Working Title Here
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
26 October 2019 Dr John Garang Mausoleum Juba, South Sudan REGISTRATION FORM for PARTICIPANTS (Registration Is FREE)
WALK THE TALK: THE HEALTH FOR ALL CHALLENGE 2019 South Sudan participation to the Walk the Talk: 10 or 5 Kilometer Run/Walk 26 October 2019 Dr John Garang Mausoleum Juba, South Sudan REGISTRATION FORM FOR PARTICIPANTS (Registration is FREE) UN staff/personnel? Yes No If yes, specify agency: ___________________ Male Female Shirt size M L XL XXL PLEASE WRITE LEGIBLY Name: _________________________________________________________ Age: ______________ Address: ___________________________________________________________________________ Contact no.: _______________________________E-mail: _____________________________ Name of person to notify in case of emergency: ____________________________________________ Contact no.: ____________________________________________ IMPORTANT NOTES Deadline for registration for participants is Tuesday, 22 October 2019, at 12:00 noon. Distribution of shirts will be at the John Garang Mausoleum. Assembly time is 7:00 a.m. on Saturday, 26 October 2019, at the Dr John Garang Mausoleum grounds. Anyone who is well and fit can join the marathon but the medals and prizes are only reserved for South Sudanese nationals who are non-UN personnel. Submit this form to WHO office, MINISTRY OF HEALTH –Ministerial Complex, Juba, South Sudan. WAIVER I know that running or walking a road race is a potentially hazardous activity. I should not participate unless I am medically able and properly trained. I also know that, although police protection will be provided, there will be traffic on the course route. I assume the risk of running into traffic. I also assume any and all other risks associated with running this event including but not limited to falls, contact with other participants, the effects of the weather, including high heat and/or humidity, and the condition of the roads, all such risks being known and appreciated by me. -
Strategic Peacebuilding- the Role of Civilians and Civil Society in Preventing Mass Atrocities in South Sudan
SPECIAL REPORT Strategic Peacebuilding The Role of Civilians and Civil Society in Preventing Mass Atrocities in South Sudan The Cases of the SPLM Leadership Crisis (2013), the Military Standoff at General Malong’s House (2017), and the Wau Crisis (2016–17) NYATHON H. MAI JULY 2020 WEEKLY REVIEW June 7, 2020 The Boiling Frustrations in South Sudan Abraham A. Awolich outh Sudan’s 2018 peace agreement that ended the deadly 6-year civil war is in jeopardy, both because the parties to it are back to brinkmanship over a number S of mildly contentious issues in the agreement and because the implementation process has skipped over fundamental st eps in a rush to form a unity government. It seems that the parties, the mediators and guarantors of the agreement wereof the mind that a quick formation of the Revitalized Government of National Unity (RTGoNU) would start to build trust between the leaders and to procure a public buy-in. Unfortunately, a unity government that is devoid of capacity and political will is unable to address the fundamentals of peace, namely, security, basic services, and justice and accountability. The result is that the citizens at all levels of society are disappointed in RTGoNU, with many taking the law, order, security, and survival into their own hands due to the ubiquitous absence of government in their everyday lives. The country is now at more risk of becoming undone at its seams than any other time since the liberation war ended in 2005. The current st ate of affairs in the country has been long in the making. -
The Fall of Al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan
Bawader, 12th April 2019 The Fall of al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan → Magdi El-Gizouli Protests in Khartoum calling for regime change © EPA-EFE/STR What is the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) anyway, perplexed commentators and news anchors on Sudan’s government-aligned television channels asked repetitively as if bound by a spell? An anchor on the BBC Arabic Channel described the SPA as “mysterious” and “bewildering”. Most were asking about the apparently unfathomable body that has taken the Sudanese political scene by surprise since December 2018 when the ongoing wave of popular protests against President Omar al-Bashir’s 30-year authoritarian rule began. The initial spark of protests came from Atbara, a dusty town pressed between the Nile and the desert some 350km north of the capital, Khartoum. A crowd of school pupils, market labourers and university students raged against the government in response to an abrupt tripling of the price of bread as a result of the government’s removal of wheat subsidies. Protestors in several towns across the country set fire to the headquarters of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and stormed local government offices and Zakat Chamber1 storehouses taking food items in a show of popular sovereignty. Territorial separation and economic freefall Since the independence of South Sudan in 2011, Sudan’s economy has been experiencing a freefall as the bulk of its oil and government revenues withered away almost overnight. Currency depreciation, hyperinflation and dwindling foreign currency reserves coupled with the rise in the prices of good and a banking crisis with severe cash supply shortages, have all contributed to the economic crisis. -
United States Institute of Peace Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Sudan Experience Project
United States Institute of Peace Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Sudan Experience Project Interview # 19 - Executive Summary Interviewed by: Haven North Initial Interview Date: August 22, 2006 Copyright 2006 USIP & ADST The Interviewee was a high-ranking U.S. official assigned to Sudan from 1992- 95. During this time, the war between the North and the South was being “prosecuted in a brutal way” and “relief operations were being interrupted.” The U.S. “representations or charges (to both sides) were considered by both Governments “without foundation.” Therefore, “the U.S. policy was one of denouncing the excesses of the Sudanese Government, and denouncing their policies such as giving aid and refuge to terrorist organizations.” The Sudanese Government denied these charges, but came to the table to end the rebellion in the South and forge better relations with the West and the U.S. The Clinton Administration was “not as supportive of the SPLA,” but supported the IGAD, even though we did not participate in the negotiations. Former U.S. Ambassadors to Sudan Petterson and Kontos, as a private initiative, met with government and non-government representatives of the North and South. Their conclusion was that, as long as the was going on, there could be no improvement in relations with the U.S., in Sudan’s economy, or in reducing repression and human rights violations. Their recommendations were that the “U.S. should take a direct and important part in an international effort to end the war between the North and South… and reestablish a diplomatic presence. ” These recommendations were rejected by the Clinton Administration. -
3433 ISS Paper 158 New.Indd
Sudan’s foreign relations with Asia China and the politics of ‘looking east’ Daniel Large ISS Paper 158 • February 2008 Price: R15.00 Introduction isolating the role of China in Sudan, the paper seeks to show how it is a salient part of Northern Sudan’s ‘look China has featured prominently in recent international east’ foreign economic relations. In addition, while coverage of Sudan. The high–water mark of attention in no way as important as China in the economy of came with the build up to and passing of United Sudan today, India has sought to expand relations as Nations Security Council Resolution 1769 that part of its own African engagement. authorised an African Union–UN mission for Darfur. China’s vote in favour of this resolution was widely First, the paper discusses the background to relations greeted. It prompted unusually positive headlines, and the main factors that have facilitated China’s which contrasted with previous coverage of its role expansion within Sudan. Second, it surveys the nature of in Sudan (such as ‘Empowering Evil: China aids the ties between Sudan and Malaysia, India, Japan and Sudan’s killers’, Brookes 2007). Subsequent events China, with particular emphasis on economic relations. have continued to place China at the Third, it outlines China’s changing role in forefront of coverage of Sudan. This has Sudan in connection to Darfur. It traces happened for good reason given the the evolution of China’s diplomatic role, economic importance of China to Sudan the elements of continuity in its relations and that China’s Sudan engagement has Sudan has with Sudan and the development of its acquired wider significance in relation to increasingly been relations with Chad. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Congressional Record—House H2172
H2172 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE March 6, 2007 COMMUNICATION FROM THE Whereas Dr. Garang skillfully managed to tlewoman from Florida (Ms. ROS- CLERK OF THE HOUSE consolidate his base after the devastating LEHTINEN) each will control 20 minutes. split in the SPLM/A in 1991; The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- The Chair recognizes the gentleman Whereas as the undisputed leader of the from New Jersey. fore the House the following commu- SPLM/A, Dr. Garang demonstrated remark- nication from the Clerk of the House of able political and military leadership for GENERAL LEAVE Representatives: over two decades; Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I ask Whereas Dr. Garang was a soldier, a schol- unanimous consent that all Members HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, ar, a statesman, and a father, who had a Washington, DC, March 5, 2007. may have 5 legislative days to revise clear vision and unwavering love for his peo- Hon. NANCY PELOSI, and extend their remarks and include ple and country; Speaker, U.S. House of Representatives, extraneous material on the resolution Whereas Dr. Garang fought for 22 years to Washington, DC. under consideration. achieve a just peace for his people, but only DEAR MADAM SPEAKER: Pursuant to the served 21 days as First Vice President of The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there permission granted in Clause 2(h) of Rule II Sudan; objection to the request of the gen- of the Rules of the U.S. House of Representa- Whereas Dr. Garang fought not only for tleman from New Jersey? tives, the Clerk received the following mes- the people in Southern Sudan, but also for There was no objection. -
Situation Report
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 23 August 2005 Author: Mariam Jooma1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Feeding the peace: Challenges facing human security in post-Garang South Sudan2 Introduction When we started this process and when we signed the agreement on Security Arrangements, we thought we had reached the peak, the top of the hill, but then we discovered that there were more hills and we surmounted those but then we discovered there were more hills and we surmounted all those, tonight we have surmounted the last hills. There are no more hills as I talk. I believe the remaining is flat ground. But we will walk with speed rather than run, lest we fall down.3 It wasn’t long ago that throngs of well-wishers from south Sudan descended upon Khartoum to greet John Garang De Mabior, the former rebel leader and long- time Achilles’ heel of the National Congress Party (NCP) government, on the occasion of his inauguration as vice-president of Sudan. The symbolism of former enemies sharing a common political stage spoke of a society not only war- fatigued but expectant of the dividends of peace. Observers described the mood as a “rare moment of hope” for the deeply fractured country. As this situation report was being written, news of the sudden death of the new vice- president made the headlines. This event immediately called into question the durability of the most recent peace agreement, and the way forward for the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), particularly in the light of the immediate violence that erupted in Khartoum and Juba resulting in the death of some 130 people. -
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: an Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars
The Derg-SPLM/A Cooperation: An Aspect of Ethio-Sudan Proxy Wars Regassa Bayissa∗ Abstract The warm and friendly Ethio-Sudan diplomatic relations that followed Sudan’s independence in 1956 and the long standing frontier trade between the two countries have been severely damaged by the outbreak of civil wars in southern Sudan in 1955 as well as in Eritrea in 1962. As the civil wars intensified in both countries, the influx of refugees and insurgents across their common border took place. Internal political and socio-economic problems in Ethiopia and the Sudan, together with super-power rivalries in the Horn brought about periods of increasing hostilities between the two countries. On a tit for tat basis, both the Imperial and military governments of Ethiopia and the successive governments of the Sudan came to encourage and assist cross-border guerrilla forces from either side. Thus, animosity rather than cooperation characterized relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia until the fall of the Derg in 1991. Keywords: Derg, Ethio-sudan relations, SPLM/A, proxy wars Introduction The Upper Nile and Jonglei regions of Southern Sudan bordering Gambella and the Gambella region itself were intensively affected by the wars between the governments of the Sudan and the Anyanya I (the southern Sudan Guerilla group in the first civil war 1955- 1972), the SPLA (Sudan People’s Liberation Army of the second civil war 1983-2005), the Lou-Jikany conflict (1993-1994), the armed conflicts following the splits within the SPLM/A and the South Sudan Independence Movement Army (SSIM/A) 1991-2005). The Sudan governments claimed that Ethiopia was supporting the South Sudan guerrillas struggling to secede from the north while the governments of Ethiopia accused successive Sudanese governments of material and moral support to the Eritrean secessionist movements. -
Addis Ababa Agreement: Was It Destined to Fail and Are There Lessons for the Current Sudan Peace Process? In: Annales D'ethiopie
David H. Shinn Addis Ababa Agreement: was it destined to fail and are there lessons for the Current Sudan Peace Process? In: Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume 20, année 2004. pp. 239-259. Citer ce document / Cite this document : Shinn David H. Addis Ababa Agreement: was it destined to fail and are there lessons for the Current Sudan Peace Process?. In: Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume 20, année 2004. pp. 239-259. doi : 10.3406/ethio.2004.1077 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/ethio_0066-2127_2004_num_20_1_1077 Annales d'Ethiopie, 2005, vol. XX: 239-258 ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT: WAS IT DESTINED TO FAIL AND ARE THERE LESSONS FOR THE CURRENT SUDAN PEACE PROCESS? David H. Shinn Past May Be Prologue Sudan is approaching the end of a peace process whose origins in some respects began soon after the collapse in 1983 of the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement and the resumption of civil war. An estimated two million Sudanese, primarily Southerners, have died since 1983 of famine, disease and the direct consequences of the renewed fighting. Following the failure of a number of discrete peace initiatives, the Intergovernmental Authority on Deve lopment (IGAD) took responsibility in 1993 for bringing the Sudanese civil war to an end. Mediators from IGAD countries outlined in 1994 a Declaration of Principles (DOP) for ending the civil war. The DOP endorsed the right of the South to self-determination and creation of a secular society throughout the country. The Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) almost immediately accepted the DOP. The Government of Sudan (GOS) initially rejected it and only in 1997 agreed to accept it as a basis for negotiations. -
The Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives What factors contributed to the failure of the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972 Dawit Yemane Tekle [Master’s Degree Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies, History Track] UNIVERSITY OF OSLO [30 October, 2015] Preface May 2008, it was my first journey outside my home country Eritrea to Khartoum, Sudan. I lived in Sudan for 3 and half years as a refugee before I came to Norway. After staying 3 months in Khartoum as a refugee, I had the opportunity to work in Khartoum as a teacher. Sudan is the largest country in Africa and because of its natural resources the country was given the name “Mother of Africa”. Indeed the people of Sudan have been kind, helpful and hospitable to the Eritreans’ refugees who lived in Sudan for a long time. But it was my daily question why this country had suffered of civil war, starvation and corruption while the country is endowed with natural wealth. I was in Sudan when the long and bloody civil war between North and South Sudan came to an end after the referendum in 2011, in which the South Sudan became the newest African state in the world. However, still a lot of questions remained unresolved between the two nations, consequently, there were continuous confrontation over the ownership of the oil resource over the Abyei region. Therefore, it was my personal interest to study and write at an academic research on the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement, 1972. -
The Republic of South Sudan Samuel Totten
Social Education 75(4), pp 215–219 ©2011 National Council for the Social Studies The Birth of a New Nation: The Republic of South Sudan Samuel Totten In early July, the country of Sudan, wracked by civil war since the 1980s, officially split formed, the Sudan People’s Liberation into two separate nations, Sudan and South Sudan. Six months earlier, over a seven-day Movement/Army (SPLM/A). Founded period, the people in southern Sudan had voted in a national referendum on whether to in 1983, it fought for self government and secede from the North. The voters had two choices: “Separation” or “Unity.” For the equal rights for the people of the South. vote to be valid, 60 percent of registered voters had to participate. For the referendum During the brutal civil war, southern vil- to pass, a simple majority had to vote in favor of independence. lages were destroyed, southerners were enslaved, churches were wrecked, and The referendum came about as a the South, extracting both oil and water at traditional religious practices suppressed result of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace will, and refused to invest the oil revenues by forces fighting for the North. Agreement signed between the North in southern Sudan. South Sudan is one of (whose population is predominantly the least developed and most poverty- The Comprehensive Peace Arab and Muslim) and the South (whose stricken regions in the world. According to Agreement population largely identify as African and the World Bank, in the North, 46 percent A long series of diplomatic efforts are mostly Christians and followers of live below the poverty line, in the South throughout the 1990s by leaders from traditional animist religions).