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25 Años Sin Muro 25 AÑOS SIN MURO NOVIEMBRE 2014 ISSN 1688-9665 Diálogo Político v Año XXXI, n.º 2, 2014 Editor Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. (Fundación Konrad Adenauer) Directora Dra. Kristin Wesemann Coordinador general Manfred Steffen Jefe de redacción Federico Irazabal Equipo de redacción Agustina Carriquiry Laura Englert Manfred Steffen Correctores Alejandro Coto María Cristina Dutto Traductores Agustina González Renate Hoffmann Dieter Schonebohm Diseño y armado Taller de Comunicación Impresión Mastergraf © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Plaza Independencia 749, oficina 201 11000 Montevideo, Uruguay Tel.: +598 2902 0943 www.kas.de/parteien-lateinamerika/es/ www.facebook.com/dialogopolitico.org [email protected] issn: 1688-9665 Depósito Legal: Los textos que se publican son de exclusiva responsabilidad de sus autores y no expresan necesariamente el pensamiento del editor. Se autoriza la reproducción total o parcial del contenido citando la fuente. Índice 5 presentación actualidad 7 latinoamericana 8 Venezuela: de las protestas a la coyuntura electoral Guillermo Tell Aveledo 16 Elecciones en Colombia 2014: ¿apuesta por la paz? José Alejandro Cepeda comunicación 35 y campañas 36 El segundo mandato de Juan Manuel Santos. Colombia avanza hacia la paz, pero las divisiones persisten Dr. Hubert Gehring, Diana Puentes 52 Elecciones de 2014 en Uruguay: el camino al tercer gobierno del Frente Amplio Federico Irazabal Dossier: 67 25 años sin muro 70 9 de noviembre, la noche cuando el mundo se abrió Carlos Castillo 78 El cine sobre Berlín: la vida de nosotros Enrique San Miguel Pérez 88 Muros construidos y derribados Carmen Beatriz Fernández 90 Testimonios ideas 97 y debates 98 El arte del equilibrio (Otra introducción a la economía social de mercado) Roberto Casanova Agenda 113 política 114 Financiamiento de partidos y de campañas en Uruguay Rafael Piñeiro 126 Participación ciudadana en el nivel federal Tobias Montag Europa 133 y el mundo 134 Cooperación económica para el desarrollo en el año 2030 Dr. Wolfgang Maier 148 ¿Hacia un Estado plurinacional? Ana Jacoby De la 155 casa Presentación La noche del 9 de noviembre de 1989 marcó varios fines y un comienzo. En un aspecto concreto, supuso el final de la prohibición que los habitantes del sector oriental de Berlín tenían para desplazarse, dentro como fuera de la República Democrática Alemana. Los aluviones de ciudadanos cruzan- do la frontera entre Hungría y Austria, y la posterior «inva- sión» de las embajadas de Checoslovaquia y Hungría en Ber- lín oriental obligaron al gobierno de la rda a flexibilizar las medidas migratorias y de circulación. Tras el anuncio equi- vocado del fin de las restricciones para la libre circulación, el éxodo de berlineses orientales hacia los distintos puestos de control fue incontenible y, ante el estupor de los guardias fronterizos, comenzaron el cruce hacia el lado occidental. Casi treinta años después de su infame construcción, el muro fue derribado por miles de personas munidas de pi- cos, martillos y cualquier herramienta que tuvieran a mano, poniendo fin a la división de un pueblo y modificando para siempre el equilibrio de poder mundial. El deseo de libertad, democracia y prosperidad pudo más que años de opresión, espionaje y corrupción encarnados por el modelo socialista que regía en los países bajo la órbita de la Unión Soviética. Del otro lado, miles de compatriotas occidentales recibieron, en un marco de alegría y fraternidad, a quienes cruzaban el más duro símbolo del autoritarismo. Comenzó allí el fin del siglo xx, que muchos historiado- res denominan «el siglo corto», que inicia con el estallido de la Primera Guerra Mundial, y finaliza con el colapso de la Unión Soviética en 1991. El Muro de Berlín cayó hace ya veinticinco años, pero otros muros aún persisten. Incluso nuevas divisiones, tal vez DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO 2 | 2014 5 ni siquiera físicas, han aparecido en tanto el tan esperado fin de la historia nunca llegó a suceder. El drama de los inmi- grantes que tratan de cruzar el muro levantado a lo largo de la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México buscando mejo- res condiciones de vida; la lucha de los estudiantes en Hong Kong reclamando una mayor apertura democrática del régi- men comunista de Beijing, o la admirable Malala Yousafzai y su campaña en favor del derecho a la educación de las ni- ñas en las zonas controladas por grupos talibanes, son una muestra de la dispersión geográfica y la variedad temática de las divisiones que nuestra sociedad aún sufre. El objetivo de la Fundación Konrad Adenauer es fomen- tar la cooperación para la difusión de la democracia y la par- ticipación política. La comunidad humanista cristiana tiene mucho por aportar para derribar los muros del fundamenta- lismo, la intolerancia, la pobreza y la inequidad. Esta revista es, desde 2003, la voz de la kas en la región latinoamericana. Hoy atravesamos un proceso de transfor- mación hacia una plataforma de comunicación, compuesta por una publicación semestral en formato papel, un sitio web y un perfil de Facebook. Los tres soportes serán integra- dos y complementarios para abarcar así el mayor espectro de público posible y hablar al mayor número de comunidades con las que, además, buscaremos interactuar. La plataforma además estará estructurada en cinco secciones: Comunica- ción y Campañas, Agenda Política, Ideas y Debate, Actuali- dad Latinoamericana y Europa y el Mundo. Contamos con un equipo de redacción con corresponsalías en Argentina, Chile, Colombia, México, Uruguay y Venezuela, y colabora- dores eventuales en toda la región. Espero que, así como los berlineses orientales, en paz, y usando martillos y picos, derribaron la tiranía y la opre- sión del modelo socialista, espacios de reflexión e intercam- bio como la plataforma de comunicación Diálogo Político contribuyan a tirar abajo los muros, visibles e invisibles, que todavía nos rodean. Dra. Kristin Wesemann Fundación Konrad Adenauer 6 DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO 2 | 2014 ACTUALIdad LATINOAMERICANA « ACTUALIDAD LATINOAMERICANA » Venezuela: de las protestas a la coyuntura electoral < Guillermo Tell El año 2014 termina en Venezuela como una opor- Aveledo tunidad perdida: tras los eventos electorales de 2013, uno nacional sobrevenido con la muerte de Caracas, 1978. Politólogo, Hugo Chávez Frías, y el otro municipal, posterga- Universidad Central de do desde 2008, el panorama político desoía las lec- Venezuela. Profesor, ciones de las urnas para dar paso a una política de Universidad Metropolitana, enfrentamientos que, hallando su razón en la crisis Caracas. económica y en la creciente estrechez política, no consiguió atender sus causas profundas. El país sudamericano vive aún las heridas de su reciente historia política, al que se suma el trágico saldo de 8 DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO 2 | 2014 VENEZUELA: DE LAS PROTESTAS A LA COYUNTURA ELECTORAL, Guillermo Tell Aveledo las manifestaciones y la desaforada reacción estatal, ante las cuales las principales fuerzas políticas tendrán problemas para encauzar una ne- cesaria transición a una política deliberante y plural. Caracterizando el contexto Es preciso tomar en cuenta los rasgos esenciales del sistema político venezolano, tal como se ha venido configurando desde el ascenso elec- ALAL toral de Hugo Chávez al poder en 1999, que derivó en la anulación de las instituciones representativas y la supresión de la independencia de los poderes públicos. Puede caracterizársele hoy como una democra- cia delegativa con un partido hegemónico: el Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (psuv), que en sus diversas iteraciones y coaliciones ha logrado expandir hacia las masas el pequeño foco tradicional de los partidos marxistas venezolanos y ha gobernado durante tres lustros continuos (uno de los períodos de dominio político exclusivista más largos de la historia contemporánea venezolana). El psuv, que tiene presencia nacional y con- trola todos los poderes públicos, parece haber trascendido de momento el fallecimiento de su avasallante fundador Hugo Chávez, en marzo de 2013. Su designado sucesor, por largo tiempo can- ciller y previamente parlamentario, sindicalista y militante de la izquierda radical, Nicolás Maduro, ha sabido evitar las previsibles luchas intestinas por el poder, gracias tanto a la voz del difunto presidente y el mantenimiento de la identidad con el proyec- to político que este delineó como a su propia capacidad de distribuir poder y recursos entre las facciones del movimiento: la oficialidad militar activa; la familia Chávez; los diferentes grupos de izquierda; los veteranos de los intentos de golpe de Estado en 1992, debut públi- co del movimiento bolivariano —entre los cuales destaca el contro- versial Diosdado Cabello, actual presidente de la Asamblea Nacio- nal—. A ello se suman las redes clientelares e ideologizadas de apoyo que solapan las estructuras formales del Estado-psuv en su estruc- tura asistencial de misiones sociales, consejos comunales, colectivos y órganos paramilitares, y la pertinaz presencia oficial en medios de comunicación de masas estatales y privados. Maduro articula todo esto un proyecto ideológico que, desde una concepción marxista de la sociedad venezolana y la historia continental, se despliega con un dirigismo nugatorio de la iniciativa particular y de la deliberación pluralista, potenciado por el uso discrecional de la renta petrolera y DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO 2 | 2014 9 « ACTUALIDAD LATINOAMERICANA » la expectativa social de su distribución.1 En este sentido, el liderazgo carismático que caracterizó la presencia de Hugo Chávez en el po- der ha sido sustituido por
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