Without Vision. the Moroccan Regime in the Face of Acquiescent Elites
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Beyond Islamists & Autocrats
PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SpRING Beyond Islamists & Autocrats MOROCCO: peting through more or less free and fair elections for par- liamentary and governmental positions since 1956, when Prospects for Civil Society the country established independence from French rule, n Vish Sakthivel arguably the greatest prospects for democratic reform can be found not in traditional political institutions but in the This paper, the second in a series exploring reformist country’s civil society. As this paper demonstrates, civil so- actors among non-Islamists throughout the region, ex- ciety entities such as trade unions and organizations work- amines prospects for political reform in Morocco. The ing on democratic development, women’s empowerment, paper defines democratic/reformist actors as individu- human rights, and the rights of the Berber (Amazigh) mi- als or groups supporting the familiar procedural mech- nority carry promise for Morocco’s democratic prospects, anisms of power sharing, such as regular elections and even as the political system remains dominated by the open contestation for political office, and also possi- monarchy. Indeed, since the constitutional reforms of bly working to strengthen the attendant freedoms of 2011, many Moroccan political groups, including those expression, association, and press; legal protections counterdemocratic strains with strong links to the regime, for minorities; and social conditions, such as literacy, portray themselves as reform-oriented, democratic actors widely acknowledged to be necessary components of a and may, in certain ways, serve as facilitators for reform democracy. Religious or Muslim democrats—or those groups. But their primary role is to facilitate continued le- seeing a role for religion in public life—are included in gitimacy for the regime, often taking up the ancillary role this definition. -
Tmobsnewsl Maq12.Indd
T RANSPARENCY n N UMÉRO 1 n N OVEMBRE n 2 0 0 7 NEWS Publication de l’Observatoire de la Corruption WWW.TRANSPARENCYMAROC.ORG système national d’intégrité : objectif premier de tout combat contre la SOMMAIRE : É DITO corruption et pour le renforcement de la gouvernance. Transparency-Maroc réactive, Lors des élections du 7 septembre, ÉDITO P. 1 sous une nouvelle forme, la structure Transparency-Maroc a été associée à INFOS p. 2 de l’Observatoire de la corruption. Democracy Reporting International Biens des Habous : Quel mode de gestion ? Cette nouvelle formule1 a démarré dans une observation qualitative des IPC : Le Maroc améliore son classement mais des effectivement au mois de septembre. élections. Cette observation a pu mesures s’imposent ! L’un de ses objectifs est de collecter constater que : Enquête sur les fortunes de généraux et dignitaires toute l’information disponible La gestion des élections a été marocains : vrai ou faux ? Une affaire à suivre sur les questions de corruption, relativement plus transparente, ce Acte de citoyenneté à Targuist — Email : [email protected] Email : — de transparence et de bonne qui correspond à un progrès qui Affaire CIH : Suite ou fin ? gouvernance. La conception et la mise mérite d’être salué. Cependant, des Lettre pour l’Histoire : Trois avocats radiés du barreau en place d’un système d’information informations nombreuses et multiples par la justice marocaine va faciliter le traitement, la synthèse recueillies signalent des pratiques Interpellations autour de la gestion de la direction des données et leur diffusion frauduleuses et l’utilisation importante 037.77.80.10 de la mutuelle générale du personnel des administrations publiques auprès des partenaires et des parties de l’argent illicite aussi bien dans le concernées. -
Returnees in the Maghreb: Comparing Policies on Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia
ͳͲ RETURNEES IN THE MAGHREB: COMPARING POLICIES ON RETURNING FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS IN EGYPT, MOROCCO AND TUNISIA THOMAS RENARD (editor) Foreword by Gilles de Kerchove and Christiane Höhn ʹͲͳͻ ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS Emna Ben Mustapha Ben Arab has a PhD in Culture Studies (University of La Manouba, Tunis/ University of California at Riverside, USA/Reading University, UK). She is currently a Non-resident Fellow at the Tunisian Institute for Strategic Studies (ITES), a member of the Mediterranean Discourse on Regional Security (George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies), and professor at the University of Sfax, Tunisia. Kathya Kenza Berrada is a Research Associate at the Arab Centre for Scientific Research and Humane Studies, Rabat, Morocco. Kathya holds a master’s degree in business from Grenoble Graduate Business School. Gilles de Kerchove is the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Christiane Höhn is Principal Adviser to the EU Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. Allison McManus is the Research Director at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. She holds an MA in global and international studies from University of California, Santa Barbara and a BA in international relations and French from Tufts University. Thomas Renard is Senior Research Fellow at the Egmont Institute, and Adjunct Professor at the Vesalius College. Sabina Wölkner is Head of the Team Agenda 2030 at the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) Berlin. Prior to this, Sabina was in charge of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue of KAS Brussels until March 2019. From 2009-2014, she worked in Bosnia and Herzegovina and headed the foundation's country programme. Sabina joined KAS in 2006. -
Their Eyes on Me
Their Eyes On Me Stories of surveillance in Morocco Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 02 Their Eyes on Me Stories of surveillance in Morocco www.privacyinternational.org Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 04 Their Eyes on Me Table of Contents Foreword 07 Introduction 08 Hisham Almiraat 14 Samia Errazzouki 22 Yassir Kazar 28 Ali Anouzla 32 05 Their Eyes on Me Photo © Anthony Drugeon 06 Their Eyes on Me Foreword Privacy International is a charity dedicated to fighting for the right to privacy around the world. We investigate the secret world of government surveillance and expose the companies enabling it. We litigate to ensure that surveillance is consistent with the rule of law. We advocate for strong national, regional and international laws that protect privacy. We conduct research to catalyse policy change. We raise awareness about technologies and laws that place privacy at risk, to ensure that the public is informed and engaged. We are proud of our extensive work with our partners across the world. In particular, over the past year we have been working in 13 countries to assist local partner organisations in developing capacities to investigate surveillance and advocate for strong privacy protections in their country and across regions. Morocco is one of the key countries of focus, having met with activists dedicated to defending the internet and more specifically the inviolability of electronic communications. Hisham Almiraat – both a subject of surveillance and a passionate privacy advocate – has been at the forefront of this battle, with his new organisation, Association des Droits Numériques. -
Morocco: Freedom on the Net 2017
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Morocco 2016 2017 Population: 35.3 million Partly Partly Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 58.3 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 11 Political/Social Content Blocked: No Limits on Content (0-35) 9 10 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 23 24 TOTAL* (0-100) 44 45 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • The telecommunications regulator ordered ISPs to lift restrictions on VoIP services imposed last year (see Restrictions on Connectivity). • Provisions in the new press code passed in June 2016 removed jail sentences for journalistic crimes, except in cases when journalists fail to pay fines, which remai steep. The code also mandates the registration of online journalists in a move that may further stifle free reporting (se Legal Environment). • Digital activism surrounding the death of a fish salesman in the coastal city of al Hoceima led to a national protest movement against social and economic conditions (see Digital Activism). • Hamid al-Mahdaoui, editor-in-chief of the news site Badil, received a suspended sentence for investigative reporting and was later arrested and imprisoned for covering the protests (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Five prominent activists and online journalists face up to five years in prison fo “threatening the security of the state,” while two additional journalists could be fine for receiving foreign funding without permission. All seven individuals are implicated in a troubling court case that has been repeatedly postponed (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). -
Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights Pre- and Post-2011
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 13 | 34 – December 2013 ISSN 2280-4331 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 Mohammed Hashas Abstract Compared to Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, Morocco’s political development looks like an oasis of tranquillity. “Moroccan exceptionalism” is often drawn on as a positive status, the result of at least one decade of reforms implemented by the monarchy, long before the Arab Spring events. An alternative view is offered by some civil society movements inside the country and by the 20 February Movement, born amidst the waves of the Arab Spring, which are critical of this exceptionalism and call for more reforms. By making reference to the constitutional reforms undertaken by the country since 1908 and by assessing the most recent reform efforts, this paper argues that “Moroccan exceptionalism” is yet to go through the test of the implementation of what is often referred to as a “promising constitution” that should in its intentions pave the way for a genuine constitutional monarchy in Morocco. “Moroccan exceptionalism,” as the paper concludes, is not the description of a “final” political situation; rather, it is merely “a phase” in the political life of a country undergoing transition. It is then the outcome of this “phase” that will determine whether “exceptionalism” takes on a positive or a negative meaning and whether the two contrasting narratives about “exceptionalism” can ultimately be reconciled. Keywords : Morocco / Domestic policy / Reforms / Arab Spring © 2013 IAI ISBN 978-88-98650-05-7 IAI Working Papers 1334 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined : Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 Moroccan Exceptionalism Examined: Constitutional Insights pre- and post-2011 by Mohammed Hashas ∗ Introduction The label “Moroccan exceptionalism” is often used both by government officials in the country and many political analysts and commentators. -
Morocco Page 1 of 24
2010 Human Rights Practices: Morocco Page 1 of 24 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » Human Rights Reports » 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices » Near East and North Africa » Morocco 2010 Human Rights Practices: Morocco BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices April 8, 2011 Morocco is a monarchy with a constitution, an elected parliament, and a population of approximately 34 million. According to the constitution, ultimate authority rests with King Mohammed VI, who presides over the Council of Ministers and appoints or approves members of the government. The king may dismiss ministers, dissolve parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. In the bicameral legislature, the lower house may dissolve the government through a vote of no confidence. The 2007 multiparty parliamentary elections for the lower house went smoothly and were marked by transparency and professionalism. International observers judged that those elections were relatively free from government-sponsored irregularities. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Citizens did not have the right to change the constitutional provisions establishing the country's monarchical form of government or those designating Islam the state religion. There were reports of torture and other abuses by various branches of the security forces. Prison conditions remained below international standards. Reports of arbitrary arrests, incommunicado detentions, and police and security force impunity continued. Politics, as well as corruption and inefficiency, influenced the judiciary, which was not fully independent. The government restricted press freedoms. Corruption was a serious problem in all branches of government. -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
DGAP Report Morocco Violence Extremism
German Council on Foreign Relations No. 4 January 2020 – first published in REPORT July 2019 Edited Volume Socio-Economic Development and Violent Extremism in Morocco Morocco’s Regional Policy, Migration and (De-)Radicalization – Policy Briefs from the Region and Europe Edited by Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid 2 No. 4 | January 2020 – first published in July 2019 Socio-Economic Development and Violent Extremism in Morocco REPORT The following papers were written by participants of the workshop “Promotion of Think Tank Work on Violent Extremism and Morocco’s Regional Policy in Sub-Sahara Africa as well as the MENA Region” organized by the German Council on Foreign Relations’ Middle East and North Africa Program in the winter of 2018 and spring of 2019 in cooperation with the Rabat Social Studies Institute (RSSI). The workshop is part of the program’s project on the promotion of think tank work in the Middle East and North Africa, which aims to strengthen the scientific and technical capacities of civil society actors in the region and the EU who are engaged in research and policy analysis and advice. It is realized with the support of the German Federal Foreign Office and the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations (ifa e.V.). The content of the papers does not reflect the opinion of the DGAP. Responsibility for the information and views expressed herein lies entirely with the authors. The editorial closing date was March 31, 2019. Authors: Clarisse Anceau, Tachfine Baida, Hamdi Echkaou, Meriem El Haitami, Abdelouahed Eloufir, Ingrid Heidlmayr-Chegdaly, Salim Hmimnat, Zilvinas Svedkauskas, and Lisa Watanabe Edited by Laura Lale Kabis-Kechrid No. -
Textes Législatifs Et Réglementaires Relatifs À L'enseignement Supérieur
Royaume du Maroc Ministère de l'Enseignement Supérieur de la Formation des Cadres et de la Recherche Scientifique Textes Législatifs et Réglementaires Relatifs à l'Enseignement Supérieur Décembre 2010 Sommaire Loi N° 01-00 portant organisation de l'enseignement supérieur Dahir n° 1-00-199 du 15 safar 1421 (19 mai 2000) portant promulgation de la loi n° 01-00 portant organisation de l'enseignement supérieur Conseil supérieur de l'enseignement Loi dahir n° 1-05-152 du 11 moharrem 1427 (10 février 2006) portant réorganisation du conseil supérieur de l'enseignement. Commission nationale de coordination de l'enseignement supérieur Décret n° 2-01-2330 du 22 rabii 11423 (4 juin 2002) fixant la composition et le fonctionnement de la commission nationale de coordination de l'enseignement supérieur ainsi que les modalités de désignation de ses membres. Création des universités Dahir portant loi n° 1-75-398 du 10 chaoual 1395 (16 octobre 1975) portant création d'universités. Création des établissements universitaires Décret n° 2-90-554 2 rejeb 1411 (18 janvier 1991) relatif aux établissements universitaires et aux cites universitaires. Vocation des établissements universitaires Décret n° 2-04-89 du 18 rabii H 1425 (7 juin 2004) fixant la vocation des établissements universitaires, les cycles des études supérieures ainsi que les diplômes nationaux correspondants tel qu'il a été modifié et complété. Conseils des universités Décret n° 2-01-2326 du 22 rabii i 1423 (4 juin 2002) fixant les modalités de désignation et d'élection de membres des conseils des universités. Arrêté du ministre de l'enseignement supérieur, de la formation des cadres et de la recherche scientifique n° 1269-02 du 11 rejeb 1423 (19 septembre 2002) fixant les modalités d'organisation des élections des membres élus des conseils des universités. -
Case History: Ali Anouzla
Case History: Ali Anouzla About Ali Anouzla Status: Some charges dropped About the situation Ali Anouzla faces charges from 2013 in relation to the news website Lakome. The case continues to be characterised by delays as the hearing planned for 14 December has been further adjourned to 22 February 2018. The human rights defender faces charges of "material support for terrorism", "sympathising with terrorism" and "incitement to commit acts of terrorism" in relation to a post on the Lakome website in September 2013. If convicted, he faces up to 30 years in prison. About Ali Anouzla Ali Anouzla is a human rights defender, independent journalist and political analyst. He reports on human rights violations in Morocco and Western Sahara. He is the director of Lakome, a Rabat-based, independent online newspaper focusing on civil liberties, human rights, and the promotion of the rights of access to information and freedom of expression. He is also the co-founder, along with fellow human rights defender Mr Maâti Monjib, of Freedom Now - Comité de protection de la liberté de la presse et d'expression au Maroc (Freedom Now – Committee for the protection of freedom of the press and free expression in Morocco), a human rights organization which was denied registration by the authorities in May 2014. 1 June 2016 Some charges dropped against prominent journalist Ali Anouzla On 24 May 2016, the Court of First Instance of Rabat dropped the charges brought against prominent journalist Mr Ali Anouzla accused of “undermining national territorial integrity” in connection with comments made on the dispute regarding Western Sahara in an interview. -
2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001
Morocco Page 1 of 41 Morocco Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001 The Constitution provides for a monarchy with a Parliament and an independent judiciary; however, ultimate authority rests with the King, who presides over the Council of Ministers, appoints all members of the Government, and may, at his discretion, terminate the tenure of any minister, dissolve the Parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. The late King Hassan II, who ruled for 38 years, was succeeded by his son, King Mohammed VI, in July 1999. Since the constitutional reform of 1996, the bicameral legislature consists of a lower house, the Chamber of Representatives, which is elected through universal suffrage, and an upper house, the Chamber of Counselors, whose members are elected by various regional, local, and professional councils. The councils' members themselves are elected directly. The lower house of Parliament also may dissolve the Government through a vote of no confidence. In March 1998, King Hassan named a coalition government headed by opposition socialist leader Abderrahmane Youssoufi and composed largely of ministers drawn from opposition parties. Prime Minister Youssoufi's Government is the first government drawn primarily from opposition parties in decades, and also represents the first opportunity for a coalition of socialist, left-of-center, and nationalist parties to be included in the Government. The November 1997 parliamentary elections were held amid widespread, credible reports of vote buying by political parties and the Government, and excessive government interference. The fraud and government pressure tactics led most independent observers to conclude that the results of the election were heavily influenced, if not predetermined, by the Government.