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Palaces of the Early Islamic Caliphates PART 2 PALACES OF THE EARLY ISLAMIC CALIPHATES (SEVENTH-TENTH CENTURIES) UMAYYAD PALACES RECONSIDERED BY OLEG GRABAR 5 THE LATEST, MOST COMPLETE, AND MOST AUTHORITATIVE Islamic foundations or ornamental inscriptions. survey of early Islamic architecture-Allan's re- For Qusayr Amra, as we shall see shortly, there is working of Creswell's standard history-contains a valid presumption for an Umayyad dynastic seventeen partly documented buildings datable patronage on the basis of the paintings decorat- between 690 and 750, the main decades of Umay- ing the monument. As to Mshatta, it is primarily yad rule, and fitting into the general category of its inordinate size and its peculiar decoration that palaces. It is a loose category including nearly all make it reasonable to assume that only princes, foundations with living accommodations for and in all likelihood ruling princes, had access to which a reasonable assumption can be made of the funds and personnel necessary for its plan- sponsorship or use by the state (a daral-imara for ning and construction, and for a completion instance), by the ruling dynasty, or by members of which never took place.6 the Arabian aristocracy associated with the Umay- In short, we have no direct knowledge of these yads.1 buildings as palaces built for ruling Umayyad Out of these seventeen buildings, five-al-Mu- princes, and I shall return in my conclusion to the waqqar, Rusafa, Qastal, Qasr al-Tuba, and Tulul hypotheses which can be derived from this appar- al-Sha'iba-are too poorly known or too poorly ent absence of clearly cut, written or archaeolog- preserved to allow for significant conclusions,2 ical, external labels. Nor can we really argue that two--'Anjar and Amman-pose avery complicat- their shape, the functions they imply, or their ed set of problems in the interpretation of ar- decoration make it necessary for all of them to be chaeological evidence, which, in my opinion, Umayyad creations. In fact, as I reread some of does not necessarily lead to the Umayyad dates the papers, articles, and books I wrote on them proposed by the investigators of these sites, and over the years, I realize that there may have been four-Jerusalem, Qasr Kharana, Jabal Says, and a major methodological flaw in parts of my rea- Qasr al-Hayr East-are not palaces or even royal soning. Following very respectable masters like or dynastic residences, at least not in my judg- Sauvaget, Herzfeld, Stern, and in his own way ment, although this judgment is not necessarily Creswell, I consistently tried to fit all these build- shared by all scholars.3 ings into a single pattern by assuming that they all This process of elimination leaves six relatively reflected the same architectural and functional well-known buildings-Kufa, Khirbat Minya, type: a villa with living and formal or official Qusayr 'Amra, Qasr al-Hayr West, Khirbat al- quarters arranged around a porticoed court in Mafjar, and Mshatta-which can be reasonably standard square buildings with a single, usually assumed to be dynastic foundations of the Umay- massive, entrance; a bath, most of the time an yad dynasty. For Kufa the evidence is essentially independent building; a mosque; a variety of historical in the sense that written accounts of service areas; and possibly formal gardens or events from the last decades of the seventh centu- orchards. The type would have developed within ry and the first ones of the eighth justify the the rich tradition of secular architecture in the interpretation of an excavated building as the dar late-antique Mediterranean area. And, following al-imara of the Umayyad governors.4 At Khirbat primarily Sauvaget but frequently using docu- Minya, Khirbat al-Mafjar, and Qasr al-Hayr West mentation gathered much earlier by Lammens (all of which were first thought by archaeologists and Herzfeld, 7 I further assumed that this partic- to be pre-Islamic Christian foundations), inscrip- ular type could be fitted into a reconstruction or tions were discovered which suggest that some a model of Umayyad aristocratic behavior. But aspect of the construction of these buildings was that reconstruction of behavior was based on very sponsored or ordered by a ruling Umayyad caliph different sources: written texts in which an orig- or else that a caliph was alive while the building inally orally transmitted poetry predominates; was being built. But not one of these inscriptions archaeological sources involving the interpreta- can be considered as a foundation statement or tion of excavated spaces and other remains; and as decorative writing in the manner of later finally a more complicated source which may be 94 OLEG GRABAR called "ecological logic" and which consists in they found in spaces which had not previously apparent changes within the lands ruled by the been used for these purposes. Umayyads which require significant investments There are several other, more specific issues of 8 of money and labor. architectural history, like the technology of build- The resulting hypothesis was a simple one. ing for instance, which come up whenever there Umayyad patrons, a nouveau riche class of aristo- is a combination of a set of buildings from a crats from central Arabia, invested in the land restricted period of time, in a relatively limited they inherited or conquered and in a life of space, and with more or less the same patron- varying but usually considerable luxury. The pal- age.1 2 Beyond elementary measurements and the aces illustrate the setting for that life. Variations establishment of the most basic modular princi- and peculiarities in the model were then seen as ple of designing and with the exception of the aberrations reflecting individual needs or prefer- question of brick in Syria and Palestine about ences in taste or behavior for which no explana- which a few things have been written, these tech- tion was likely to be found. A case in point is that nical issues have hardly been touched, however of the twin quarters of Qasr al-Tuba for which important they are for establishing the techno- some romantic or family explanation could al- logical potential of a time. ways be invented and proposed but no proof can A more specific approach to the establishments 9 be found. attributed to the Umayyad dynasty can be derived To the historian of architecture, that is to say, of from a number of puzzles in the architecture and techniques which require considerable invest- decoration of remaining buildings. These puz- ments of funds and differentiated competencies zles led historians of art, of visual forms, to seek an from specifically trained practitioners, the as- explanation in the history provided by texts. Such sumption of types adapting rapidly or slowly to features as the elaborate reception rooms of new patrons was then and remains now a reason- Mshatta and the rich decoration of Khirbat al- able one, for the hitherto unknown sponsorship Mafjar did not quite coincide with the simple- of architecture by rich aristocrats from north- minded image created by earlier historians such western Arabian cities did not necessarily de- as Lammens and Creswell of an easy-going, fun- mand new functions or seek to satisfy new needs. loving, but not very serious life attributed to This patronage could easily accommodate itself freely moving and semi-nomadic Umayyad princ- to the prevailing habits of building and of design- es and assorted aristocrats. Nor is fancy decora- ing within the Mediterranean world, and one or tion necessary for landlords in their manorial two technical innovations from elsewhere-as, and private estates. As a result, several studies, for instance, the covering of stone walls with whether or not they acknowledge the original stucco-easily found a place in an essentially inspiration of Sauvaget for the method involved, traditional system. A typical problem of design sought to describe an Umayyad ceremonial life arose from the new requirement for an oriented and to fit that life within the ruins or reconstruc- place of prayer. The mosque became a composi- tions of whatever remained from alleged palac- tional problem with several early and more or less es.'3 The best among these studies, notably Hamil- successful solutions until buildings apparently ton's meditation on al-Walid and Khirbat began to be oriented in order to meet the neces- al-Mafjar, have provided a very tempting and sity of fitting a mosque into them. Oratories coherent picture, based to a large degree on appear, most commonly to the right of the en- poetry, of an unstable equilibrium between for- trance (Mshatta, Ukhaydir)."° mality and fun, between rigidity and freedom, all The more original aspect of these Umayyad of it bathed in virile sensuality. It is a coherent secular buildings is how they transformed, or at picture in the sense that the poetry of the time least modified, the architectural profile of an and especially the ways in which this poetry was area by introducing the amenities of a wealthier recited in male gatherings seem to fit with the and restricted private life of "masters" into a spaces provided by the ruins. simple landscape of farms and villages with their But there are problems. For instance, too many churches and occasional civic buildings such as of the examples of almost anything in these stud- baths or into old Roman military cities." The ies deal with al-Walid II, who was in many ways an Umayyads, this hypothesis implied, did not really eccentric hardly typical of his rank and of the invent much that is new; they simply putwhatever office he occupied. And there are always dangers UMAYYAD PALACES RECONSIDERED 95 in excerpting examples from literary contexts standards with local variations.
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