Aesthetical Meanings of the Central Notion Ti Ren in Cultivation Theory of Neo-Confucianism
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The Unity of Yin and Yang: a Philosophical Assessment
The Unity of Yin and Yang: A Philosophical Assessment Thaddeus T'ui-chieh Hang National Chengchi University, Taipei "One yin ^ and one yang d, constitute what is called Tao 51"; "When yin and yang are united in their virtue, the soft and the hard attain their physical shape." These famous statements are drawn from the "Appended Remarks" (Hsi-tz'u Slit?) of the / Ching %M.. Since they were uttered more than two thousand years ago, they became the metaphysical foun- dation for the two great philosophical schools of China, namely, Taoism and Confucianism. For both these schools, yin and yang, two contrasting but mutually compensating components constitute unity in harmony. We shall endeavor to give an historical account of this concept, describe it phenomenologically, and venture a philosophical assessment from cos- mological, anthropological, as well as theological points of view. I. An Historical Account The origin of yin-yang ideas must be sought in very ancient times. In the Book of Poetry (Shih-ching I^M?i<) the words "yin" and "yang" signified the north and south sides of a mountain.1 In the Book of Historical Documents (Shu-ching US?) the two words never appeared together ex- cept in the apocryphal "Chou-kuan" /SJ1T. Even in the Analects of Con- fucius there is no mention of yin-yang. However, the eight trigrams were probably in use at the beginning of the Chou )*] dynasty (late 12th cen- tury B.C.). Since the eight trigrams consist of combinations of broken and 'James Legge, The Chinese Classics: Vol. IV, Book of Poetry (Taipei, 1972), Ode 19, p. -
Chinese Philosophy
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY Vatican Relations: Problems of Conflicting Authority, 1976–1986 EARLY HISTORY (Cambridge 1992). J. LEUNG, Wenhua Jidutu: Xianxiang yu lunz- heng (Cultural Christian: Phenomenon and Argument) (Hong Shang Dynasty (c.1600–c.1045 B.C.). Chinese Kong 1997). K. C. LIU, ed. American Missionaries in China: Papers philosophical thought took definite shape during the reign from Harvard Seminars (Cambridge 1966). Lutheran World Feder- of the Shang dynasty in Bronze Age China. During this ation/Pro Mundi Vita. Christianity and the New China (South Pasa- period, the primeval forms of ancestor veneration in Neo- dena 1976). L. T. LYALL, New Spring in China? (London 1979). J. G. LUTZ, ed. Christian Missions in China: Evangelist of What? lithic Chinese cultures had evolved to relatively sophisti- (Boston 1965). D. E. MACINNIS, Religion in China Today: Policy cated rituals that the Shang ruling house offered to their and Practice (Maryknoll, NY 1989). D. MACINNIS and X. A. ZHENG, ancestors and to Shangdi, the supreme deity who was a Religion under Socialism in China (Armonk, NY 1991). R. MAD- deified ancestor and progenitor of the Shang ruling fami- SEN, China Catholics: Tragedy and Hope in an Emerging Civil So- ciety (Berkeley 1998). R. MALEK and M. PLATE Chinas Katholiken ly. A class of shamans emerged, tasked with divination suchen neue (Freiburg 1987). Missiones Catholicae cura S. Con- and astrology using oracle bones for the benefit of the rul- gregationis de Propaganda Fide descriptae statistica (Rome 1901, ing class. Archaeological excavations have uncovered 1907, 1922, 1927). J. METZLER, ed. Sacrae Congregationis de Pro- elaborate bronze sacrificial vessels and other parapherna- paganda Fide Memoria Rerum, 1622–1972 (Rome 1976). -
The Heritage of Non-Theistic Belief in China
The Heritage of Non-theistic Belief in China Joseph A. Adler Kenyon College Presented to the international conference, "Toward a Reasonable World: The Heritage of Western Humanism, Skepticism, and Freethought" (San Diego, September 2011) Naturalism and humanism have long histories in China, side-by-side with a long history of theistic belief. In this paper I will first sketch the early naturalistic and humanistic traditions in Chinese thought. I will then focus on the synthesis of these perspectives in Neo-Confucian religious thought. I will argue that these forms of non-theistic belief should be considered aspects of Chinese religion, not a separate realm of philosophy. Confucianism, in other words, is a fully religious humanism, not a "secular humanism." The religion of China has traditionally been characterized as having three major strands, the "three religions" (literally "three teachings" or san jiao) of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Buddhism, of course, originated in India in the 5th century BCE and first began to take root in China in the 1st century CE, so in terms of early Chinese thought it is something of a latecomer. Confucianism and Daoism began to take shape between the 5th and 3rd centuries BCE. But these traditions developed in the context of Chinese "popular religion" (also called folk religion or local religion), which may be considered a fourth strand of Chinese religion. And until the early 20th century there was yet a fifth: state religion, or the "state cult," which had close relations very early with both Daoism and Confucianism, but after the 2nd century BCE became associated primarily (but loosely) with Confucianism. -
Bol Shao Yung 20130225 Combined.Pdf (249.3Kb)
On Shao Yong’s Method for Observing Things The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Bol, Peter. 2013. On Shao Yong’s Method for Observing Things. Monumenta Serica 61:287-299. Published Version http://www.monumenta-serica.de/monumenta-serica/publications/ journal/Catolog/Volume-LXI-2013.php Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17935880 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP On Shao Yong’s Method for Observing Things Peter K. Bol Charles H. Carswell Professor of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 2 Divinity Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Title: 論邵雍之觀物法 Abstract: Shao Yong’s “Inner Chapters on Observing Things” develops a method for understanding the unity of heaven and man, tracing the decline of civilization from antiquity, and determining how the present can return to the ideal socio-political order of antiquity. Shao’s method is based on dividing any topic into fours aspects (for example, four Classics, four seasons, four kinds of rulers, etc.) and generating the systematic relations between these four member sets. Although Shao’s method was unusual at the time, the questions he was addressing were shared with mid-eleventh statecraft thinkers. 摘要:邵雍在《觀物內篇》中發展出了一種獨特的方法,用來理解天人合一、追溯三代以 後之衰、並確定如何才能復原三代理想的社會政治秩序。邵雍的方法立足於將任意一個主 題劃分為四個種類(例如,四種經典,四種季節,四種統治者,等等),並賦予這四個種 類之間以系統性的聯繫。雖然邵雍的方法在當時並非尋常,可是他所試圖解決的問題卻是 其他十一世紀中葉的政治制度思想家所共同思考的。 Shao’s claim to philosophical importance is based on a single book, the Huangji jingshi shu 皇極 經世書 (Supreme Principles for Governing the World) and the various charts and diagrams associated with it, and to much lesser extent his collection of poems, the Jirang ji 擊壤集. -
Neo-Confucianism: Metaphysics, Mind, and Morality
Neo-Confucianism: Metaphysics, Mind, and Morality BOOK PROSPECTUS JeeLoo Liu CONTENTS: SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS Since these selected Neo-Confucians had similar philosophical concerns and their various philosophical positions were based on largely the same Confucian classics, the best way to capture their philosophical variances is to present their views thematically rather than chronologically. The structure of this book lays out the metaphysical foundations for Neo-Confucian theories of mind and morality. The major common themes in Neo- Confucianism include: 1) The relationship between the two constituents of the universe—cosmic principle (li) and cosmic force (qi); 2) The debate on whether human nature, or human mind, is the exemplification of this cosmic principle; 3) The analysis of the roots of human good and evil as a way to answer the question of what makes human morality possible. This book is divided into three parts, which deal with these three issues as they evolved from one Neo-Confucian philosopher to the next. The eight philosophers’ views are presented in three segments, as this arrangement best captures both the focus of their disagreements and the continuity of the philosophical development of Neo-Confucianism. Part I. Neo-Confucian Metaphysics: from Cosmology to Ontology Neo-Confucians were generally concerned with establishing a moralistic cosmology, or we can say what they developed was a form of moral metaphysics. In their view, there is a higher order governing the cosmos, which they call ‘heavenly principle’, and this higher order has many moral attributes. At the same time, Neo-Confucians also embraced the Chinese philosophical tradition (founded in Yijing) of positing a cosmic force (qi) as the material/physical foundation of the universe. -
Fuzzy Flexible Flow Shops on More Than Two Machine Centers
The Subtle Path to Heterodoxy: Reflections on the Concept of ‘Yiduan’ in the Jinsilu Milan Hejtmanek1 ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Available Online October 2013 Neo-Confucian philosophy in - Key words: partook of a moral discourse that drew extensively on Song Chinese Heterodoxy; texts from the 11th and 12theth centuries. Korean Chosǒn Among period these, (1392 the Jinsilu1910) Korea; ; 1175 proved especially influential. This paper examines in detail a Neo-Confucianism; central(Reflections theme on of Things the Jinsilu: at Hand), heterodoxy compiled or by yiduan, Zhu Xi situatingand LüZuqian it both in Jinsilu.Chosǒn dynasty within the broader traditions of earlier Confucianism and as well as within the context of Neo-Confucian thought or daoxue as it was developed the 11th century, by the brothers Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao. It identifies three distinct, if overlapping conceptions of heterodoxy in the Jinsilu. The paper argues that the most pessimistic and aggressive attitude toward the danger of straying from the orthodox way and the condemning of those who had done so derived from Cheng Yi. His thought and sense of near dread concerning heterodoxy would prove highly influential in Chosǒn Korea. Introduction It is a remarkable feature of recorded human civilization that discourse drawn from a wide variety of times and places displays fierce struggles over what constitutes proper moral behavior and correspondingly what should be castigated as wrong and evil. Moral traditions in the West as diverse as Judaism, Islam, and in the East Buddhism, Hinduism, and Confucianism ha rhetorical strategies to argue both sides of complex ethical issues. The production and reproduction of dogma and its antithesis, heresy or heterodoxy, isve a bequeathed central activity prolific of any discourses system of deploying moral thought. -
Research on the Time When Ping Split Into Yin and Yang in Chinese Northern Dialect
Chinese Studies 2014. Vol.3, No.1, 19-23 Published Online February 2014 in SciRes (http://www.scirp.org/journal/chnstd) http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/chnstd.2014.31005 Research on the Time When Ping Split into Yin and Yang in Chinese Northern Dialect Ma Chuandong1*, Tan Lunhua2 1College of Fundamental Education, Sichuan Normal University, Chengdu, China 2Sichuan Science and Technology University for Employees, Chengdu, China Email: *[email protected] Received January 7th, 2014; revised February 8th, 2014; accepted February 18th, 2014 Copyright © 2014 Ma Chuandong, Tan Lunhua. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. In accordance of the Creative Commons Attribution License all Copyrights © 2014 are reserved for SCIRP and the owner of the intellectual property Ma Chuandong, Tan Lun- hua. All Copyright © 2014 are guarded by law and by SCIRP as a guardian. The phonetic phenomenon “ping split into yin and yang” 平分阴阳 is one of the most important changes of Chinese tones in the early modern Chinese, which is reflected clearly in Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韵 by Zhou Deqing 周德清 (1277-1356) in the Yuan Dynasty. The authors of this paper think the phe- nomenon “ping split into yin and yang” should not have occurred so late as in the Yuan Dynasty, based on previous research results and modern Chinese dialects, making use of historical comparative method and rhyming books. The changes of tones have close relationship with the voiced and voiceless initials in Chinese, and the voiced initials have turned into voiceless in Song Dynasty, so it could not be in the Yuan Dynasty that ping split into yin and yang, but no later than the Song Dynasty. -
On Leibniz and the I Ching
On Leibniz and the I Ching Sherwin Doroudi April 26, 2007 \I don't believe in I Ching." −John Winston Ono Lennon (1940-1980) Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716), perhaps best known as the coinvenematics, philosophy, history, and numerous other fields, have led some to label him as a \universal genius." 1 His accomplishments are even more astounding when one considers that he achieved most of his mathematical and philosophical breakthroughs in his spare time, as he was legal counselor by profession. But one particularly curious fact about this man is that he was perhaps one of the first European sinophiles (lovers of Chinese culture). For whatever reason, however, his interest in all things Chinese, was barely touched upon by many of his biographers and even those who specifically documented his philosophical influences. 2 In fact many people are quite surprised to hear that Leibniz expressed interests in the orient, so it is only natural to ask why Leibniz was so interested in China. In particular, Leibniz was interested in the Chinese system of writing, which being an ideographic system, is quite different from the phonetic Roman alphabet used in the English, German, French, etc. Furthermore, Leibniz was particularly interested in a series of hexagrams found in the I Ching or Yi Jing (c. 1150 bce) which expressed numbers in what appeared to be binary form. 3 Leibniz, who was developing his own system of binary numbers at the time, was particularly fascinated that the Chinese supposedly had developed a concept of these numbers thousands of years earlier. This paper will investigate, albeit in breif, Leibniz' interests in the Chinese, and in particular the nature of this ancient binary system found in the I Ching hexagrams. -
A Case Study of the Chinese Repository
Durham E-Theses Orientalism and Representations of China in the Early 19th Century: A Case Study of The Chinese Repository JIN, CHENG How to cite: JIN, CHENG (2019) Orientalism and Representations of China in the Early 19th Century: A Case Study of The Chinese Repository, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/13227/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 ORIENTALISM AND REPRESENTATIONS OF CHINA IN THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY: A CASE STUDY OF THE CHINESE REPOSITORY Cheng Jin St. Cuthbert’s Society School of Modern Languages and Cultures Durham University This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2019 March 2019 DECLARATION This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing, which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text. -
The Emergence of Essence-Function (Ti-Yong) 體用 Hermeneutics in the Sinification of Indic Buddhism: an Overview
The Emergence of Essence-Function (ti-yong) 體用 Hermeneutics in the Sinification of Indic Buddhism: An Overview A. Charles Muller (University of Tokyo) 국문요약 본질-작용(體用, Ch. ti-yong, J. tai-yū; 일본에서 불교학 이외의 연구에서 는 tai-yō) 패러다임은 기원전 5세기부터 근대 시기에 이르기까지 중국, 한국, 일본의 종교・철학적 문헌을 해석할 때에 가장 널리 사용된 해석학적 틀로 볼 수 있다. 먼저 중국에서는 유교, 도교, 불교에 적용되는 과정에서 풍부한 발전 을 이루었는데, 특히 인도 불교의 중국화 과정에서 폭넓게 적용되었다. 그리고 종종 理事(li-shi)와 유사한 형태로 화엄, 천태, 선과 같은 중국 토착 불교 학파 불교학리뷰 (Critical Review for Buddhist Studies) 19권 (2016. 6) 111p~152p 112 불교학리뷰 vol.19 들의 철학을 위한 토대를 형성하였다. 나아가 송대 신유학(新儒學)에서 ‘체용’ 의 용례는 특히 잇따라 나타나는 또 다른 유사형태인 理氣(li-qi)의 형식으로 변화하고 확장되었다. 불교와 신유학 모두 한국에 뿌리를 내리면서 한국 학자 들은 신유교와 불교 각각의 종교에 대한 해석뿐 아니라, 둘 사이에 있었던 대 화와 논쟁에도 체용 패러다임을 폭넓게 적용하였다. 본 논문은 동양과 서양 모 두의 불교학에서 거의 완전히 무시되었던 이 지극히 중요한 철학적 패러다임 에 관한 논의를 되살려 보고자 한다. 그리고 이것을 중국 불교 주석문헌들 초 기의 용례, ≷대승기신론≸속에 나타난 그 역할, 더불어 한국 불교, 특히 원효와 지눌의 저작에서 사용된 몇 가지 용례들을 조사함으로써 시도할 것이다. 주제어: 본질-작용(體用), 이사(理事), 이기(理氣), ≷대승기신론≸, 중국불교, 원효, 지눌 The Emergence of Essence-Function (ti-yong) 體用 Hermeneutics in the Sinification of Indic Buddhism … 113 I. Essence-function 體用: Introduction This examination of the place of the essence-function paradigm 體用 (Ch. ti-yong, K. che-yong, J. -
THE. COLORADO MAGAZINE Published Quarterly by the State Historical Society of Colorado
THE. COLORADO MAGAZINE Published Quarterly by The State Historical Society of Colorado Vol. XXXVII Denver, Colorado, October, 1960 Number 4 The Pioneer Men and Women of Colorado Celebrate Their Centennial* "Homage to them we gladly pay The Pioneers of Yesterday." -Motto of Pioneers One hundred years ago, on January 15, 1860, The Ladies Union Aid Society was organized in Denver City, Kansas Ter ritory. It became the nucleus of what is today The Pioneer Men ana Women of Colorado. The first membership roll of the society carried only twelve names, with Mrs. William N. Byers, President; Mrs. F. A. Farwell, First Vice President; Mrs. T. C. Miles, Record ing Secretary; and Miss Fannie C. Miles, Treasurer. This group aimed to aid the sick and the unfortunate families in the new community. There was no organized charity. Hence, The Ladies Union Aid Society provided food, shelter, medicines, and often money to the needy. Another purpose of the society was to implant in this new country the patriotic, educational, religious, cultural, and social life which its members had known in their former homes. Twice a month these civic-minded women held afternoon meetings. Social gatherings, literary societies, spelling bees, concerts and dances, and home talent plays were given in the evening. Sunday School was conducted on Sunday. When the members of the Aid Society found that there was no flag available in Denver City to put up for the Fourth of July celebration in 1860, they searched their trunks for the right colored goods and all joined in sewing a flag. By 1864 various religious sects began to organize churches and aid societies in Denver, but the pioneer women's organiza tion continued to function, with the exception of conducting Sunday School. -
Politics, Classicism, and Medicine During the Eighteenth Century 十八世紀在德川日本 "頌華者" 和 "貶華者" 的 問題 – 以中醫及漢方為主
East Asian Science, Technology and Society: an International Journal DOI 10.1007/s12280-008-9042-9 Sinophiles and Sinophobes in Tokugawa Japan: Politics, Classicism, and Medicine During the Eighteenth Century 十八世紀在德川日本 "頌華者" 和 "貶華者" 的 問題 – 以中醫及漢方為主 Benjamin A. Elman Received: 12 May 2008 /Accepted: 12 May 2008 # National Science Council, Taiwan 2008 Abstract This article first reviews the political, economic, and cultural context within which Japanese during the Tokugawa era (1600–1866) mastered Kanbun 漢 文 as their elite lingua franca. Sino-Japanese cultural exchanges were based on prestigious classical Chinese texts imported from Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) China via the controlled Ningbo-Nagasaki trade and Kanbun texts sent in the other direction, from Japan back to China. The role of Japanese Kanbun teachers in presenting language textbooks for instruction and the larger Japanese adaptation of Chinese studies in the eighteenth century is then contextualized within a new, socio-cultural framework to understand the local, regional, and urban role of the Confucian teacher–scholar in a rapidly changing Tokugawa society. The concluding part of the article is based on new research using rare Kanbun medical materials in the Fujikawa Bunko 富士川文庫 at Kyoto University, which show how some increasingly iconoclastic Japanese scholar–physicians (known as the Goiha 古醫派) appropriated the late Ming and early Qing revival of interest in ancient This article is dedicated to Nathan Sivin for his contributions to the History of Science and Medicine in China. Unfortunately, I was unable to present it at the Johns Hopkins University sessions in July 2008 honoring Professor Sivin or include it in the forthcoming Asia Major festschrift in his honor.