Inalienable Possession in Amele a Role and Reference Grammar Account
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Animacy and Alienability: a Reconsideration of English
Running head: ANIMACY AND ALIENABILITY 1 Animacy and Alienability A Reconsideration of English Possession Jaimee Jones A Senior Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation in the Honors Program Liberty University Spring 2016 ANIMACY AND ALIENABILITY 2 Acceptance of Senior Honors Thesis This Senior Honors Thesis is accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation from the Honors Program of Liberty University. ______________________________ Jaeshil Kim, Ph.D. Thesis Chair ______________________________ Paul Müller, Ph.D. Committee Member ______________________________ Jeffrey Ritchey, Ph.D. Committee Member ______________________________ Brenda Ayres, Ph.D. Honors Director ______________________________ Date ANIMACY AND ALIENABILITY 3 Abstract Current scholarship on English possessive constructions, the s-genitive and the of- construction, largely ignores the possessive relationships inherent in certain English compound nouns. Scholars agree that, in general, an animate possessor predicts the s- genitive while an inanimate possessor predicts the of-construction. However, the current literature rarely discusses noun compounds, such as the table leg, which also express possessive relationships. However, pragmatically and syntactically, a compound cannot be considered as a true possessive construction. Thus, this paper will examine why some compounds still display possessive semantics epiphenomenally. The noun compounds that imply possession seem to exhibit relationships prototypical of inalienable possession such as body part, part whole, and spatial relationships. Additionally, the juxtaposition of the possessor and possessum in the compound construction is reminiscent of inalienable possession in other languages. Therefore, this paper proposes that inalienability, a phenomenon not thought to be relevant in English, actually imbues noun compounds whose components exhibit an inalienable relationship with possessive semantics. -
The Power of Locality Domains in Phonology∗
The Power of Locality Domains in Phonology∗ Thomas Graf Stony Brook University Abstract Domains play an integral role in linguistic theories. This paper com- bines locality domains with current work on the computational complex- ity of phonology. The first result is that if a specific formalism — Strictly Piecewise (SP) grammars — is supplemented with a mechanism to enforce first-order definable domain restrictions, its power increases so much that it subsumes almost the full hierarchy of subregular languages. However, if domain restrictions are based on linguistically natural intervals, one in- stead obtains an empirically more adequate model. On the on hand, this model subsumes only those subregular classes that have been argued to be relevant for phonotactic generalizations. On the other hand, it excludes unnatural generalizations that involve counting or elaborate conditionals. It is also shown that SP grammars with interval-based domains are theo- retically learnable unlike SP grammars with arbitrary, first-order domains. Keywords: locality, phonological domains, first-order logic, tiers, sub- regular hierarchy, strictly piecewise, learnability 1 Introduction It has been known for a long time that the phonological systems of natural lan- guages are finite-state in nature and thus generate regular languages (Johnson 1972; Kaplan and Kay 1994). However, this characterization is insufficent in the sense that phonological dependencies instantiate much simpler patterns — the ∗I am greatly indebted to two anonymous reviewers and the editors of this issue. Their de- tailed feedback led to major changes that, hopefully, have resulted in a much more accessible and phonologically grounded paper. This paper has also profited tremendously from regular discussions of subregular phonology with Alëna Aksënova, Hyunah Baek, Aniello De Santo, and Chikako Takahashi. -
Toward a Shared Syntax for Shifted Indexicals and Logophoric Pronouns
Toward a Shared Syntax for Shifted Indexicals and Logophoric Pronouns Mark Baker Rutgers University April 2018 Abstract: I argue that indexical shift is more like logophoricity and complementizer agreement than most previous semantic accounts would have it. In particular, there is evidence of a syntactic requirement at work, such that the antecedent of a shifted “I” must be a superordinate subject, just as the antecedent of a logophoric pronoun or the goal of complementizer agreement must be. I take this to be evidence that the antecedent enters into a syntactic control relationship with a null operator in all three constructions. Comparative data comes from Magahi and Sakha (for indexical shift), Yoruba (for logophoric pronouns), and Lubukusu (for complementizer agreement). 1. Introduction Having had an office next to Lisa Travis’s for 12 formative years, I learned many things from her that still influence my thinking. One is her example of taking semantic notions, such as aspect and event roles, and finding ways to implement them in syntactic structure, so as to advance the study of less familiar languages and topics.1 In that spirit, I offer here some thoughts about how logophoricity and indexical shift, topics often discussed from a more or less semantic point of view, might have syntactic underpinnings—and indeed, the same syntactic underpinnings. On an impressionistic level, it would not seem too surprising for logophoricity and indexical shift to have a common syntactic infrastructure. Canonical logophoricity as it is found in various West African languages involves using a special pronoun inside the finite CP complement of a verb to refer to the subject of that verb. -
A Computational Model of Cognitive Constraints in Syntactic Locality
A COMPUTATIONAL MODEL OF COGNITIVE CONSTRAINTS IN SYNTACTIC LOCALITY A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Marisa Ferrara Boston January 2012 c 2012 Marisa Ferrara Boston ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A COMPUTATIONAL MODEL OF COGNITIVE CONSTRAINTS IN SYNTACTIC LOCALITY Marisa Ferrara Boston, Ph.D. Cornell University 2012 This dissertation is broadly concerned with the question: how do human cognitive limitations influence difficult sentences? The focus is a class of grammatical restrictions, locality con- straints. The majority of relations between words are local; the relations between question words and their governors are not. Locality constraints restrict the formation of these non-local dependencies. Though necessary, the origin, operation, and scope of locality constraints is a controversial topic in the literature. The dissertation describes the implementation of a computational model that clarifies these issues. The model tests, against behavioral data, a series of cognitive constraints argued to account for locality. The result is an explanatory model predictive of a variety of cross-linguistic locality data. The model distinguishes those cognitive limitations that affect locality processing, and addresses the competence-performance debate by determining how and when cognitive constraints explain human behavior. The results provide insight into the nature of locality constraints, and promote language models sensitive to human cognitive limitations. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Marisa Ferrara Boston (nee´ Marisa Angela Ferrara) was born January 26, 1981 in Painesville, Ohio. She received a Bachelor of Arts degree in Individualized Studies from Eastern Michigan University in 2001, and a Master of Arts degree in English Linguistics from Eastern Michigan University in 2005. -
Native American and Indigenous Philosophy
NEWSLETTER | The American Philosophical Association Native American and Indigenous Philosophy SPRING 2020 VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 FROM THE MANAGING EDITOR Agnes B. Curry SUBMISSION GUIDELINES AND INFORMATION ARTICLE Andrea Sullivan-Clarke Empowering Relations: An Indigenous Understanding of Allyship BOOK REVIEWS Brian Burkhart: Indigenizing Philosophy through the Land: A Trickster Methodology for Decolonizing Environmental Ethics and Indigenous Futures Reviewed by Joseph Len Miller Indigenous Philosophy, Locality, and Dance: A Joint Review of Shay Welch, The Phenomenology of a Performance Knowledge System: Dancing with Native American Epistemology, and Brian Burkhart, Indigenizing Philosophy through the Land: A Trickster Methodology for Decolonizing Environmental Ethics and Indigenous Futures Reviewed by Dennis H. McPherson and J. Douglas Rabb Shay Welch: The Phenomenology of a Performance Knowledge System: Dancing with Native American Epistemology Reviewed by Lorraine Mayer VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 SPRING 2020 © 2020 BY THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION ISSN 2155-9708 APA NEWSLETTER ON Native American and Indigenous Philosophy AGNES B. CURRY, EDITOR VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 | SPRING 2020 FROM THE MANAGING EDITOR SUBMISSION GUIDELINES AND Agnes B. Curry INFORMATION UNIVERSITY OF SAINT JOSEPH, CONNECTICUT We invite you to submit your work for consideration for In this newsletter we offer first an article by Andrea Sullivan- publication in the Newsletter on Native American and Clarke of Windsor University in Canada. In “Empowering Indigenous Philosophy. We welcome comments and Relations” she critically considers recent discussions responses to work published in this or past issues. We also of allyship and the limitations inherent in them, so as to welcome work that speaks to philosophical, professional build a less ethically naïve concept for allying work with and community concerns regarding Native American and indigenous peoples and communities. -
Locality Constraints It Is Instructive to Compare Overt Movement Like Wh-Movement and QR, Which Is a Type of Covert Movement
PLIN3004/PLING218 Advanced Semantic Theory Lecture Notes: Week 10 Quantifiers sometimes take scope in places different from where they appear on the surface. One such case is the inverse scope reading of (1), which we discussed in Lecture 9. (1) Someone likes everyone. This shows that the scope of a quantifier is not completely determined by the surface form of the sentence. However, at the same time, it is known that quantifier scope is quite constrained in natural language. In order to understand such constraints, we adopt here the hypothesis that quantifier scope is determined by the covert movement operation Quantifier Raising (QR), and constraints on quantifier scope are constraints on QR. As we will see, the discussion is largely open-ended, but it is clear that there are some peculiar properties of quantifier scope in natural languages that we need to explain. 1 Locality Constraints It is instructive to compare overt movement like wh-movement and QR, which is a type of covert movement. As you have learned in syntax modules, wh-movement is known to be subject to a number of locality constraints known as island constraints. Here are two examples of island constraints: (2) Complex NP Island *Which novel did somebody meet a man that has read t? (3) Coordinate Structure Island *Which novel did somebody [read t and watched TV] before going to bed? Interestingly, quantifier scope seems to be subject to these constraints as well. For example, every novel cannot take scope over somebody in the following examples. (4) Complex NP Island Somebody met a man that has read every novel. -
The Articulatory Basis of Locality in Phonology
The Articulatory Basis of Locality in Phonology by Adamantios I. Gafos Notes: 1. This dissertation has been published by Garland Publishing, Inc., New York, 1999. 2. Copyright © 1999 Adamantios I. Gafos. ISBN 0-8153-3286-6 3. How to navigate through this document. The entire dissertation is comprised of 8 separate pdf files broken into chapters, bibliography and index for the benefit of users who have a slow internet connection. Hyperlinks to each chapter (Chapter 1, 2, 3, etc.), bibliography and index are found in the Contents (Table of Contents) page of this file. The hyperlinks are high-lighted with either a magenta or blue colored text. A hyperlink ( ) located on the upper right- hand corner of Page 1 of each chapter links that chapter back to this page. Dedication to my parents, Ioannis and Ioanna and to my sisters, Anthippi and Ioulia v vi Contents Preface ....................................................... xi Acknowledgments ............................................. xiii Illustrations ...................................................xv Abbreviations ................................................xvii Chapter 1: Introduction 1. Central Thesis ................................................3 2. Theoretical Background ........................................10 2.1 Gestures in Articulatory Phonology .....................11 2.2 Specific Assumptions ................................16 3. Organization of the Dissertation ................................ 21 Notes ........................................................24 Chapter -
Inalienable Possession in Swedish and Danish – a Diachronic Perspective 27
FOLIA SCANDINAVICA VOL. 23 POZNAŃ 20 17 DOI: 10.1515/fsp - 2017 - 000 5 INALIENABLE POSSESSI ON IN SWEDISH AND DANISH – A DIACHRONIC PERSP ECTIVE 1 A LICJA P IOTROWSKA D OMINIKA S KRZYPEK Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań A BSTRACT . In this paper we discuss the alienability splits in two Mainland Scandinavian language s, Swedish and Danish, in a diachronic context. Although it is not universally acknowledged that such splits exist in modern Scandinavian languages, many nouns typically included in inalienable structures such as kinship terms, body part nouns and nouns de scribing culturally important items show different behaviour from those considered alienable. The differences involve the use of (reflexive) possessive pronouns vs. the definite article, which differentiates the Scandinavian languages from e.g. English. As the definite article is a relatively new arrival in the Scandinavian languages, we look at when the modern pattern could have evolved by a close examination of possessive structures with potential inalienables in Old Swedish and Old Danish. Our results re veal that to begin with, inalienables are usually bare nouns and come to be marked with the definite article in the course of its grammaticalization. 1. INTRODUCTION One of the striking differences between the North Germanic languages Swedish and Danish on the one hand and English on the other is the possibility to use definite forms of nouns without a realized possessive in inalienable possession constructions. Consider the following examples: 1 The work on this paper was funded by the grant Diachrony of article systems in Scandi - navian languages , UMO - 2015/19/B/HS2/00143, from the National Science Centre, Poland. -
'Appositive Possession in Ainu and Around the Pacific'
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2021 Appositive possession in Ainu and around the Pacific Bugaeva, Anna ; Nichols, Johanna ; Bickel, Balthasar Abstract: Some languages around the Pacific have multiple possessive classes of alienable constructions using appositive nouns or classifiers. This pattern differs from the most common kind of alienable/i- nalienable distinction, which involves marking, usually affixal, on the possessum, and has only one class of alienables. The Japanese language isolate Ainu has possessive marking that is reminiscent of the Circum-Pacific pattern. It is distinctive, however, in that the possessor is coded not as a dependent in an NP but as an argument in a finite clause, and the appositive word is a verb. This paper givesa first comprehensive, typologically grounded description of Ainu possession and reconstructs the pattern that must have been standard when Ainu was still the daily language of a large speech community; Ainu then had multiple alienable class constructions. We report a cross-linguistic survey expanding pre- vious coverage of the appositive type and show how Ainu fits in. We split alienable/inalienable into two different phenomena: argument structure (with types based on possessibility: optionally possessible, obligatorily possessed, and non-possessible) and valence (alienable, inalienable classes). Valence-changing operations are derived alienability and derived inalienability. Our survey classifies the possessive systems of languages in these terms. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2021-2079 Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-204338 Journal Article Published Version The following work is licensed under a Creative Commons: Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. -
Local Domains and Non-Local Dependencies in a Lexicalised Tree Adjoining Grammar
philosophies Article Lexicalised Locality: Local Domains and Non-Local Dependencies in a Lexicalised Tree Adjoining Grammar Diego Gabriel Krivochen 1,* and Andrea Padovan 2 1 Dipartimento di Culture e Civiltà, Università di Verona, 37129 Verona, Italy 2 Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature Straniere, Università di Verona, 37129 Verona, Italy; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Contemporary generative grammar assumes that syntactic structure is best described in terms of sets, and that locality conditions, as well as cross-linguistic variation, is determined at the level of designated functional heads. Syntactic operations (merge, MERGE, etc.) build a structure by deriving sets from lexical atoms and recursively (and monotonically) yielding sets of sets. Additional restrictions over the format of structural descriptions limit the number of elements involved in each operation to two at each derivational step, a head and a non-head. In this paper, we will explore an alternative direction for minimalist inquiry based on previous work, e.g., Frank (2002, 2006), albeit under novel assumptions. We propose a view of syntactic structure as a specification of relations in graphs, which correspond to the extended projection of lexical heads; these are elementary trees in Tree Adjoining Grammars. We present empirical motivation for a lexicalised approach to structure building, where the units of the grammar are elementary trees. Our proposal will be based on cross-linguistic evidence; we will consider the structure of elementary trees in Spanish, English and German. We will also explore the consequences of assuming that nodes in elementary trees are Citation: Krivochen, D.G.; Padovan, addresses for purposes of tree composition operations, substitution and adjunction. -
Information-Theoretic Locality Properties of Natural Language
Information-theoretic locality properties of natural language Richard Futrell Department of Language Science University of California, Irvine [email protected] Abstract I present theoretical arguments and new empirical evidence for an information-theoretic principle of word order: information locality, the idea that words that strongly predict each other should be close to each other in linear order. I show that information locality can be derived under the assumption that nat- ural language is a code that enables efficient communication while minimizing information-processing costs involved in online language comprehension, using recent psycholinguistic theories to characterize those processing costs information-theoretically. I argue that information locality subsumes and extends the previously-proposed principle of dependency length minimization (DLM), which has shown great explanatory power for predicting word order in many languages. Finally, I show corpus evidence that information locality has improved explanatory power over DLM in two domains: in predicting which de- pendencies will have shorter and longer lengths across 50 languages, and in predicting the preferred order of adjectives in English. 1 Introduction The field of functional linguistics has long argued that the distinctive properties of natural language are best ex- plained in terms of what makes for an efficient communication system under the cognitive constraints particular to human beings. The idea is that the properties of language are determined by the pressure to enable efficient communication while minimizing the information-processing effort required for language production and compre- hension by humans. Within that field, a particularly promising concept is the principle of dependency length minimization (DLM): the idea that words linked in syntactic dependencies are under a pressure to be close in linear order. -
The Pragmatics and Syntax of German Inalienable Possession Constructions University of Georgia1
The Pragmatics and Syntax of German Inalienable Possession Constructions 1 2 VERA LEE-SCHOENFELD , GABRIELE DIEWALD University of Georgia1; Leibniz Universität Hannover2 1 The Phenomenon and Previous Syntactic/Pragmatic Analyses The prototypical inalienable possession construction in German has a dative (DAT)-marked external possessor: (0) Bello hat mir die Hand geleckt. Bello has me.DAT the hand licked ‘Bello licked my hand.’ This is an instance of external possession because the understood possessor of the body part, the possessum, is expressed outside of the nominal phrase containing the possessum, showing up as 1 an object pronoun (mir ‘me.DAT) in the verbal argument domain. Notice that the literal translation of the dative does not work in English. This is because English generally prefers internal possessors and thus makes use of the possessive pronoun my rather than the object pronoun me in examples like (0) (see e.g. Haspelmath 2001, König and Gast 2012). In German inalienable possession constructions with a PP-embedded possessum, there is considerable variation between the prototypical possessor dative construction and four others, so that there are a total of five different construction types: external possession with a dative- marked possessor (1a), external possession with an accusative (ACC)-marked possessor (1b), internal possession, with a genitive (GEN)-marked possessor (2), and doubly-marked possession, with both external and internal possessor, where the external possessor is again either dative- marked (3a) or accusative-marked (3b).2 (1) a. Bello hat mir in die Hand gebissen. Bello has me.DAT in the hand bitten ‘Bello bit me in the hand.’ b.