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Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers
『広島平和科学』24 (2002) pp. 197-221 ISSN0386-3565 Hiroshima Peace Science 24 (2002) Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers Noriyuki KAWANO International Radiation Information Center, Research Institute for Radiation Biology and Medicine, Hiroshima University Masatsugu MATSUO Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University SUMMARY “Slips of the tongue” of Japanese cabinet ministers have attracted the attention of scholars. But, focusing mainly on the backgrounds of these slips, the scholars have not paid sufficient attention to the outcomes. The present paper is an attempt at empirical identification of the political outcomes of such slips of the tongue. We distinguishs two levels of outcomes: the personal level and the government or party level. At the personal level, acknowledgment of individual responsibility is the most important of the outcomes. The ministers in question have to bear responsibility for their verbal missteps in one of three ways: resignation, apology or explanation. If they have to resign from the ministerial posts, they will never be appointed again to the post of a minister. Nevertheless, most of them will be successful in holding their seats in the Diet even - 197 - after the slips of the tongue. At the government or party level, there are three major outcomes, two or all of which frequently occur simultaneously. First, slips of the tongue may cause a split in the diplomatic relations of Japan with other countries. Secondly, they may threaten the stability of a coalition government. Thirdly, they may be used as a means of attack against the government or government party by the opposition parties. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan
Washington International Law Journal Volume 28 Number 2 4-1-2019 The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan Mayu Terada Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Recommended Citation Mayu Terada, The Changing Nature of Bureaucracy and Governing Structure in Japan, 28 Wash. L. Rev. 431 (2019). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol28/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2019 Washington International Law Journal Association THE CHANGING NATURE OF BUREAUCRACY AND GOVERNING STRUCTURE IN JAPAN Mayu Terada* Abstract: This paper analyzes and criticizes changes in the relationship between politics and the bureaucracy, in Japan up to the present from the viewpoint of administrative organizations and related public law system. Drastic changes in the legal system, or legal reform, may sometimes undermine the true intention of the policy and its implementation. Thus, bringing political leadership in administrative decision-making bodies cannot be easily concluded as better or worse than the complete separation of administration and government. To analyze this matter in -
Japanese Political Parties
JAPANESE POLITICAL PARTIES Lecturer: Masayo Goto, PhD 1 Ruling and opposition RULING COALITION z Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – largest ruling party z New Komeito (Clean Party) OPPOSITION z Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) – largest opposition party z Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 Strength of Political Groups in both houses Before election After election HOR HOC HOR HOC Liberal Democratic Party 212 114 296 112 New Komeito 34 24 31 24 (Ruling coalition in total) (246) (138) (327) People’s New Party (LDP rebels) (Kokumin shinto) 4 - 4 3 New Party Japan (LDP rebels) (Nippon) 3 - 1 Independent rebels 30 - 13 Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents 175 84 113 82 Japanese Communist Party 9 9 9 9 Social Democratic Party 6 6 7 6 Independents 4 5 6 5 Vacancy 1 3 MEMBERSHIP 480 242 480 242 Liberal Democratic Party z Established in November 1955 through the merger of the Liberal Party and the Japan Democratic Party z The LDP held uninterrupted power in Japan from 1955 until 1993, when it briefly lost government to an eight-party coalition z The LDP returned to power in June 1994 as the major partner in a coalition with the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Since 1998 it has strengthened its position in the Diet by forming a coalition with New Komeito z The current party president is Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. He was elected as party president in 2001. z The party will celebrate the 50th anniversary of its founding in November 2005 5 New Komeito Komeito originally formed in 1964 the political wing of Soka Gakkai Komeito merged with other parties in 1994 to form the New Frontier Party, but split off again and eventually joined with the New Peace Party in 1998 to become New Komeito. -
Tokyo-Cambridge Gazette: Politico-Economic Commentaries No
Tokyo-Cambridge Gazette: Politico-Economic Commentaries No. 11 (September 1, 2014) Toshimichi Nagaiwa and Jun Kurihara1 Japan-China Military Confidence Building Measures (Part II) —The Role of the Future Japan-China Chu-sei-kon CBM to Avoid Competitive Irrationality— Abstract A spectacular rise of China, setting aside the issue of being peaceful or oppositely clamorous, has changed the image of China held by surrounding countries because of its sheer size and the rapid pace of its economic development and military modernization. Japan, the United States, and China have long searched for amicable paths for their military-to-military relationships through their confidence building measures (CBMs) since the end of the Cold War. The three countries have to transform the current state of competitive irrationality to competitive rationality by discouraging escalatory confrontations. To date, however, these paths have been fragile and sometimes unfruitful. This short essay tries to briefly review military-to-military CBMs among the three countries to overcome the asymmetric nature of the trilateral relationships. First, the essay examines briefly the current geopolitical backdrops to gain a better understanding of the trilateral CBMs. Then it assesses the effectiveness of U.S.-China CBMs, and analyzes factors ascribable to CBM successes and failures. Having understood the difficulties associated with the CBMs, it tries to identify the significance of Japan-China CBMs, with a special emphasis of the current and future role of the Chu-sei-kon -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations Susan Carpenter
Journal of International Business and Law Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 2004 Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations Susan Carpenter Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/jibl Recommended Citation Carpenter, Susan (2004) "Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations," Journal of International Business and Law: Vol. 3: Iss. 1, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/jibl/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of International Business and Law by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Carpenter: Koizumi's Reform of Special Corporations THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS & LAW KOIZUMI'S REFORM OF SPECIAL CORPORATIONS By: Dr. Susan Carpenter* When Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi assumed office in April 2001 he pledged to initiate extensive structural reforms that would bring Japan's deflation-ridden economy back on track and renew consumer confidence. His mantra 'structural reform without sanctuary' brought memories of former Prime Ministers Morihiro Hosokawa and Maruyama's attempts at reforming the political and economic system during three turbulent years from 1993-1996. Koizumi's proposed reforms encompass three areas: (i) fiscal reforms; (ii) state-sector reforms; (iii) tackling the non-performing loans (NPL). He also promised to downgrade the Liberal Democratic Party, the party that has dominated national and local politics since 1955 and over which he presides as the president. Nearly three years later, despite Koizumi's efforts, the process of reform has occurred slowly, giving voters, who had high expectations that Japan's worst post-war recession would come to an end, the distinct impression that Koizumi's reforms may be more an image of the effort to reform. -
Generational Change and Political Upheaval
Generational Change and Poliri Upheaval Wado Shuichi f X THEN the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lost its Diet ma- \ / \ / jority as a result of the House of Representatives llower Y Y House) election of r 993, it was Iorced to relinquish its mo- nopoly on ruling power for the first time since its establishment in r9 5 5. Eight opposition parties subsequently formed a ruling coalition under Hosokawa Morihiro, head of the Japan New Party (fNP). The LDi however, retrieved power within one year by forming a coalition gov' ernment with the Social Democratic Party of |apan (SDPf) and the New Party Sakigake (sa kigake meats "pioneer")under Prime Minister Mu- rayama Tomiichi, leader of the SDP|. The SDPJ held the prime minis- tership for the first time in 46 years, but its briel stint at the helm of goyernment ended with a crushing defeat in national-level elections aker ry95. Many books and articles have been written explaining changes in fapan's political party system in the r99os. Some analysts point to the structural erosion of the " r 95 5 system"' during the LDP'S 38-year ten- ure as the main cause of change. Others argue that the end o{ the LDP- dominant system was linked with global systemic shifts, specifically During the writing and editing of this chaptet I received many thoughtful and con, structive comments.l wouldlike to thank L. William HeiDrich, Jt., Kurusu Kaoru, Paul MidIord, Pamela Noda, Otake Hideo, Jane Singer, Wada Jun, and Yamamoto Tadashi. Theviews expressedherein are mine alone and do not reflect the views or policy oI the [apan Center for Intehational Exchange (]CIE). -
Japan's Road to Pluralism: Transforming Local Communities in the Global Era; (Ed
"Decentralization in Japan," Japan's Road to Pluralism: Transforming Local Communities in the Global Era; (ed. Shun'ichi Furkawa and Toshihiro Menju), Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2003, pp. 21-45. Decentralization in Japan Furukawa Shun’ichi The democratization that took place in Japan over the latter half of the twentieth century led to local governments achieving a degree of autonomy that allowed them to manage aspects of public policy in such areas as regional development, welfare, environmental development, and government information disclosure. As these local authorities increasingly became active players in the policymaking process, rather than mere central government agents, they came to influence national public policy and governance. The subsequent decentralization reforms are part of the broader public-sector reforms of the 1990s. During the last decade of the twentieth century, the government of Japan achieved a significant degree of decentralization, the high point of which was the 1999 Omnibus Law of Decentralization. As a result, a new relationship was established among the branches of government, with the central government ceding some control over local affairs. This chapter assesses the degree of decentralization achieved to date, as well as the challenges that await those seeking further decentralization. THE ADMINISTRATION In this country of 47 prefectures, some 3,200 municipal governments serve a population of 126 million. The central government is divided into executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch comprises the prime minister and his cabinet; the legislative branch, the Diet or bicameral parliament; and the judicial branch, the Supreme Court, under which there are no specialized courts. -
Nbr Analysis
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty. -
After Populism? the Long and Winding Road to the Westminster Model
japanese political science review 3 (2016), 1–13 (doi: 10.15545/3.1) © 2016 Japanese Political Science Association Masahiro Yamada After Populism? The Long and Winding Road to the Westminster Model Why can’t Japan have a competitive opposition? Through an analysis of sur- vey datasets, this article shows the loss of faith in the DPJ, and the vulner- ability of voters’ support. Although our analysis indicates the strength of the current Abe cabinet since 2012, it simultaneously displays that there is a greater divergence in emotional thermometer to Prime minister Abe and the LDP since regaining power in 2012, which suggests conflict in evaluation to the incumbent cabinet among Japanese electorates. keywords: weak opposition, vulnerability of voters’ support, cabinet approval and disapproval Masahiro Yamada is a Professor at Kwansei Gakuin University. This article is a product of a Japanese Electoral Studies (2012–2016) grant from the Japa- nese Society for Promotion of Science as Grant-in-Aid for Specially Pro- moted Research (24000002). The author would like to thank Enago (www. enago.jp) for the English-language review. 1 2 | japanese political science review 3 (2016) Research Questions Japan experienced two power transitions after the goverment of Prime Minister Koizumi Jun’ichiro (2001 to 2006): one was the 2009 formation of the coalition government led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in 2009, and the other was the DPJ coalition’s subsequent fall and return of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komei Party coalition in 2012. Ironically, this situation also seemed to imply the failure of the two-party system in Japan, which was one purpose of the introduction of the mixed- member electoral system in single-member districts (SMDs) and propor- tional representation (PR) in 1994. -
Post-Reversion Okinawa and U.S.-Japan Relations
ヌ U.S.-Japan Alliance Affairs Series No. 1 May 2004 Post-Reversion Okinawa and U.S.-Japan Relations A Preliminary Survey of Local Politics and the Bases,1972-2002 Robert D. Eldridge Post-Reversion Okinawa and U.S.-Japan Relations A Preliminary Survey of Local Politics and the Bases, 1972-2002 Robert D. Eldridge ________________________ U.S.-Japan Alliance Affairs Division Center for International Security Studies and Policy School of International Public Policy, Osaka University May 2004 我胴やちょんわどの Wada ya chon wadu nu 儘ならぬ世界に Mama naran shike ni 彼ようらめゆる Ari yu urami yu ru よしのあるい Yushi nu arui --本部按司、19世紀 In a world full of obstacles, One cannot steer his course at will. Why should I think ill of others, When they fail to suit me? --Prince MUTUBU Anji, 19th Century Table of Contents I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………1 Purpose of Study Previous Research Materials Used Structure of Study Final Remarks and Acknowledgments II. Overview of Politics and Social Dynamics in Okinawa following Reversion………………7 A. The Reformist Years, 1972-1977 B. The Conservative Shift, 1977-1988 C. The Return of the Reformist Wave, 1988-1997 D. Accommodation, or the Return of the Conservatives, 1998-2002 E. Politics after 2002: Beyond the 30th Anniversary of the Return of Okinawa III. The Okinawa Base Problem and U.S.-Japan Relations after Reversion…………………. 58 A. U.S. Bases at the Time of Reversion B. Ensuring Land Usage—the Repeated Crises over Legislation for Compulsory Leasing C. The Arrival of the Self Defense Forces D. Base-related Frictions in the 1970s E. Base-related Frictions in the 1980s F.