FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING MOODABIDRI TEMPLES AS PUBLIC PLACES Pratyush Shankar Lecturer, Faculty of Architecture CEPT University, Ahmedabad, January 15, 2006

INTRODUCTION Public places in India have been part and parcel of the religious and commerce related of the city. Often, the spaces around religious structures have been loosely referred as privatized public spaces. But such broad generalizations for Indian or Asian medieval city will be erroneous. For example in terms of urban morphology, traditional temple towns in South India (Chidambaram, Padmanbhampuram) are very different from the ones in Gujarat and Rajasthan (Dakor, Nathdwara, Pushkar). There is a need for a more detailed inquiry to discover the nature of public places in traditional Indian towns1. Many parts of India have experienced certain continuity in social and cultural practices including those of architecture and it influences the way public and neighborhood spaces are shaped and used. Well formulated social structure and tradition are guarantors to continuity to articulated publics spaces in places like Old Delhi (Kostof 1991: 64).

The western notions of public place cannot be used as a direct reference while studying the same in India. Public places in the post war Europe and North America were often seen to fulfill the charter of freedom of action with the right to stay inactive along with that of rituals (Kostof 1992:12). Its interesting how the charter of is of prime concern in Indian cities. One of the ways to better understand Indian concept of public place, can be by analysing the spaces around religious structures in towns that have had certain continuity in built form traditions

The built form provides setting for the rituals of life of both religious and secular nature. Our area of interest lies in discovering the principles of built form organization that eventually creates the stage for the public life of the place. Traditional study on temple architecture have more or less concentrated on the object (temple) and its features. But public life happens in the residue or the space that object creates around itself

1 Traditional Indian town here refers to ones that have had continuity in their built form traditions

1 The paper concentrates on looking at the built form characteristics of the Jain temples from the point of view of its interaction with the negative space or the residue. The premise being that the nature of temple organization and its interaction with the space around is a reflection of the historical attitude of the community towards collective values, belief systems and their politics of faith. Construction legacy of the region from both vernacular and classical traditions are also factors that influence the public place making characteristics of the temple groups of Moodabidri

ROOT INFLUENCES – IDEALS OF HINDU TEMPLE ARCHITECTURE The concept of the Hindu temple, provided in various texts starting from the vedic traditions are a good start point for discovering indicators to the attitude towards the residual and surrounding space. The assumption here being that the building tradition have conceptually continued certain aspects of the Hindu temple. The nature of these texts apparently is a description of process of making of a definite objects (temple). Whereas the intention of the canons are to help establish a favorable relationship with the sacred world2, the methods to achieve it are fairly definite and object oriented. The vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala, the diagram of the temple, is a yantra. A yantra is a geometrical contrivance by which any aspect of th Supreme Principles may be bound to any spot for the purpose of worship. (Kramrisch 1976: 11). Some of these conceptual ideas on temple building need further discussion from the point of view of our interest

Engagement of the horizontal plane Bhū, the earth, is considered the main vāstu, it is the underlying stratum of existence. (Kramrisch 1976: 21). The concern here is regarding the engagement of the ground plane. Whatever is left never deserves an important mention. The space around is actually treated as residue. This is an interesting concept as it further reinforces the idea objectification of the temple along with its parts -that the temple is a definite tangible physical artifact. The place making ideals associated with the temple are supposedly of sacred nature, activated at a mental plane and hence do not deserve a mention in physical terms here

Vertical release from garbhagṛha The concepts in texts discussing the issues of the superstructure as a vertical release from the

2 Using Niels Gutshcow's terminology that he used to describe the function of square in Bhaktapur, Nepal

2 garbhagṛha are important from the point of view of creation of space around this vertical axis. The space around gets an indirect definition the moment vertical object is placed in empty space. Again a direct reference is not made, but consequences of the main concept of vertical release does lead to creation of a surrounding space. But it is important, as the object (temple with its superstructure) can only be perceived if there is a void around (the surrounding open space). There is no clear mention about the negative space that is created around the temple.

CONCEPTS OF SPACE As evident from the discussions above the space around is of prime concern to study place making concepts in Jain temples. The historical ideas on concept of space can prove to be another area of investigation for us. Is their such a thing as Indian concept of space? If yes is it a universal concept that holds good in different time and space? The built form and hence place making traditions in the Indian sub continents are unique from the point of view of its genesis, evolution and spread.

However it is important to note that a mere physical analysis and understanding of the space is not enough. For example different communities can perceive the same physical space differently (mental space). Separation between inner and outer space identified respectively with spiritual and material, is a rather modern conception (Panikker 1991: 10).

The ideas on concepts of space can be looked in to more depth in context with Jain philosophies and practices. The concepts of pañcamahābhūtas are important indicators that can be understood to discover the attitude towards space. The understanding of ākāśa in , and can provide a good start point

In Hindu concept of space is seen bounded between the earth and the sky. Space is not a void- it is an substance, subtle, quintessential substance perceptible sensorially (Kramrisch 1991:101-2). The concept of ākāśa in Jain philosophies is slightly different. “ākāśa is not an element but it is the space that allows dharma (medium of motion), adharma (medium of rest), pudgala (matter) and jīva to remain itself”.(Mirasdar 1994: 122) So ākāśa is perceived here more as a space that only accommodates like a container and is not treated as an element like in Hinduism. This is an important departure in Jain concepts of pañcamahābhūtas, from Hinduism which treats ākāśa as an element

3 Similarly the idea of space in Buddhist philosophy is linked with that of motion. (Pingle 1994: 97 ). It is interesting to note here the importance given to the ritual of pradakṣiṇa in sacred spaces in Buddhism. Figure 1 shows the plan of Likir monastery in Ladakh with the layer of pattern created by movement of the believers (Shankar 2005: 86). The organization of the monastery complex, which is that of segregated units connected with open spaces supports the idea of movement and is very close reflection of the philosophical concept of ākāśa in Buddhist texts

Figure 1: Plan of Likir Monastery, Ladakh showing ritual movement pattern and built

So does the concept of ākāśa in Jain philosophy which is different from that in Hinduism, influence the organization principles in their temple complexes? It is important to understand the spatial organization principles of Jain temples in India to do so. The hypothesis can be partially tested by a detailed morphological study of the Jain temples at Moodabidri

The concept and practice of pradakṣiṇa or pilgrimage could be another factor that can influence open spaces. Pradakṣiṇa has often been considered as means of linking historical, social and spatial heterogeneity in certain town of the sub-continents (Gutschow 1979: 62). It was beyond the scope of

4 this study to document and correlate pradakṣiṇa with physical space

BELIEF SYSTEM The rejection and hence negation of the caste system in early Jainism, is another important aspect of the belief structure that should affect the nature of public open spaces. Space in and around the temple complex are the staging ground for public life of the place. The fact that caste specific control of the temple premise is non existent, itself is a very important democratic gesture within the community. As we will see in the study of the temples further that this attitude results in more accessible, open and clear gestures of public places which avoids the multiplicity approach towards spaces as is the case with spaces in religious complexes in Hindu temples. Principles of multiplicity in spaces are used in varying degree and form in Indian cities and especially in sacred Hindu towns (Benares, Pushkar and Chidambaram are good examples of such towns), which adds lot of life and orderly chaos to our cities. But the same principle also becomes a tool by certain community groups to control and privatize the space3

The social political setup ensures that historically there is an element of immediacy between the Jain community and the sacred space which has been molded and controlled by them There are no middlemen or agents of God in between (community and space), as theoretically the relationship between the two is direct and not subject to varied interpretation

THE TEMPLES AT MOODABIDRI Relationship between land, water, institutions and houses The relationship of the sacred built form with the landscape is important from the point of view of the experiential qualities of the place. Figure 2 shows the regional topographical features of the Moodabidri temple region. The layers of water and wet area, green cover and settlement are shown in different colors. It is very clear that the relationship between the Basadi street and the natural features is a special one. Basadi street lies between two rivulets (wet areas).It is difficult to predict that this gesture of location of street was formally based on any special consideration or is only incidental .

3 Here word privatize refers to control of space by a small group and not necessarily in an economic sense

5 Figure 2 : The Moodabidri settlement in the regional landscape

Whatever the reason be for the genesis of the morphology, one thing is clear that the sacred public realm does not formally engage the landscape which could lead to certain of special places that recognize and celebrate the landscape. An example here of the Hindu temple towns and settlement will help. Although no rigorous studies have been done to document the morphological relationship of the settlement with natural features, a glance at towns of Chidambaram, Barkur, Pushlar and Dakor does amply demonstrate as to how natural features (especially water elements) are engaged in the overall settlement plan. Hindu towns seem to celebrate the presence of water by way of special gestures such as step wells, steps, ghats and sacred grooves

It is interesting to note that in spite of a very special location of the Basadi streets between two water bodies, the response to it it very measured and subtle, expressed only by the presence of a small tank at the beginning of the street. The public realm does not extend or culminate near water bodies or grooves.

The other notable aspect of the settlement is the lack of clustering of residential fabric around the temple. The community is around the temple but it is not physically surrounding it. Historically no agglomeration has happened around the temple precinct in the from of either residence or commerce. The local community does not control the faith or religious activity. They are not the link between the great teacher and the people even if they are the sponsors. This is an important departure as compared to Hindu temple town settlements where the pattern is to agglomerate around a center. Commerce and

6 residence are important features of Hindu temple precincts. Build-up to the main shrines, hierarchy in spaces and climax are important features in Hindu temple town. The morphology of these towns reflects this multiplicity and apparent disorder4.

The street organization leading to the main temples is most interesting in Moodabidri, from the point of view of its simplicity and clear expression. Basadi street is the most important street as it connects the five most important temples of the place, but still their is no build up towards a center, neither any hierarchy expressed within the street nor any strong gestures in form to suggest its importance. Scales5 and symbols are used to indicate the importance of the place in a very subtle manner. See figure 3, which shows a very linear relationship between the street and the temples.

This seems to be a very simple organization but in settlement terms it is not very easy to achieve. The community has resisted the temptation to draw any reference from hierarchical public spaces like that of Indian Hindu temple towns (Pieper 1979: 65) as a result, the Basadi street of Moodabidri have a very linear spatial texture. The settlement does not have a strong center, which why it is very interesting. Concentric intent with a center occupied by government of religious institutions has been seen as a general condition in most of the pre-industrial city (Kostof 1991: 182).

Figure 3: The non-hierarchical public open spcae Is it possible that the teaching and practice in Jainism are so clear and unambiguous that there seem to be no apparent need to use or manipulate public space to emphasize a center or culmination point? This

4 Disorder is only of visual nature, but the inner structure that controls has order 5 Size of the open space between Parshwanath and Vikram Shetty temples gets slightly increased to emphasize their relative importance

7 could be an interesting possibilities from the point of view of the politics of the place making as well. Are public places in traditional Indian cities a reflection of the structure that already exists or is it manipulated to create an illusion of something that the society is missing and searching for?

Fore court as void The Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi (Sri Ara Mallimunisuvrutha Swamy Temple) at Moodababidri are very important from the point of view of their overall organization and their placement in space. The two temples have a very interesting feature of a foreground before the main temple complex. See figure 4 showing the two temples with the foreground shaded. This addition of the open space is interesting from the point of view of recognizing the void as an important condition before the temple. As discussed earlier the concept of space in Jainism recognizes the universal spatial value (that of a space as a container) of it. The negative space is not elemental but a void, as it creates the condition for existence of the main temple. There is clarity in expression of the void like a clear fore court that is not surrounded by any other building form6. The foreground is not defined by any architectural means, seemingly free flowing space and definitely not leftover or accidental. See figure 5 which shows a section of this condition

Figure 4: The foreground of Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi

Again we see a pattern here of purposefully not creating dramatic, spatially gripping conditions before

6 The clear expression of the open space in front of the temple is quite in contrast with the fore courts of Hindu temples which are often formed by contained and formalised by shops or residence

8 or around the temple. Moreover the nature of space co-relates to the philosophical concept of space in pañcamahābhūtas. It could be interesting to see if this concept of space will hold good in other Jain temple complexes of India

Figure 5 section showing the foreground in front of Derma Shetty Basadi temple The entrance structure In terms of spatial quality, the entrance building of all the temple complex play a very significant role. Looking at figure 6 and 7 one can very easily conclude that it is the entrance building that sets the tone in defining the spaces by its orientation, type and form. The contribution of the entrance building in creating a sense of place for public activity is more than the main shrine which might be true for many other regional temples as well. It is not for utility alone as its primarily function is that of space definition and creation of certain kind of space on both side. Its size does not change much from small to large temples in terms of its proportions and nor does it become more elaborate or complex as a plan. In fact this approach towards the entrance structure is more or less similar to the one in of South and Kerala Hindu temples. Barkur temples have similar entrance buildings.

The most important departure of the Jain temples of the region is in the manner in which temple space is organized inside the boundary walls within the premises. The temples unlike lot of Hindu temples of the region do not transform as complexes even if they are important. The number of other elements apart from the main shrine and entrance building are bare minimum. Living quarters, store rooms, guest rooms, etc. are not part of the temples premise. There is less ingression of other activities in Jain temples which is in contrast with the Hindu temples of the region, that may have caretaker staying inside the complex, and lot of other ancillary activities happening through out the day. The Hindu temples are extension of the life of the city, where the social hierarchy in the city is extended and

9 reinforced in the temples7. The Jain temple make a departure at this point as the temples are very clear in spatial conception – that of the boundary and a main shrine in the center. See figure 8 and 9. The spaces do not seemed to be privatized by a certain section of a community, they appear to be very accessible, neutral and more supportive of public activities. As discussed before the non-hierarchical Jain community is not faced with pressure of social politics as in the case of Hindu community. The community control of the Hindu temple has been an integral aspect of Indian psyche. Moreover the religious rituals in Jain do not call for presence of many paraphernalia in the temple compound

Figure 6 & 7: Entrance as place making structures of Derma Shetty and Vikram Shetty(right) temples

Figure 8 & 9 : The minimum structures in Leppad Basadi (left) as compared to a 'complex' situation Ammanavra Basadi

7 This also adds lot of character to the inside the Hindu temple , making it chaotic, colorful and full of surprises very much like the city outside.

10 In Moodabadri we can derive two main categories of temple types in terms of their space making principles

The original type Lepad Basadi and Derma Shetty Basadi (Sri Ara Mallimunisuvrutha Swamy Temple) These two examples are very important from the point of view of place making principles. The idea of the foreground as a void is very interesting and unique in these two examples. Inside the temple complex bare minimum structures are built. The void around the temple is left as it is, even though the temple is bounded by a wall. The negative space is an important feature around the main shrine. The entrance structure is used in a very simple and proportionate manner8 to divide spaces both inside as well as outside

First transformations Parshwwnath, Vikram Shetty Basadi, Ammanarva and Tribhuvan Tilak Chudamani Temple The foreground is not preferred but a slightly enlarged chowk is formed in front of the temples. The temple complex inside gets some more structures apart from the main shrine and the entrance structure becomes slightly more elaborate and higher

It will be interesting to see how does the aspects of place making around these temple complex correlate with the socio-political history of Jainism in the region. It is clear that Moodabidri Jain temple groups are important from the point of view of their expression of public place, which shows some unique attitude towards landscape, public realm(streets) and the overall temple organization

Bibliography Books: Kramrisch, Stella., 1976, The Hindu Temple, Volume 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi Kostof, Spiro., 1991, The City Shaped, Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History, Thames and Hudson, London Kostof, Spiro., 1992, The City Assembled, The Elements of Urban Form Through history, Thames and Hudson, London

8 A very low single floor structure form the entrance building

11 Edited volumes: Panikker, R, 1991, “There is no outer space without inner space” In: Vatsyayan Kapila (ed.).“Concepts of space; ancient and modern” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp.-6-36 Kramrisch, Stella, 1991, “Space in Indian Cosmogony and Architecture” In: Vatsyayan Kapila (ed.).“Concepts of space; ancient and modern” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp. 101-115 Mirasdar, Mangala, 1995, “The concepts of great element in Jain cosmology”In: Vatsyayan Kapila (ed.).“Prakriti, The Integral Vision” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp. 121- 126 Pingle, Pratibha, 1995, “The Mahabhutas: The Buddhist Approach”: Vatsyayan Kapila (ed.).“Prakriti, The Integral Vision” Indira Gandhi National center for the Arts, New Delhi, pp. 97-106

Articles: Gutschow, Niels.,1979-80, “Function of square in Bhaktapur”. AARP: Art and archeology research papers No- 15-17, pp. 57-64 Pieper, Jan.,1979-80, “The spatial structure of Suchindram”. AARP: Art and archeology research papers No- 15-17, pp. 65-77 Shankar, Pratyush., October 2006, “The Monastery of Likir, Ladakh”. A+D, Architecture plus design., pp-81-86

Illustration Credits: Figure 1 drawn by Anar Memon for her undergraduate thesis which was guided by the author Figure 2 and 3 drawn by Dhaval Limachia using google earth images All other drawings are part of the Related study Program guided by the author and drawn by students of 2001 batch of Faculty of Architecture, CEPT University Ahmedabad. However new layers of information has been added by Dhaval Limbachia

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