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Download Printable Version of Entire Document (PDF) 95th Congress, 1st Session House Document 95-258 Ninety-Fifth Congress of the United States of America at the first session Begun and held at the City of Washington on Tuesday, the fourth day of January, one thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven House Concurrent Resolution 182 Resolved by theHouse of Representatives (the Senate concurring) ,That there be printed as a House document the pamphlet entitled "Black Americans in Congress." Passed November 3, 1977 Black Americans in Congress 1870-1977 Foreword The forty-five Black Americans who served or are serv- asmuch as itsignalled the newer thrust of Black women ing inthe United States Congress stand out on two counts. in American political life. Intheir membership they reflect the richness and variety The forty-five Blacks who came to.Congress over the that characterize American political life. Of even more past century brought with them an impressive array of importance, —they personify the best in the American politi- technical and political skills. Of the twenty-two who sat cal tradition whether in their demonstrated abilities as in Congress prior to 1900, ten of them had college train- public servants; whether in their zeal for racial justice ing; and the others had acquired a functional education and equality; or whether in their interest ina broad range through self-instruction. But whether formally— educated of national questions and international concerns. or otherwise,— these twenty-two legislators with few Blacks inCongress— have represented a cross section of its exceptions either had held public offices of honor and total membership in essence, a Congress in microcosm. trust before their election to Congress orhad had unusual Granted that Blacks— did not break the Congressional color opportunities to prepare themselves for leadership roles. line until 1870 when inFebruary of that year Hiram R. The twenty-three Black Members of Congress since 1900 Revels of Mississippi was sworn in as a Senator, his ex- have likewise been well-fitted for public office. Unlike ample followed- ten months later by Joseph H. Rainey of their predecessors, allof whom had represented Southern South Carolina, who took a seat in the House of Repre- constituencies, these later and more geographically sentatives. From the time of these path-breakers the varied Blacks have come out of a somewhat less stifling Blacks who would sit inCongress would cut across party social milieu. Hence they had attained an even higher lines, some of them adhering to the party of Abraham level of formal education and had benefited from a much Lincoln, others to that of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Prior greater opportunity to gain experience in holding public to the turn of the century, these Black legislators all came office. It can hardly be said that anyone, white or non- from below the Mason-Dixon Line; but since then, the white, would be over-qualified to serve in such an in- Black membership of Congress has come from the four fluential body as the United States Senate and House of corners of the continental United States. For Blacks in Representatives. It can be said, however, that anyone Congress the sex barrier was breached in the elections who examines the vitas of the Blacks who now hold seats of 1968; a belated step, but all the more welcome in- on CapitolHillcannot fail to conclude that their abilities fullyentitle them tomembership therein. of the imperatives ofgetting a billenacted, Congressional The Black Members of Congress have, over the years, Blacks need no schooling in the art of coalition politics. directed their energies to a variety of interests and con- As one of their current members put it, "Where our cerns. Foremost among these from the beginning was causes benefit by coalition politics, we shall coalesce." civilrights and Federal aid to education. Black lawmak- This effort at cooperative action reached itspeak when, ers could also be counted upon to support social welfare in January 1969, the Black members of the House, all measures, such as public health legislation —one of their Democrats, launched the Congressional Black Caucus. longtime goals. By their very nature such programs would The avowed aim of the organization was to "promote benefit the poor regardless of race or color. Well the public welfare," which was to be accomplished by acquainted with the restrictions on the rights of minori- "developing, introducing, and passing progressive legis- ties, Congressional Blacks spoke out for self determina- lation designed to meet the needs of millions of neglected tion for the American Indian and for women's suffrage. citizens." This was proved to be no idle boast. Inits short Oppression in other lands drew fire from Blacks in span of years to date the Black Caucus has compiled an Congress. In the 1870's they espoused Cuban independ- impressive record of measures passed or defeated, and of ence from Spanish rule. Inthe 1970's they are exhibiting executive appointments approved or denied. a deepening concern about events in Africa, their dual From that winter afternoon when Revels took his seat aim to extend governmental financial aid to the eco- in the Senate, a small percentage of Blacks has expected nomically undeveloped countries on that Continent and more from these Black legislators than they could ever to support the efforts to bring about majority rule in deliver (or indeed could be delivered through the politi- Rhodesia and the Union of South Africa. cal process alone) . To the great majority of Blacks, how- In pursuit of their goals -through legislative action, ever, this corps of nearly half a hundred Congressmen Congressional— Blacks have not hesitated to cooperate and Congresswomen has inspired a deep sense of racial with others with progressive groups, white and black, pride and self-worth. These legislators, all but two of throughout —the country, and with white colleagues on whom have come from predominantly black districts, Capitol Hill particularly those who come from districts were a living proof that Blacks could produce an able with a sizeable Afro-American constituency. Well aware leadership of their own. Moreover, their presence in the halls of Congress made their Black— constituents feel that duce a bill (in the House inDecember 1890) stipulating they were more than bystanders they were participants, that $100,000 be appropriated "For the purpose of col- however vicariously, in the political process. lecting, preparing, and publishing facts and statistics Congressional— Blacks have one role that is thrust upon pertaining to the moral, industrial, and intellectual de- them a role which they welcome as a rule, however. velopment and progress of the colored people of African These legislators come from different States and districts, descent residing in the United States." Cheatham's pro- and thus from localities with differing, or even compet- posal died in committee —he was the lone Black Mem- ing, priorities. As other lawmakers who come to Wash- ber of that particular Congress. ington, each of the Congressional Blacks must be atten- This over-arching need of the black community as a tive to the wishes and demands of his/her particular whole tended to give Congressional Blacks a more in- district. While keeping their own home fires burning, clusive outlook, a deeper sensitivity, than otherwise however, Congressional Blacks are simultaneously called would have been the case. For whether a Congressional upon to represent the broader national black community. Black came from the East Coast, the West Coast, or The relative number of Afro-Americans who sit in Con- Middle America, or whether a Democrat or a Republi- gress is so small that a Black Member automatically takes can, he or she would inevitably— be caught in the sweep on unusual— proportions, acquiring a national con- of one^ compelling purpose to broaden the dimensions stituency the black community-at-large. The Congres- of democracy in America, giving it new expressions. In sional Blacks have not shunned this broader responsi- the process the Congressional Blacks— as a group would bility. Those of the present day, for example, have not lose sight of a collateral goal that of enlarging the worked to make the birthday of Martin Luther King, domain of democracy abroad, especially in those regions Jr., a national holiday. It was such a sense of broad most deeply ridden by lines of caste and color. responsibility that prompted nineteenth century Con- This booklet brings into individual focus this goodly gressional Blacks like Robert Brown Elliott and James company of forty-five Black achievers and overcomers, T. Rapier to support strongly civilrights legislation; to movers and shakers. Herein we will find a gallery of impel George H. White to call for a Federal anti- notable Americans,— persons worthy of our attention in lynching act; and to move Henry P. Cheatham to intro- any season and especially in these Bicentennial times. — Inthem we see much of this Nation's past and, perchance, lective purpose a will to press on in quest of a better catch a glimpse of its future. America. In looking at the likenesses of these Congres- Each of these Congressional Blacks has a dramatic sional Blacks, so graphically reproduced in this booklet, story of his/her own to tell,and it would repay us to take we see more than a collection of countenances, however a look at each face reflectively, to read each biographical impressive. With our mind's eye, we see men and women sketch, and to try to envision that particular person who lived, then and now, on the cutting edge of the against the backdrop of that day and time. This done, the future. reader might dwell for a moment on the things they shared in common. Such an inquisitive reader would BENJAMIN QUARLES discover that foremost among these was a sense of col- Morgan State University Contents Page Name Years Served 10 James E.
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