist C.P.S. man whose position had re-

from sc~c of the ~est 145

~n The I•le t:.hodis t Church's his tory experienced through his decision of conscience the full reality of being a pacif ist in a non-pacifist church. FOOTNOTES

1The Charles Parlin minority report to the 1944 General Conference to The Methodist Church, "The Church in Time of War," stated "over a million young men from Methodist homes" were involved in World War II. It is not clear if this meant actual armed forces service or related services such as defense plant work. In any event, it seems a large number when compared with the 673 Methodist men who chose C.P.S. 2Directory of Civilian Public Service, May, 1941 to March, 1947 (The National Service Board for Religious Objectors, Washington, D.C., n.d.), p. xix. Hereafter cited as C.P.S. Directory. 3Lawrence S. Wittner, Rebels Against The War: The American Peace Movement, 1941-1960 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), p. 45. 4 Ibid. 5 C.P.S. Directory, p. xviii. 6 Ibid. 7 wittner, Rebels Against the War: .•. , p. 45.

8 Ibid. 9 C.P.S. Directory, p. xix. 10 Norwood, p. 413. 1 1 --church membership statistics from "Census of Religious Bodies in United States," E. Eastman Irvine, ed., The World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1946 {New York: The New York World-Telegram, 1946), pp. 308-09. C.P.S. numbers from C.P.S. Directory_, pp. xviii-xix. 12Graff, The Life History of the United States, vol 11, p. 114.

146 147

13John O'Sullivan Interview with Carl Soule. 4 February 1978, FAU Piles. 14_.. " .lOl.a.

15Ibid. 16 "••l'l.O d"f"~ l.e d P acl.l:l.sm,· -· n 'T'h- e Ch. r1.st1.an· . Cen-cury · 61 (July 26, 1944), p. 872, quoted in Wittner, p. 42. 17Nu,-·mally, p. 4.

"j 8 - Leuchtenburg, p. 95. 1Q --Holmes letter.

20T.~· 1!3 nl.ttner, p. ~ . 21 "Oxnam, G. Bromley Bishop, n Anna Rothe, ed. I Current Biography: ~Vho's News & Why 1944 (New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1945), pp. 525-527. See page 2 of this thesis for Methodist Federation of Social Service. 22 G. Bromley Oxnam, I Protest (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954), p. 60. 2"l -noxnam, G. Bromley Bishop," pp. 525-527. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Oxnam, p. 38. APPENDIX

I QUESTIONS FOR METHODIST CPS MEN

1. Did the Methodist Church youth program influence you in your pacifist stance?

...... ~ . . 2. ~"ias your lccal .c"!e-:::noc!.S-::: Church supportive of your CPS choice? 3. Which, if any, local church leaders influenced your CPS choice?

The Methodist area make any effort to minister to you?

5. Did you worship in the local MeL~odist Church where you were located during your CPS service?

6. ~£ so, what were the reactions to your participation? 7. Did the pastor of the local Methodist Church in your CPS area make an effort to serve you? 8. What contact did The Methodist Church make with you while you were in CPS? 9. Did you receive financial support from The Methodist Church? 10. Were there official representatives of The Methodist Church who contacted you during your CPS experience? 11. If so, what impressions did this make on you? If not, what irr~ressions, if any, were made? 12. Was the 1944 General Conference position of participa tion in World War II by The Methodist Church of a concern to you?

If so, describe your feelings about this action.

13. Was the resistance to paying Methodist indebtedness to the peace churches through regular financial channels of The Methodist Church of a concern to you?

149 150

14. Did your CPS experience affect your attitude toward The Methodist Church?

If so, in what way(s)? 15. Did your CPS experience strengthen or weaken your ties with The Methodist Church? 16. Did non-Methodist groups have an influence in your decision to take the pacifist position? If so, which groups? 17. Were you married during your CPS service? 18. If so, did The Methodist Church assist your wife and/or children?

19. If your wife and/or children r~~ained in your local community during your time in CPS did they experience support from the local Methodist Church? 20. Did the Methodist men in your CPS carnp(sJ join to gether in any way for religious purposes?

21. Did you have contact with any org~nized unofficial Methodist group as support? 22. Were there newsletters or correspondence between Methodists in CPS? If you have copies of such they would be useful in this research. 23. How do you feel that you as a CPS man compared with other Methodist youth who did not take the pacifist position: in church activity, in intellectual ability, in family religious training, in social class, in economic standing? 24. What attitudes did you develop toward the historic peace churches (Brethren, Mennonite, Quakers) as a result of being in CPS?

25. Since CPS have you been active in a local Methodist church? In a church of another denomination? If

S0 1 in what way(s)? 26. The local church members who know of your pacifist position during World War II--do they have any par ticular response to your CPS service? 27. &,y Jther comments you desire to add? BIBLIOGR;.PHY

Primary Sources

I!'lterviews Bl=ke; Robert L. Durham, North Carolina, Interview: 27 August 1979. Dunkel, Ralph E. and Elizabeth. Ashville, Ohio. Inter view, 28 August 1979. Fenton, Cassius. Indianapolis, Indiana. Interview, 25 August 1979. Gorham, Lawrence. Winchester, Indiana. Interview, 27 August 1979. Hayman, Donald. Chapel Hill, North Carolina. Interview, 30 August 1979.

~ioon, Ivan. Scottdale, Pennsylvania. Interview, 29 August 1979. Rouch, Mark A., Jr. Lake Junaluska, North Carolina. Interview, 22 August 1979. Soule, Carl. Lady Lake, Florida. Interview, 4 February 1978. Spillman, Ralph. Atlanta, Georgia. Interview, 19 August 1979. Stetzel, Warren. Beallsville, Ohio. Interview, 28 August 1979. Will, Herman. United Methodist Building, Washington, D.C. Interview, November 1977.

Questionnaire:; •·

Ainsworth, John L. Yakima, Washington.

151 152

Andresen, Bent B. Lambertville, New Jersey.

Beach, Robert F. i'ioodbury, Connecticut. Blake, Robert L. Durham, North Carolina.

Boe~~, Daniel E. San Jose, Costa Rica. Braden, Murray. Boston, Massachusetts. Brotsman, Russel P. Lawrence, Kansas.

Brown, John R. i'Vestininster, Maryland.

Cary, Robert J. San Mateo, California. Caster, Williruu 0. Athens, Georgia. Clarke, Lester J. South Lee, Massachuetts.

Clegg, John H. Lombard, Illinois. Collins, Richard E. York Beach, Maine.

Corbett, Jack E. Bethesda, Maryland. Coston, William P. Placentia, California.

Danskin, David G. Manhattan, Kansas.

DeHaven, Clark G. West Covina, California. Deskel, Walter R. St. Louis, Missouri. Dunkel, Raloh E. Ashville, Ohio.

Dunn, Wallace A. Richfield, Kansas. Entwistle, Dale A. Missoula, Montana.

Fenneman, Robert J. Evansville, Indiana. Fenton, Cassius M. Indianapolis, Indiana. Flaherty, T. Richard. Granada Hills, California. Fleek, James B. Jacksonville Beach, Florida.

Garrison: Irving M. Pasadena; California. 153

Gessell, Joh~ M. Sewa~ee, ~en~essee-

Gorham, Lawre~ce. Winchester, Indiana. Gray, Albert L., Jr. Berea, Chic.

Greene, Oramel E. Oklahoma City: Oklahoma.

Grumrn.on, Donald L. East Lansing, ~ichigan. Harkey, William J. Irving, Texas. Hart.11an, Grover L. Indianapolis, Indiana.

Hartman, Neil H. Moorestown, New Jersey. Haydon, Lindsay. Salem, Oregon.

Hayn;~r'!.. D:mald B. Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

Hodges, L. E., Jr. Washington, North Carolina. Hodges, Roland E. Leland, North Carolina. Hogan, Herbert W. Claremont, California. Hogenauer, Irwin R. Seattle, Washington. Hollister, Carlton E. Manistique, Michigan. Jackson, Earl W., Jr. Lakeland, Florida. Johnson, Charles F. Jacksonville, Florida. Jones, Albert L. Sylmar, California. Keet0n, Morris. Columbia, Maryland. Klotzbach, Harry A. Oakfield, New York. Knight, Willys Raymond. Atlanta, Georgia. Kramer, Richard W. Fowler, California. Lautzenheiser, Herman D. Wooster, Ohio. Ludwig, Charles H. Bellingham, Washington. MacFarland, Elmer F. Umatilla, Florida.

Marter, Henr~· H- Cherry Hi 11, New Jersey. 154

(!-!~s. Theodo~e ~t-t:>";7t:>nc:nn ~ M;:,>•"ul ;::nr1 Matt:heiss, Nac!!!i H.) . ---~-·-----, ----...r.---·- ..

Metzge~, Paul 0. St. Paul, Minnesota.

Mo~Ttsen, Richard A. Rifton, New York.

Moon, Ivan D. Scottdale, Pennsylvania.

!>1oore, Ivan S. Murfeesboro, North Carolina.

Nichols, Malcolm I. Whittier, California.

Paisley, John C. Baltimor~, Maryland. Phifer, Greg. Tallahassee, Florida.

Pieh, Janet {Nrs. Charles E.). Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Piersol, Ch~rl~s W. Rochester, New York.

Randles, &ithony V. Los Angeles, California. Reddell, George R. Spearfield, South Dakota.

Ryerson, Carl A. Asheboro, North Carolina.

Scott, Edward I. Northfield, Minnesota. Seaver, LaRoy E. Omaha, Nebraska.

Smith, Harlan M. St. Paul, Minnesota. Spillman, Ralph R. Atlanta, Georgia.

Stalvey, J. Ben. South Miami, Florida. Stanton, Orrie H. Minoa, New York. Stetzel, Warren D. Beallsville, Ohio. Swanson, Louis E. Durham, North Carolina.

Toothaker, William F. Newhall, California. Twente, Allen R. Napoleon, Missouri. Twente, Raymond H. Napoleon, Missouri.

Waggy, Arlie E. Goshen, Indiana.

rfuitesitt~ John E. Bozeman~ Montana. 155

Wilcher, J. Dennis. Berkeley, California.

Zuck, Melvin A. Fairvie'", Pennsylvania.

Other Sources

3ray; Johnny. Letter ln The C.P.S. Ro~~d Table l {April 1944): 4. Burks, Harry, Jr. Letter in The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (February 1944): 5.

Civilian Public Service Camp Seven. Magnolia, Arkansas. "Peace Pathways" (26 March 1943): 3.

Civilian Public Service Camp Fourteen. Merom, Indiana. "The Plowshare" 1 (24 November 1941): 2.

Civilian Public Service Camp Nineteen. Buck Creek, North Carolina. "Calumet" 1 (May 1942): n.p.

Civilian ?ublic Service Camp Thirty. Walhalla, Michigan. "Newsletter of Camp Walhalla" 1 (September 1942): 2.

Civilian Public Service Camp Sixty-one. Durham, North Carolina. "Service" 1 (December 1943): 2-6. Clark, Hal. Letter in The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (March 1944): 1. Gorham, Lawrence. Personal Papers.

Gray, Albert L. Letter to Methodist Men in Civilian Public Service: 20 December 1943.

Holdredge, Gene. Letter in The C.P.S. Round Table 1 (March 1944}: 1.

Holmes, Robert C. Letter to E. Keith Ewing, 12 Hay 1978.

Horton, Robert. Letter to E. Keith Ewing, 2 December 1978.

Jones, E. Stanley. "~vhat Should A Christian Do?" Pamphlet, Commission on i~orld Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.

"Memorandmn on the Methodist 'Debt of Honor.'" Florida ~f-1.:::.nf-il"' Tlni"ITOYC:if-V. Q T)of"omhoY 1Q&:;n -----·------... -~-----.J.•------··--- __ '"'..,. 156

0:--:na!!l, G. B~cmley. "C0nscience, the Church, and Corlscrip tion." Pamphlet, Commission on ~'i'orld Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d. Letter to Charles F. Boss, Jr.; 13 January 1941.

Rogers, E. W. "War and Peace in Methodism." United Methodist Archives, Lake Junaluska, North Carolina, n.d. Rooks, John J. Letter to E. Keith Ewing, 24 May 1978. Smith, John Arthur; Andresen, Bent; Malloy, John; Cooley, Charles F.; Bedenstein, Shirley F.; McDermot, Robert. Letter to the Methodist Men of Camp Mancos, 25 May 1944. Soule, Carl D. "Chaplains for Civilian Public Service CamT?s." Memorandum~ Commission on World Peace 0" The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.

"Methodist Men in Civilian Public Service." Pamphlet, Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d. "Number of Methodists in Civilian Public Service or Now Under Assignment." Memorandum, Corr...mission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, 1 December 1943. Swanson, Louis E. Letter to Rev. Zentz, 17 December 1944. Letter. 31 March 1945. "Unfinished Business For Methodists." Pamphlet, Commission on World Peace of The Methodist Church, Chicago, n.d.

Secondary Sources

'0 __ ,_.._

41\JV~.-::1

Abrams, Ray H. Preachers Present Arms. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1969.

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Directory of Civilian Public Service. Washington: The National Service Board of Religious Objectors; n,d, 157

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------:--=--.· , ed. "Highlights." Daily Christian Advocate 2 (5 May 1944): 160. 160

----=--::--· , ed. Advocate 2 (6 May 1944): 167-170 .

. , ed. "Social Creed Statement." Dailv Christian ---=--::--Advocate 2 (8 May 1944): 173.

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Pacifist Movement in the Methodist Church During World War II: a Study of Civilian Public Service Men in a Non­ Pacifist Church -

Pacifist Movement in the Methodist Church During World War II: a Study of Civilian Public Service Men in a Non Pacifist Church -