Representing Immigrants in Unconventional Marriages Or Partnership BY: LAURA J

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Representing Immigrants in Unconventional Marriages Or Partnership BY: LAURA J Representing Immigrants in Unconventional Marriages or Partnership BY: LAURA J. DANIELSON April 2006 (Laura can also be reached at our London office) I. INTRODUCTION: As immigration practitioners, we are occasionally visited by clients who are in atypical or unconventional relationships, ranging from couples who are living apart, to those whose unions originated via mail-order catalogs, to those who are in same sex or transsexual relationships. Even conventional and traditional “arranged marriages” can pose obstacles in that proof of courtship is often absent. Obviously, not all of these arrangements will result in immigration benefits. This article will discuss each of these types of relationships and will offer suggestions on how best to proceed to ensure that the couple can remain together given the constraints of U.S. immigration law. The INA does not define the terms “marriage,” “spouse,” “husband” or “wife.” Case law has defined “spouse” as a party to a valid marriage that has not been legally terminated.1 A marriage is generally considered legally valid if recognized as such by the law of the jurisdiction where the marriage took place.2 There are two exceptions to this rule. The first, which is codified in the INA, is that no immigration or nationality benefits should accrue where the parties were not physically in one another’s presence at the time of marriage, unless the marriage has been consummated.3 As pointed out by Daniel Levy in his Immigration Briefing article entitled, “The Family in Immigration and Nationality Law: Part I,” this exception was designed to inhibit “mail order” or “proxy marriages.”4 Please note that consummation is not required except in situations where the parties were not in the presence of each other at the time of marriage. The second exception to the general rule that marriages are considered valid based on the laws of the jurisdiction where they occurred, is that marriages will not be recognized if they are “repugnant to the public policy of the domicile of the parties, in respect to polygamy, incest, or miscegenation, or otherwise contrary to its positive laws.”5 As Levy points out, miscegenation is no longer an issue since state laws barring marriage between people of different races have been determined to be unconstitutional.6 Marriages involving polygamy or couples of the same sex, however, have been found to violate U.S. public policy, and as such have been declared invalid for the purpose of conferring immigration benefits.7 Unions involving homosexual couples will be discussed in greater detail below. Once a marriage has been determined to be legal for the purposes of conferring benefits under the INA, a second line of inquiry is made to ascertain whether the marriage was bona fide at its inception and is not a “sham marriage” as prohibited under the Immigration Marriage Fraud Amendments of 1986.8 The test of its viability is whether the parties intended to establish a life together at the time they married.9 The actual type of marital relationship can take many forms so long as the parties intend to establish a life together. Therefore the USCIS cannot require that the parties share a certain type of marital life or that they provide specific types of documentation. As pointed out by Daniel Levy, the Ninth Circuit has stated that, “The concept of establishing a life as marital partners contains no federal dictate about the kind of life that the partners may choose to lead.”10 As a practical matter, however, the more unorthodox the marital arrangement, the greater the scrutiny that is going to be applied by the Service in reviewing marriage based petitions. The cautious immigration practitioner will want to document such applications very thoroughly. II. MAIL ORDER BRIDES: The number of mail-order bride businesses has grown rapidly over the past decade, and many of us see clients from time to time whose unions were initiated via these businesses. In February 1999 the USCIS released a report to Congress in response to its request that the Service conduct a study of mail-order marriages. The primary purpose of the study was to review such applications for evidence of either domestic violence or marriage fraud.11 This study estimated that approximately 200 mail-order bride companies arrange from between 4,000 and 6,000 marriages in the U.S. each year,12 primarily from Russia and Asia. Mail-order marriage is not a new phenomenon, but as this study pointed out, is an “inseparable part of North American history and the settlement of the United States.” In my own family’s lore is the story of a great great grandfather who was too busy plowing his field in western Minnesota to travel to the train station to greet his newly arrived, sixteen year old Swedish mail order bride. Having ordered her from a catalog after the death of his first wife during childbirth, he send his eldest son to the train station instead. The concern over today’s wife-import businesses relates to the foreign-born woman’s relative lack of power, compared to that of her U.S. husband. In fact, studies have shown that frequently, “those who have used the mail-order bride route to find a mate have control in mind more than a loving, enduring relationship.”13 At the time of the USCIS study, however, the available data showed that very few mail-order brides had availed themselves of the Violence Against Women Act (“VAWA”) provisions under Section 204(a)(1)(A)(iii) of the INA.14 Despite this low number of reported abused mail-order spouses, USCIS finds in its report that, “there is every reason to expect the number…to increase in the future, as the awareness of the VAWA provisions grows and organizations that provide immigration assistance and counseling to abused women learn how to present cases effectively to the USCIS.”15 Although Robert Scholes states in his report (which was cited by the USCIS Report) that, “There is no question that many of the alien women who advertise for U.S. husbands are far more interested in gaining permanent residence alien status than in gaining a good marriage,”16 the USCIS researchers could only document that one percent of marriage cases involving mail-order marriages were denied for fraud. The report concludes, “At a rate of 1 percent, then, this study did not demonstrate a significant role played by the matchmaking industry in marriage fraud.”17 Despite its findings of low rates of fraud and domestic abuse among mail-order marriage cases, the USCIS concluded that there is a need for continued monitoring of mail-order marriages. Those of us presenting such cases to the Service should not be surprised if met by a wary reception on the part of the examiner. Particularly important will be the need to document the developing and ongoing relationship. Many mail-order brides initially come to the U.S. on fiancé visas, which require that the parties have met personally at least once within the two years preceding the filing of the petition.18 To that end, it is very important to have copies of airline tickets, hotel reservations, photographs, and other evidence of the couple’s time spent together within that time frame. Additionally, it is useful to include copies of e-mail correspondence, post-marked letters, and faxes sent between the parties, as well as receipts evidencing an exchange of gifts. In the final analysis, if the bona fides of the case are well documented and there are no other grounds of inadmissibility, the Service will not be able to deny the admission of a mail-order bride. III. TRADITIONAL ARRANGED MARRIAGES: A traditional arranged marriage is significantly distinct from that arranged within the mail-order bride industry. In the latter, men pay fees to the owners of mail-order businesses in order to meet women, who are often from outside their culture, and the families of the marrying parties are not typically involved. In the traditional arranged marriage, by contrast, the parents of the couple are customarily heavily involved in the decision-making process. Traditional arranged marriages encourage the considerations of family, culture, ethnicity, and religion. Fees are not generally paid, except when there are dowries. Sometimes matchmakers are consulted and hired to facilitate the process. Arranged marriages often take place quickly and without any significant period of courtship. In some cultures there is no courtship whatsoever, making it difficult to document the bona fides of the relationship. Fortunately, most arranged marriages often involved elaborate engagement ceremonies or wedding rituals, which can be photographed and explained in detail. Additionally, an immigration attorney should never shy away from admitting that a marriage is arranged, but rather should emphasize the significance of such a marriage within certain traditional cultures. In rare instances, a U.S. party will want to petition for a future mate, sight unseen. Although proxy marriage is unavailable, it is possible to petition for a fiancé. There is an exception to the rule, “where there is extreme hardship or long established custom.”19 One important point about the fiancé visa is that the foreign fiancé cannot marry anyone except the petitioning party. It can happen that the U.S. fiancé backs out of the arrangement at the last moment, to be replaced by another. USCIS will not accept replacement spouses; the foreign fiancé will have to return home and be petitioned for anew. IV. HOMOSEXUAL MARRIAGES: As discussed earlier, same sex marriages, even if legal within a foreign jurisdiction, have been determined to violate U.S. public policy. In fact, until very recently, homosexuals were themselves considered to be inadmissible to the U.S.
Recommended publications
  • Arranged Marriages: an Inappropriate Fabrication
    Mako: NSU Undergraduate Student Journal Volume 2020 Spring Article 1 February 2020 Arranged Marriages: An Inappropriate Fabrication Karika Sethi Nova Southeastern University Michael D. Reiter Nova Southeastern University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/mako Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, Business Commons, Education Commons, Engineering Commons, Life Sciences Commons, Medicine and Health Sciences Commons, Physical Sciences and Mathematics Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Sethi, Karika and Reiter, Michael D. (2020) "Arranged Marriages: An Inappropriate Fabrication," Mako: NSU Undergraduate Student Journal: Vol. 2020 , Article 1. Available at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/mako/vol2020/iss1/1 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mako: NSU Undergraduate Student Journal by an authorized editor of NSUWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sethi and Reiter: Arranged Marriages: An Inappropriate Fabrication Running head: ARRANGED MARRIAGES Arranged Marriages: An Inappropriate Fabrication Karika Sethi Nova Southeastern University Published by NSUWorks, 1 Mako: NSU Undergraduate Student Journal, Vol. 2020 [], Art. 1 ARRANGED MARRIAGES 2 Abstract This paper explores what an inappropriate relationship is and the taxonomy scale used to evaluate different relationships, specifically, arranged marriages. Arranged marriage is a topic that is considered taboo depending on global location. It is more prevalent in Eastern nations such as India, China, Oriental countries, and the Middle East. However, Western influence plays a significant role on what is and is not acceptable, as societal norms differ from place to place. What is defined as normal by culture is what helps to define if a relationship is or is not viewed as inappropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • (Arranged) Marriage: an Autoethnographical Exploration of a Modern Practice
    TCNJ JOURNAL OF STUDENT SCHOLARSHIP VOLUME XXII APRIL 2020 FIRST COMES (ARRANGED) MARRIAGE: AN AUTOETHNOGRAPHICAL EXPLORATION OF A MODERN PRACTICE Author: Dian Babu Faculty Sponsor: John Landreau Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies ABSTRACT This article uses autoethnography and family interviews to analyze the modern cultural practice of arranged marriage from my standpoint as a first generation Indian-American. Borrowing from Donna Haraway’s notion of situated knowledge, Edward Said’s theory of Orientalism, and W.E.B. Du Bois’ concept of double consciousness, this article presents the idea of immigrant consciousness and precedes to contend with the sociocultural circumstances, such as transnational migration, assimilation, and racism-classism, that have prompted the evolution of a modern iteration of arranged marriage. The central question that informs this paper is what does arranged marriage mean – and how can it be defended and/or criticized – in different circumstances and from different standpoints in the transnational South Asian context? INTRODUCTION Dating is foreign to me. Is that strange to hear? Let me qualify that statement: American dating is foreign to me. I am a first-generation Indian-American, Christian girl. I am the child of parents who immigrated from India to the United States and who were brought together through an arranged marriage. The practice of arranged marriage runs through most of my family history and dating is a relatively new practice to us collectively. Important to note, however, is that my family members’ individual histories, like all histories, do not run on one generalized path. I have family members who never married, who remarried, who had forced marriages, who had “love marriages,” who married young, who married non- Indian people, who divorced, and so on and so forth.
    [Show full text]
  • Position Paper on Forced Marriage Analysis of Arranged Marriage As Practiced in Jewish Communities
    8th February 2021 Position Paper on Forced Marriage Analysis of Arranged Marriage as Practiced in Jewish Communities Forward The shidduch system of arranged marriage as practised in the Charedi (also known as Ultra-Orthodox) part of the Jewish community has worked for many people in a range of Charedi communities. It has brought joy, satisfaction and belonging to many Jewish couples and enriched their lives. This paper is written for people using the shidduch system of arranged marriage. This paper is also written for the Jewish community, including Jewish community organisations, and as well as those working in the wider VAWG sector. We seek to explain our concerns with some aspects of the shidduch system, and to demonstrate that elements of the shidduch system can create social pressure and coercion to marry, inhibiting a person’s capacity to consent to a marriage. We call on various agencies of the UK Government and other organisations to implement our recommendations. We explore how social pressures can fit with the term “Forced Marriage” as defined in UK legislation. We write as observant Jews, and we have undertaken this work to reduce the harms inflicted on individuals in our community. We are confident that our community has the confidence to consider our recommendations with nuanced reflection. Dozens of people have given freely of their time to help with the shaping and editing of this paper. Rabbis, academics, VAWG sector professionals, specialists in education, legal scholars, and advocates. We thank you all. We are indebted to those who have trusted us with their stories, without which this paper would have no soul.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Marriage Traditions: Exploring Contemporary Changes
    Lund University Department of Sociology BIDS Chinese Marriage Traditions: Exploring Contemporary Changes Author: YueYi Qiu Bachelor Thesis: UTVK03, 15 hp Spring Term 2013 Tutor: Axel Fredholm 1 Abstract Author: YueYi Qiu Title: Chinese Marriage Traditions: Exploring Contemporary Changes Bachelor Thesis: UTVK03, 15 hp Tutor: Axel Fredholm Department of Sociology / BIDS ST 13 This thesis presents the transitions of Chinese people’s marriage concepts from before 1949 up to 1978 and explores the new marriage concepts now. The analysis part includes the high rates of divorce, left-over women and the bride price in China. I will mainly discuss why nowadays Chinese people have difficulties getting married, especially Chinese men. This analysis is based on two main theories; one is social exchange and another one is marriage squeeze. The analysis is based on the expensive bride price and how important it is for Chinese people especially for Chinese women. Key words: Chinese marriage, Gender inequality, social exchange, bride price 2 Acknowledgment First of all I want to give many thanks to my supervisor Axel Fredholm. Thanks to his detailed and professional guidance. From him I learned a lot. I also really appreciate his patience and encouragement. If without his help this paper will never carry out. I also want to thanks to my dear friends Caitlin McDermott, Elin Lorentzson, Lovisa Lang, Madelene Trang, PengFei Zhang, and thanks for all the comments, help, good ideas, encouragement, and friendship. If without you all my life will not be the
    [Show full text]
  • Wedding Customs in Monsoon Wedding Judson Michael Edwards
    Wedding Customs in Monsoon Wedding Judson Michael Edwards Course: English 230 Instructor: Ms. Andree Cosby Essay Type: Literary Analysis Monsoon Wedding is a movie by Mira Nair “set in modern-day Delhi,” and falls under the interesting category of “Punjabi comedy” (Howe WE37). Nair herself is from Delhi, which has been a Punjabi stronghold since 1947, when Muslims left the city for the newly formed country of Pakistan (WE37). The storyline is based on an arranged marriage between the characters of Aditi and Hemant: two upper middle class Punjabis. Punjabi weddings include a great deal of ancient traditions, many of which are apparent in Monsoon Wedding. This analysis will cover the Punjabi marriage traditions that are most apparent in Monsoon Wedding. Their families prearrange Aditi and Hemant’s marriage. Although they have never met, they are not being forced into marrying each other. At the chunni chandana ceremony, Aditi’s aunt even says, “Give them some privacy. I met C.L. only once, we got married right away!” It is their choice, and they seem to be completely comfortable with it. They trust their families to make a good match for them because “family [is] an important factor in the selection of a spouse” (Kapadia 136). Throughout the movie, it is apparent that there is a conflict between traditional Punjabi customs and more modern western ones. In one scene, Aditi’s father, Lalit, and the wedding planner P.K. Dubey, get into a bit of an argument over the color of the wedding tent. Lalit wanted a traditional colorful Punjabi tent, but Dubey has already put up a western-style white tent.
    [Show full text]
  • Marriage Laws Around the World
    1 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Marriage Laws around the World COUNTRY CODED TEXT Source Additional sources Despite a law setting the legal minimum age for marriage at 16 (15 with the consent of a parent or guardian and the court) for girls and 18 for boys, international and local observers continued to report widespread early marriage. The media reported a 2014 survey by the Ministry of Public Health that sampled 24,032 households in all 34 provinces showed 53 percent of all women ages 25-49 married by age 18 and 21 percent by age 15. According to the Central Statistics Organization of Afghanistan, 17.3 percent of girls ages 15 to 19 and 66.2 percent of girls ages 20 to 24 were married. During the EVAW law debate, conservative politicians publicly stated it was un-Islamic to ban the marriage of girls younger than 16. Under the EVAW law, those who arrange forced or underage marriages may be sentenced to imprisonment for not less than two years, but implementation of the law remained limited. The Law on Marriage states marriage of a minor may be conducted with a guardian’s consent. By law a marriage contract requires verification that the bride is 16 years of age, but only a small fraction of the population had birth certificates. Following custom, some poor families pledged their daughters to marry in exchange for “bride money,” although the practice is illegal. According to local NGOs, some girls as young as six or seven were promised in marriage, with the understanding the actual marriage would be delayed until the child [Source: Department of reached puberty.
    [Show full text]
  • Value Attitudes Toward Role Behavior of Women in Two Japanese Villages
    I I Value Attitudes toward Role Behavior of Women in erwo Japanese Villages GEORGE DE VOS University of California, Berkeley HIROSHI WAGATSUMA Kiinan University, Kobe, Japan HE recent accumulation of intensive data on Japanese rural culture has T revealed many regional differences in Japanese values and attitudes. Scholars concerned with Japanese culture are more aware that they must dis­ tinguish between what is broadly characteristic of the society as a whole and what is specific to smaller segments. The full range of variation, however, is still far from clear. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the value of using standardized projective tests, such as the Thematic Apperception Test, in studying inter­ community differences. Specifically, this paper reports results obtained by comparing TAT data from two Japanese communities in what is termed south­ western Japan. One is occupationally concerned with farming, the other with fishing. The over-all results obtained from the two villages are similar in many respects, but they also reveal certain consistent differences in attitudes con­ cerning role behavior in the primary family. INTRODUCTION: HISTORICAL COMPLEXITY IN THE CHANGING PATTERNS OF FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS IN RURAL JAPAN Japanese scholars (Ariga 1940; 1948; 1955; Ariga, et al. 1954; Fukutake 1949; 1954; Izumi and Gamo 1952; Kawashima 1948; Ogyu 1957; Omachi 1937) characterize pre-Meijil rural social organization as having two principal variant forms: a northeastern pattern emphasizing kinship and pseudo-kinship relations, and a southwestern pattern giving a greater role to communal organ­ izations not based on kinship. Although attitudes and values concerning the social position of women varied greatly within the northeastern pattern, they emphasized a relatively low position for females within a hierarchically organ­ ized patriarchal family structure (Befu and Norbeck 1958).
    [Show full text]
  • Romancing the Other: Non-Christian and Interfaith Marriage in Late Middle English Literature, 1300-1450
    ROMANCING THE OTHER: NON-CHRISTIAN AND INTERFAITH MARRIAGE IN LATE MIDDLE ENGLISH LITERATURE, 1300-1450 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Jennifer Mary Gianfalla, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2009 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Lisa J. Kiser, Advisor Professor Richard Firth Green Professor Karen A. Winstead ____________________________ Advisor English Graduate Program ABSTRACT This dissertation makes a significant contribution to postcolonial medieval studies by examining how fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Middle English authors use representations of non-Christian and interfaith marriages to enter a wider Christian European discourse centered around the threat of the religious Other. Because such marriages are not well documented historically in medieval England, my dissertation argues that their portrayal is not a reflection of actual practice, but rather a fantasy that allows these authors to engage actively in maintaining and defending the dominance of Christianity and the Catholic Church. As my readings show, these texts serve to bolster the Church’s campaign against non-Christians by moving this campaign to marriage’s domestic sphere. Marriage is thus not only politically important, as it enables alliances to be forged among kingdoms and nations; it is now also religiously important, as it becomes a means for the culture to fantasize about the extent to which Christianity can dominate. The texts I examine cover an extensive period of the later Middle Ages, ranging from 1300 to 1450; the period of one hundred fifty years indicates that authors maintained an interest in conversion as a consequence of marriage and suggests that this motif was pervasive.
    [Show full text]
  • Articles on Arranged Marriages Pros and Cons
    Articles On Arranged Marriages Pros And Cons Redemptive and heard Wade always sunburns apogamously and concelebrates his blackbirder. Lawrentian and tropistic interjaculatesMort always issued her dialog. pedantically and determines his obolus. Reflex and deferent Shep spyings, but Virgil petrologically Many families is chosen for visual contact or cons arranged marriages and articles on two The one on an extended family behaviors. You get family plan dear future properly. Being told us about open relationships all marriages since the pro: oxford university press, the values as well as a growing evidence that marrying. Not on arranged marriages are pros and cons of personal life partner may have been arranged marriages are shifting to be a calmer household. Pros and Cons in Single-Parent Families UniversalClass. Kim perry and cons of one can be worse off people marry the pro and kissing was the practice complain that are not have little correlation is. Top 5 Advantages and Disadvantages Of subject Marriage. Both of arranged, on the article for no need to rigorously linking to know the creation or other interactive articles and joint goals. Close friends and family accompany by bride saw the stupid to the bridal chamber where a probe of teasing is oven and tricks are played on the newlyweds. Many people rescue an arranged marriage measure into play first days of their relationship as deep it demand a business partnership. Human beings come to mortgage one pipe through the neighborhood in which does live, places they hot or houses of worship service attend. That families skip the home the articles on arranged marriages and cons of livelihood, be summed up our great little or password to deal with none of? Lemme me shelter in radio again.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Across Cultures: Two Stories from Papua New Guinea on Arranged Marriages
    READING ACROSS CULTURES: TWO STORIES FROM PAPUA NEW GUINEA ON ARRANGED MARRIAGES DANIELA CAVALLARO University of Auckland 57 The issue of arranged marriages in a developing country may be a hazardous topic for a European to discuss. In her 1982 essay entitled “White woman listen! Black feminism and the boundaries of sisterhood”, Hazel V. Carby warns that Euro- American feminism often fails to comprehend the concerns of black women, due to its “Eurocentric (and often racist) framework” (1982: 226). In particular, Carby takes arranged marriages as an example of those family structures which the Western World considers “pathologic”, as opposed to the “Western nuclear family structure and related ideologies of ‘romantic love’” (215-216). The white nuclear family, Carby claims, is the measure by which other family structures are judged and often condemned by Western observers, who on the other hand ignore the actual struggles of women in developing countries (216-217). As a European woman lecturing in literature in Papua New Guinea, and interested in women’s issues, I initially found myself in the position of those Western observers that Carby criticized: faced with the existence in our own university community and in PNG at large of marriage customs I was not familiar with, customs that I considered a violation of women’s human rights, I would mainly note their negative consequences as reported in the local papers: low self-esteem on the part of women, abandonment, divorce and domestic violence. I also expected literary works, especially if written by women, to express their concerns with the customs and their desire to eliminate them.
    [Show full text]
  • Determinants of Marital Quality in an Arranged Marriage Society
    Determinants of Marital Quality in an Arranged Marriage Society Keera Allendorf Department of Sociology University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign 605 E. Springfield Ave. Champaign, IL 61820 USA Phone (217) 244-0811 Fax (217) 333-5225 [email protected] Dirgha Ghimire Population Studies Center University of Michigan 421 Thompson St. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 USA [email protected] Population Studies Center Research Report 12-758 May 2012 Determinants of Marital Quality in an Arranged Marriage Society 1 ABSTRACT Drawing on a uniquely large number of items on marital quality, this study explores the determinants of marital quality in Chitwan Valley, Nepal. Marital quality is measured with five dimensions identified through exploratory factor analysis, comprising satisfaction, communication, togetherness, problems, and disagreements. Gender, education, spouse choice, and marital duration emerge as the most important determinants of these dimensions of marital quality. Specifically, men, those with more schooling, those who participated in the choice of their spouse, and those who have been married longer have higher levels of marital quality. By contrast, caste, occupation, age at marriage, and number of children have little to no association with marital quality. However, while we identify key determinants of marital quality in this context, the majority of variation in marital quality remains unexplained. Determinants of Marital Quality in an Arranged Marriage Society 2 1. INTRODUCTION Marital quality is an important aspect of family life that shapes people’s health and well- being. Greater marital quality is associated with less depression (Williams, 2003), better self- rated health (Umberson, et al., 2006), less physical illness (Wickrama, et al., 1997), and other positive outcomes (Ross, et al., 1990).
    [Show full text]
  • A Cross-Cultural Study of Wedding Motivations in the Keralite Indian
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Senior Theses Honors College Spring 2018 Personalizing the Wedding: A Cross-Cultural Study of Wedding Motivations in the Keralite Indian and Southern American Communities Juliet Joseph University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Katherine Alexander University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses Part of the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Joseph, Juliet and Alexander, Katherine, "Personalizing the Wedding: A Cross-Cultural Study of Wedding Motivations in the Keralite Indian and Southern American Communities" (2018). Senior Theses. 243. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/senior_theses/243 This Thesis is brought to you by the Honors College at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 2 Table of Contents Thesis Summary 4 Introduction 5 Literature Review 7 Roles of the Wedding Ceremony and its Components 8 Familial Significance in Weddings 11 American Wedding Traditions 13 Rituals Symbolizing Meaning 13 The Tension Between Ritual and Retail 14 Historical South: The Bible Belt 15 Keralite Indian Wedding Tradition 16 Love Marriage vs Arranged Marriage 16 Dowry 18 Syrian Community within Kerala 19 Research Design and Context 21 Introduction 21 Positionality 21 Anecdotal Conversations 23 Observational Research (Wedding
    [Show full text]