ABSTRACT A PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDY OF HMONG WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE WITH FORCED MARRIAGE IN THE HMONG CULTURE

This exploratory qualitative research study utilizes feminist standpoint theory and shame cultures to explore the experience of Hmong women who married young by force of the family, due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. Three situational taboos were considered in this study: (a) premarital pregnancy, (b) bringing the girl home later than the parent(s) liking, and (c) visiting the girl without parental knowledge. Semi-structured interviews with five Hmong women residing in the Central Valley of California were conducted. This study is guided by the principles of hermeneutic phenomenology as described by Van Manen (as cited in Creswell, 2007) and Creswell (2007). Three themes emerged in the study: shame, freedom, and resilience. Findings indicate that shame and the value placed on saving face in the Hmong culture were contributing factors to their forced marriage.

Paj Tshiab Vang May 2013

A PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDY OF HMONG WOMEN’S EXPERIENCE WITH FORCED MARRIAGE IN THE HMONG CULTURE

by Paj Tshiab Vang

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Work in the College of Health and Human Services California State University, Fresno May 2013 APPROVED For the Department of Social Work Education

We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree.

Paj Tshiab Vang Thesis Author

Kris Clarke (Chair) Social Work Education

Virginia Rondero Hernandez Social Work Education

Bee Yang Social Work Education

For the University Graduate Committee:

Dean, Division of Graduate Studies AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS

X I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship.

Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me.

Signature of thesis author: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As I sit here making a list of the people whom I would like to thank, I have yet to believe that the completion of my thesis has become a reality. The idea appeared so farfetched when I started my graduate program at Fresno State. Yet, here am I and I am happy to say that I still have my sanity. Although I honestly thought that I was going to lose it at times. First and foremost, my deepest gratitude goes to my parents, my father, Tooj Zhe Vaj and my mother, Paib Yaj. Their unconditional love and support have guided me through my academic endeavors and they continue to be my motivation in my successes in life. I am forever thankful to them for allowing me to do what my heart desires and pushing me to take advantage of the opportunities that were not available to them. They are stronger than I will ever be and I only hope to be as strong willed as them someday. I would also like to thank my older sister, Jennifer, for believing in me and encouraging me to continue with my education. Though she may not know it, her life experiences have impacted me immensely. From them I have learned how to be strong and independent and that my voice and my happiness are important. To my two brothers, Keycy and Jaycy, who continue to motivate me to do what makes me happy. They never judge me and accept and love me for who I am no matter what. I cannot thank my significant other, Hue, enough for his endless love and support. Especially in the past two years that I have been in the graduate program. During this journey, his patience and small gestures to make my life less stressful meant more to me than he will ever know. Thank you so much for putting up with me when I cried and complained. You were my biggest support. I love you. v v

To my thesis committee members: Dr. Kris Clarke, Dr. Virginia Rondero Hernandez, and Bee Yang. Thank you for your encouraging words, persistent support, and mentorship. I am forever grateful for your time and patience. The guidance and support I received from you provided me with the tools I needed to successfully complete this thesis. Lastly, I would like to express a big thank you to the participants in this study. Thank you for sharing your stories with me. This thesis would not have been possible without you. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Overview of the Study ...... 1

Statement of the Problem ...... 1

Statement of the Objectives and Research Questions ...... 3

Significance to Social Work ...... 4

Chapter Summary ...... 5

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 6

Introduction ...... 6

Hmong Culture ...... 6

Theoretical Framework ...... 13

Conceptualization of Forced Marriage in Western Societies ...... 25

Empirical Research ...... 34

Gaps in the Literature ...... 40

Chapter Summary ...... 41

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...... 43

Research Design ...... 43

Data Collection ...... 44

Data Analysis ...... 44

Participants ...... 44

Methodological Limitations ...... 47

Chapter Summary ...... 47

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ...... 49

Research Participants ...... 50 vii vii Page

Emergent Themes ...... 51

Chapter Summary ...... 61

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION ...... 62

Discussion of Findings ...... 62

Limitations ...... 67

Implications for Social Work Practice ...... 67

Recommendations for Future Research ...... 68

REFERENCES ...... 71

APPENDICES ...... 77

APPENDIX A: RESEARCH INSTRUMENT...... 78

APPENDIX B: RESEARCH INFORMATION FLYER ...... 81

APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM ...... 83

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Overview of the Study The practice of forced marriage in Western cultures is uncommon and very little research has been conducted to examine how forced marriage is understood and experienced in cultures that practice it. The goal of this exploratory qualitative research study is to provide an understanding of the lived experience of Hmong women who married young by force of the family, due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. The researcher seeks to gain an understanding of the lived experience of Hmong women and how they perceive and understand forced marriage, not only in their individual lives but in the Hmong culture as well. Gaining the perspectives of those who have experienced forced marriage provides a cultural perspective on the practice of forced marriage. It also enlightens people’s knowledge of and understanding of forced marriage in a broader context. Utilizing a phenomenological approach, this study examines a context that has been underrepresented in the study of the experience of early marriage in Hmong women. The researcher utilizes feminist standpoint theory and shame cultures as frameworks for the study.

Statement of the Problem According to the 2010 U.S. Census, the total population for the Hmong is reported to be 260,076 (Hmong National Development, 2011b). The Hmong population continues to grow with high concentrations in the state of California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. In the state of California, the Hmong population is reported to be 91,224 with 24,328 residing in the city of Fresno (Hmong National Development, 2011a). Furthermore, census data from 2000 reported Fresno to be 2 2 home to the second largest concentration of Hmong, with St. Paul, Minnesota being first (Yang, 2001). Since the Hmong’s resettlement in the United States in 1975, numerous studies conducted on the Hmong have focused on the community’s experience with acculturation and assimilation, as well as trauma experienced by the Secret War. Other studies have focused on the practice of early and teen marriage in the Hmong community. Though these studies have contributed valuable information for understanding the Hmong community in the United States, very little attention has been paid to marriages that occurred by force of the family, due to situations that are considered taboo in the Hmong culture. Forced marriage is a foreign practice in Western culture and is often viewed as a violation of individual rights and a form of violence against women in ethnic communities (Gill & Anitha, 2009). In the United Kingdom, the issue of forced marriage is a burgeoning discussion and policy has been established (Forced Marriage [Civil Protection] Act of 2007) to address the practice of forced marriage in South Asian communities in the United Kingdom. (Anitha & Gill, 2009). However, despite the United Kingdom’s recognition of the practice of forced marriage as a crime, it has brought to the surface ethical, moral, social, and political dilemmas for those involved at all systems levels: ethnic communities, women, families, government policy, social service and human service agencies. Furthermore, forced marriage in ethnic communities brings up the question whether or not such an issue should be left to the government to address (Chantler, 2012). Forced marriages that occur in ethnic communities bring about the complexities between government involvement in cultural practices and how they should be addressed, especially in the lives of young women. It has become a 3 3 question of individual rights versus multiculturalism and cannot be easily addressed by establishing policies. Current literature on the issue of forced marriage is often written from a Eurocentric perspective outside of the culture, and the rich perspectives of those individuals from inside the community are not included. Discussion of forced marriage in the United States is limited. The recognition of forced marriage is found more often in western Europe and Nordic countries than the United States and Canada (Chantler, 2012). Therefore, it is challenging to determine where the United States stands on the discussion of forced marriage and whether or not it is identified as a problem area or an area in need of exploration in the United States. Questions regarding the practice of forced marriage are more than whether or not it is “good” or “bad” and if it should be considered a crime. It is a complex issue and exploring it from the perspective of members in the community should be considered as well. The literature in the United Kingdom have questioned the ramifications of policy criminalizing forced marriage practices in ethnic communities and whether or not doing so further stigmatizes ethnic groups (Gill & Anitha, 2009). Cultural practices in the Hmong community have been questioned and often clash with Western values since their settlement here in the United States (e.g., the use of shamans in medical regimes, polygamy, and early marriage). It has only been through open dialogue that we have been able to bridge the gap between Western values and traditional Hmong values and practices, as presented in the preceding statement.

Statement of the Objectives and Research Questions Currently, there are no concrete data or records indicating the number of Hmong women who married young by force of the family. However, previous 4 4 studies conducted on Hmong women and marriage have collected data in regards to how the marriage took place (e.g., forced marriage, arranged marriage, elopement) (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a; 2011b). Teen marriage and early marriage have also been studied in the Hmong community but the focus on early marriages that occurred by force of the family, due to situational taboos has not been considered or studied. The voices of these women remain invisible due to the lack of exploration of their lived experiences and how they describe and perceive forced marriage in their lives. The limited research on the perspective of community members involved in forced marriage leaves readers to believe that forced marriage is “wrong” and or “criminal.” Therefore, the objective of this research study is to gain an understanding of the lived experience of Hmong women and how they describe the experience of forced marriage, not only in their individual lives but in the Hmong culture as well. The researcher hopes that gaining the perspective of those who experienced forced marriage will enlighten people’s knowledge of and understanding of forced marriage in a broader context. The research question for this study is as follows: How do Hmong women describe the experience of forced marriage in their lives and the culture?

Significance to Social Work This study examines a cultural practice that may or may not be detrimental to the health and well being of Hmong women. It reveals the profound meanings that these Hmong women ascribe to the practice of forced marriage. The lack of information on this population leaves this community vulnerable and excluded in terms of receiving appropriate services. The findings of this study are beneficial to social workers and other helping professionals by broadening their knowledge and 5 5 understanding of marital practices in the Hmong community. It is especially important for social workers to understand the cultural understanding of forced marriage as described by these women. Ethically, social workers have a responsibility to incorporate cultural competence in their practice (National Association of Social Workers, 2013). This study provides insight into a marital practice in the Hmong culture that is uncommon in Western cultures, which may be viewed negatively. Gaining the perspective of forced marriage as described by the women in this study heightens social worker’s cultural sensitivity toward the Hmong, fostering cultural competence and understanding.

Chapter Summary Understanding the deep meaning behind the stories of Hmong women who experienced forced marriage in the Hmong culture provides valuable information for helping professions such as social work. It provides insight and empathy for understanding marital practices that are not commonly practiced in Western culture. In the next chapter, the researcher will discuss current literature on marriage practices in the Hmong culture, the theoretical frameworks used to guide this research, perspectives of forced marriage in the United States and Europe, and empirical research relevant to this study.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction This chapter is an overview of the current literature relevant to the purpose of this study. To gain a better understanding of the experience of forced marriage in the lives of Hmong women and the Hmong culture, this chapter has been divided into four sections: (a) Hmong culture, (b) theoretical framework, (c) conceptualization of forced marriage in the United States and Europe, and (d) empirical research. The first section is focused on relevant information in the Hmong culture for this study: gender roles and marital practices. The second section addresses the theoretical frameworks that are used to guide the study. The third section explores previous research conducted on marriage practices in the Hmong community. Lastly, the fourth section discusses the ways in which the practice of forced marriage is conceptualized and understood in the United States and European countries.

Hmong Culture

Gender Roles Gender roles and practices in the Hmong culture are reflective of the traditional spiritual beliefs that they hold, as well as the historical agrarian society that they once led. Spiritually, the Hmong practice animistic beliefs with a strong connection to their ancestral world (Tatman, 2004). It is also believed by the Hmong that in the afterlife one is still in need of food, clothing, and money. The only way for one’s soul to obtain such resources in the ancestral world is through ritual offerings conducted by family members, specifically male family members 7 7

(Lee & Tapp, 2010). Therefore, it is expected that the sons of one’s family will conduct ritual offerings to their deceased parents (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Since Hmong society is structured in a patriarchal1, patrilineal2, and patrilocal3 manner, Hmong women are unable to provide offerings to their deceased parents because they are expected to marry out of the family. It is a cultural belief that once the daughter marries she no longer belongs to her biological family (Vang, 2008). Her family kinship is now attached to her husband’s, as her children will take on her husband’s family name (Lee & Tapp, 2010). In other words, daughters are able to physically care for their parent(s) but in the afterlife, they are unable to tend to their parent(s) spiritual needs (Cha, 2010). As a result of this cultural practice and belief, often times Hmong families will place more value on their sons than their daughters (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Historically, the Hmong are an agrarian people leading simple lives, dependent on their own farms for food. The bigger the family the more help there would be for labor around the farm and house (Lee & Tapp, 2010). O’ Kelley and Carney (as cited in Vang & Flores, 1999) describe agrarian societies as “characterized by a high degree of stratification by gender, particularly in the division of labor” (p. 11). That description has some truth for the Hmong. The men were responsible for the heavy work around the farm and the women the lighter work in the home and childcare (Donnelly, 1994). Presently, gender roles continue to be ascribed to Hmong children at an early age. Boys are trained to

1 Patriarchy - social organization marked by the supremacy of the father in the clan or family, the legal dependence of wives and children, and the reckoning of descent and inheritance in the male line (Patriarch, 2013). 2 Patrilineal - relating to, based on, or tracing descent through the paternal line (Patrilineal, 2013). 3 Patrilocal - located at or centered around the residence of the of the husband's family or tribe (Patrilocal, 2013). 8 8 fulfill leadership roles such as being the head of the household, performing rituals, and marrying to carry on the family line (Lee & Tapp, 2010). A son has the obligation to care for his parents when they age. Should there be more than one son in the family, the responsibility of caring for their elderly parent(s) lies with either the oldest or youngest son in the family (Cha, 2010). Girls are taught to be competent in housework (i.e., cooking, cleaning, childcare) so that they become suitable prospects for marriage (Lee & Tapp, 2010). These skills are often learned from mothers and grandmothers (Donnelly, 1994). When married into her husband’s family, a woman is expected to be obedient toward her husband and his parents (Donnelly, 1994). In the traditional context, once married, a Hmong woman is expected to bear and raise children (Donnelly, 1994). The mother’s role in raising her daughter is especially important. It is the mother’s role to provide advice for her daughter(s), as well as, to ensure that they are behaving appropriately (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Desirable traits in a Hmong woman are a good temper and work skills. Decision-making power in the Hmong culture lies within the man. Hmong men have the power and authority to make decisions; they are the ones who govern the family (Vang & Flores, 1999). The woman is expected to follow the decisions that are made by her male counterpart. Before marriage, she is under the authority of her father. Should her father be deceased or absent, she is under the authority of her brothers. Once married, she is under the authority of her husband and should her husband be deceased or absent, she is under the authority of her son (Donnelly, 1994). Although Hmong women do not have the authority to make decisions or to be in positions of power and leadership, the title of housewife is one that is held in high-esteem in the Hmong community (B. Yang, personal 9 9 communication, October 23, 2012). It is a belief in the Hmong culture that a home without a mother is an empty nest unable to stand on its own. Overall, the spiritual beliefs and agrarian societal values that traditionally guide the Hmong’s social system indicate a patriarchal society where Hmong women are subordinate to Hmong men. The patrilineal and patrilocal structure in the Hmong culture leaves little room for Hmong women to be in independent and powered positions.

Hmong Marital Practices In the Hmong culture, a marriage signifies not only the unification of two people, but also the unification of two families. Since the Hmong are a collectivist group, marriage is not viewed as a step to gain individuality. Rather, it is viewed as the alliance of two families, further strengthening the families involved and the Hmong community as a whole (Moua, 2001). A popular statement that is jokingly tossed around among Hmong youth is, “You’re not only marrying him you are marrying his entire family.” An important rule to bear in mind in marriage practices among the Hmong is that they are to marry a member of another clan (Lee & Tapp 2010). Culturally, it is a taboo for members of the same surname to marry, due to the belief that members of the same surname share an ancestral line regardless of whether or not they are actually blood related. For the Hmong, marriage is the pathway to adulthood. It is a belief that until one marries and has children true maturity has not been attained (Donnelly, 1994). According to Lee and Tapp (2010), there are three types of marriages in the Hmong culture: monogamy, polygamy, and levirate. A monogamous marriage is between one man and one woman. A polygamous marriage is between one man and more than one woman (usually two or three). A levirate marriage is one in 10 10 which a younger brother marries the widow of his deceased older brother. The marital practice of levirate ensures that the widow and her children will be cared for and supported so that the children (especially the sons) remain in the family lineage (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Monogamous marriages are the most commonly practiced forms of marriage in the Hmong culture. In addition to the three types of marriages in Hmong culture, there are also various ways in which a marriage takes place. There are five methods that have been recognized and identified in the literature and textbooks written on the Hmong: (a) arranged marriages, (b) mutual consent, (c) elopement, (d) bride capture, and (e) forced marriage (Cha, 2010; Donnelly, 1994; Lee & Tapp, 2010; Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a; 2011b). Regardless of how the marriage takes place, all circumstances require negotiations between the families. First, arranged marriages are unions that have been negotiated between the families of the groom and the bride (Huong, Oosterhoff, & White, 2011). Arranged marriages are more likely to be used in a case where a cross-cousin marriage is wanted in the families (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Second, marriages that occur through mutual consent are voluntary marriages in which the bride and groom agreed to marry after courtship (Lee & Tapp, 2010; Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Third, elopement is a circumstance where the bride and groom run away to get married (Lee & Tapp, 2010). Elopement occurs in situations where the bride or groom’s family does not agree with or support the marriage (Moua, 2003). Since divorce is culturally inappropriate and taboo among the Hmong, most Hmong parents support their children’s choice of spouse. It is their hope that by providing their children the choice to choose their spouse they will have happy and successful marriages (Moua, 2003). 11 11

The fourth method, bride capture, is the case where a woman is literally kidnapped or abducted by her future husband and is taken to his home to be married. This method has been a controversial practice in the Hmong community being that Western marital laws indicate that a marriage must be consensual by both parties involved and not forced or coerced. Not only that, the act of kidnapping or abducting a person against their will is against the law. There have been criminal cases charged against Hmong men in the United States who have practiced bride capture (Donnelly, 1994). On the other hand, according to Lee and Tapp (2010), bride capture can sometimes be pre-arranged with the intention of play-acting. In a situation where bride capture is pre-arranged, it is “regarded as a face-saving device” (Lee & Tapp, 2010, p. 167) for the girl and her family, in case the marriage fails later on. In order to understand how a marriage by capture is validated in the Hmong culture, one must understand the procedures involved prior to the actual wedding ceremony. I will discuss this later in this section. Lastly, forced marriages in the Hmong culture are marriages that occur as a way to make amends with the family for situations deemed to bring shame upon the family (Vang & Flores, 1999). The marriage is the family’s way of saving-face (Vang & Flores, 1999). The situation that is most often referred to in the literature about forced marriage in Hmong families is premarital pregnancy (Lee & Tapp, 2010). In addition to premarital pregnancy, there are two other situations regarded as shameful in the Hmong culture that would result in a forced marriage: keeping the girl out past a certain time and visiting her without parental consent (B. Yang, personal communication, October 23, 2012). In the Hmong culture, premarital pregnancy is considered a taboo. If a woman is impregnated out of wedlock, her family will ask the father of the child to marry their daughter (Lee & Tapp, 2010). If he refuses to marry her, he will be 12 12 required to pay a large fine in order to “clean her face” and to “restore her honor” (Lee & Tapp, 2010, p. 167). Another situational taboo that would result in a forced marriage is when a boy takes a girl out on date and he keeps her out later than expected. It is assumed that they should be gone no more than a couple hours (Lee, 2001). The time is to be determined by the girl’s parents. If a time limit has not been set it is expected that she be back before the sun sets (B. Yang, personal communication, October 23, 2012). If the girl is kept out later than her parent likes, when brought home they have the parental right to ask that he marry her. Most Hmong parents have strict ideas regarding physical contact between girls and boys (Lee, 2001). Therefore, when the girl is out later than expected with a boy, it is assumed that she was engaging in sexual activity (B. Yang, personal communication, October 23, 2012). The last situation that may result in a forced marriage is visiting the girl without parental consent or parental awareness of his presence in the home. If in any situation the girl is found to be with the boy home alone, or in a room alone, even with others present, the notion that sexual contact may have occurred is enough for the family to ask that he marry her. Vang and Bogenschutz (2011b) state, “the suspicion of sexual relations between the couple is enough to bring shame upon her family” (p. 3). Therefore, a couple may be forced to marry based on shameful situations that did take place, as well as the suspicion that a shameful event took place. Marriage practices in the Hmong culture are complex. However, despite the way the marriage takes place the protocol for the marriage ceremony is the same. When the groom brings the bride home for the first time they receive a blessing (referred to as the “rooster blessing” where a rooster is waved in a circle over the bride and groom) at the front door step of the groom’s home (Cha, 2010). 13 13

Celebratory ceremonies will not take place until three days after the bride’s arrival to the groom’s home (Cha, 2010). On the morning of the third day, a celebration is held at the groom’s house, welcoming the bride to the family. In most cases, following that same day is the ceremony to be held at the home of the bride’s parents (Cha, 2010). Wedding ceremonies in traditional Hmong weddings are also complex and many rituals and rules are involved. The end result of the wedding ceremony is a dowry that is negotiated and paid to the bride’s family. Dowries are given to ensure the protection of the bride. A dowry signifies to the bride’s parents that the groom will treat their daughter well (Lee & Tapp, 2010). The dowry may be returned to the bride and groom to help them start their new married life together (Moua, 2003). This brief discussion of Hmong marital practices does not reflect the complexity involved in Hmong marriages, as well as situations in which a marriage could take place. However, a general understanding of the practice and value placed on marriage in the Hmong culture is needed in order to gain insight into the culture and customs of the Hmong. Furthermore, understanding how gender roles are carried out in the Hmong culture is essential to understanding how Hmong women who are forced into marriage at a young age position themselves in their culture and their families.

Theoretical Framework According to Rubin and Babbie (2011), theories are “a systematic set of interrelated statements intended to explain some aspect of social life or enrich our sense of how people conduct and find meaning in their daily life” (p. 53). The theoretical frameworks used to guide this study are feminist standpoint theory and the concept of shame in shame cultures. Feminist standpoint theory was used as a 14 14 framework in this study as a foundation upon which the researcher assessed the Hmong women’s perspectives of forced marriage. The intention of this study is to gain an understanding of how these Hmong women who married young by force of the family, describe the experience of forced marriage in their lives, as well as in the culture. Furthermore, the concept of shame in shame cultures was used to assess how shame and the value placed on “saving face” in the Hmong culture perpetuate the practice of forced marriage in the Hmong community.

Feminist Standpoint Theory Feminist inquiry is rooted in the philosophical notion that equality should be dispersed at all systems levels, including political, social, and economic contexts. As part of the women’s studies movement in the 1970s, early feminist scholarship focused on “ending the invisibility of women in disciplinary knowledge” (Jaggar & Young, 2000, p. 1). However, feminist inquiry has moved beyond increasing the visibility of women in the construction of knowledge. It has come to encompass social movements and understanding not only the experiences of women, but also the experience of all marginalized groups in oppressive social and political systems (Hughes, 2002). As stated by Grosz (2010), feminist theory is about addressing “new ways of thinking subjects, objects, and the real” (p. 101). In other words, feminist theory challenges traditional notions of truth and knowledge that have been androcentric and patriarchal. Rather, it seeks to create knowledge that is more relevant to those groups that have been marginalized and oppressed. Moreover, there are extensive schools of thought surrounding feminist theory. In all of its variations, feminist theory challenges positivist notions of objectivity and truth, the foundation of this theory. Feminist standpoint theory is a 15 15 school of feminist theory and a response to the idea that there are multiple truths based on the “social positioning of the social agent” (Stoetzler & Yuval-Davis, 2002). For the purpose of this study, the researcher utilized the basic assumptions of feminist standpoint theory as the foundation for this study. Feminist standpoint theory is derived from the concept of consciousness- raising and has contributed to the development of feminist epistemologies. Consciousness-raising allows the individual to view her world in different ways, as she interprets her experiences based on how she positions herself in her world (Hughes, 2002). Feminist standpoint theory is understood as “knowledge …situated and constructed from the perspective of particular social positions and locations” (Henwood & Pidgeon, 1995, p. 14). Feminist standpoint theory is derived from two schools: philosophy and sociology (Hughes, 2002). Philosophically, feminist standpoint is the recognition that a woman’s experience in her daily life positions her in a privileged position because she understands the rulings of her world. Sociologically, feminist standpoint recognizes that social meanings to women’s experiences can be developed by how the woman talks about her experience (Hughes, 2002). Overall, feminist standpoint theory focuses on the “woman’s standpoint” and the “relationship between reality and experience that in turn invokes notions of truth” (Hughes, 2002, p. 153). In other words, the individual, based on her experience(s), develops truths. Proponents of feminist standpoint theory conceptualized three concepts in an effort to further understand the complexity of women’s experience(s): situated knowledge, subjugated knowledge, and strong objectivity (Hawkesworth, 1999). First, situated knowledge is the belief that knowledge is acquired through the situational experiences of the individual (Haraway, 1988). Situated knowledge is developed based on one’s position in social, political, and ecological contexts. 16 16

Second, subjugated knowledge refers to knowledge acquired by marginalized and oppressed populations that have been ignored or discounted. In other words, subjugated knowledge represents the realities of marginalized and oppressed groups that have not been recognized by the larger society (i.e., dominant group) and often forgotten (Figueira-McDonough, Netting, & Nichols-Casebolt, 2001). Third, strong objectivity is the collection of knowledge, capturing of realities, assumptions, and truths that are less “false” (Harding, 1995). These less false realities, assumptions, and notions of truths are pulled from groups and people who have been marginalized and oppressed. Therefore, strong objectivity encourages inclusion of the voices of those who have been excluded in the creation of knowledge and supports the idea that research should start from those who have been marginalized and oppressed, so as to bridge understanding at a larger community and system level (Harding, 1995). These three conceptual frameworks for understanding feminist standpoint theory support the notion that knowledge about women and other marginalized groups is best acquired and developed from those within the group, and or community. The development of feminist standpoint theory was initially used as a way to acquire knowledge. However, the use of feminist standpoint theory as a way to develop and acquire knowledge has been criticized and challenged for various reasons. One of which is its failure to recognize differences among individuals in the group of the units of analysis (Henwood & Pidgeon, 1995; Stoetzler & Yuval-Davis, 2002). According to Stoetzler and Yuval-Davis (2002), not all women share the same views, moral values, or the same interests. Thus, feminist standpoint’s failure to recognize notions of difference has made it questionable. Stanley and Wise (as cited in Henwood & Pidgeon, 1995) have suggested that standpoint feminism deconstructs the category “women” so that it 17 17 addresses diversity. In other words, feminist standpoint theory takes into consideration the diversity among women. Another criticism of feminist standpoint theory is that it holds individual experience(s) as privileged positions on questions of reasons, reality, and truth (Hawkesworth, 1999; Henwood & Pidgeon, 1995). According to Hawkesworth (1999), feminist standpoint theory as an epistemological doctrine is flawed because it fails to address possible errors in human thinking and interpretations. Hence, the two main criticisms of feminist standpoint theory is its failure to recognize diversity among women and validation of the truths claimed. However, despite the limitations of feminist standpoint theory, its underlying assertion is beneficial in the analysis of data gathered from qualitative research (Hawkesworth, 1999; Henwood & Pidgeon, 1995). Although critics of feminist standpoint theory assert that its failure to recognize diversity among groups weakens its knowledge claims, it does bring to the forefront the discussion of situated knowledge and how these truths contribute to our understanding of marginalized and oppressed groups. Feminist standpoint theory represents the beginning of a paradigm shift in the conception of knowledge and challenges feminist theory claims that women have been and are oppressed (Hekman, 1997). It questions the claim of traditional feminist schools of thought about the nature of truth and explores how knowledge can be situated, yet true (Hekman, 1997). For this study, feminist standpoint theory provides an unstructured way to collect data and allowed for greater sensitivity to the perspectives of the participants. The position of Hmong women in the culture influences their understanding of and experience of cultural customs and practices, particularly forced marriage and the situations that are considered taboo in the culture. As previously discussed, the ascribed gender roles to Hmong women influence many 18 18 aspects of their lives, even when it comes to courting and engaging in sexual activity. They are more likely to be shamed and penalized in the culture when compared to their male counterpart in the practice of forced marriage. Although the man involved is held responsible to some extent, the woman is scrutinized and shamed in the community and is found to be more at fault than the man. Thus, utilizing feminist standpoint theory as a guide in this study required that the researcher position herself outside of the cultural context, to allow the participants to be the true experts in their lives and their experience. It also required that the researcher place value on the knowledge and truths that the participants claimed, in order to capture less false knowledge.

Shame Cultures Shame is universally recognized and felt in all cultures (Moxnes, 1996). It is often used by societies to enforce social control. Shame helps develop moral and social behaviors deemed appropriate and in some cultures, honorable (Van Vliet, 2008). The Greeks identified shame as both an emotion and ethical trait (Chilton, 2012). Shweder (2003) defines shame as, “the deeply felt and highly motivating experience of the fear of being judged defective” (p. 1115). Shweder (2003) also identifies shame as an anxious experience of the real or anticipated loss of status, affection, or self-regard. According to Gilbert (as cited in Van Vliet, 2008), humans desire to appear attractive in the eyes of others because an individual’s social attractiveness often warrants access to fitness-enhancing resources. To feel shame or to appear shameful insinuates that one has lost his or her social attractiveness. Furthermore, Wong and Tsai (2007) define feelings of shame to be associated with negative evaluation of one’s self, either by the self or others, due to their failure to meet standards and norms regarded as “good, right, appropriate, 19 19 and desirable” (p. 210). Additionally, Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier, and Ames (2005) identify shame as a powerful emotion of self-condemnation utilized to regulate social interactions in situations where moral codes have been violated. According to Chilton (2012), shame can be experienced in two ways: overtly or covertly. Experiencing shame overtly is the actual physical display of shame such as blushing, lowering of the eyes, and hiding the face (Chilton, 2012). A covert experience of shame refers to repressed shame that is felt and unresolved. Individuals who experience shame covertly may experience feelings of worthlessness and have a negative perception of their individual self (Chilton, 2012). Regardless of how shame is experienced, an individual feels shame when they are made to feel “degraded, dirty, or impure by the attention of others” (Shweder, 2003, p. 1114). Various perspectives of shame have been provided by diverse disciplines. From a political standpoint, shame is identified as a form of social or societal influence (Chilton, 2012). The sociological perspective argues that the experience of shame is shaped by the ways in which the culture manifests it (Chilton, 2012). Furthermore, according to Van Vliet (as cited in Chilton, 2012), a psychiatric or pathological view of shame focuses on the role that it takes in self-destructive behaviors such as eating disorders, depression, self-mutilation, suicide, and addiction. The varying perspectives of shame indicate that it is understood and experienced differently, depending on how people utilize and understand it. Despite the diverse perspectives of shame, a universal element present is that of emotional pain (Chilton, 2012). In comparison to Western cultures, some Asian cultures have been considered “shame cultures” because of the amount of emphasis that is placed on shame in the culture (Wong & Tsai, 2007). The different experiences of shame in 20 20

Asian cultures can be attributed to the collectivist society of Asian countries versus Western countries, such as the United States (Wong & Tsai, 2007). For example, the Asian countries Korea, Japan, and China promote interdependence and individuals in those cultures view themselves as connected to others. Western countries, including the United States, promote individualism and individual actions are often regarded as personal choices made by the self. For collectivist societies, individual actions are often seen as a reflection of one’s family or background, and those involved with the individual suffer feelings of shame as well. Asian cultures deemed as “shame cultures” may view feelings of shame as virtuous (Ha, 1995) when compared to the Western cultural belief that feelings of shame are a sign of individual weakness (Goffman, as cited in Ha, 1995). It has been asserted that embarrassment in Western society is socially unacceptable and because embarrassment is a variant of shame, members from Western cultures are expected to “repress their feelings of shame and to deny the feeling to self and others” (Harrington, as cited in Ha, 1995; Scheff, as cited in Ha, 1995, p. 1115). Since attitudes toward feelings of shame in Western culture posit that one is weak and inferior it has been suggested that the notion of shame may be taboo in Western cultures, being that it is considered socially unacceptable and rarely spoken of or recognized (Ha, 1995); whereas in many Asian cultures, feelings of shame are culturally accepted and recognized. For example, in Korean culture there is a phrase, “have no sense of shame” that is used to put a person down when they don’t feel a sense of shame during times that it should be felt (Ha, 1995). Additionally, in the Hmong culture, there is also a phrase, “Tsis paub txaj muag” used to criticize a person when their actions indicate that they should feel ashamed or embarrassed. The phrases used in Korean culture and Hmong culture suggests 21 21 that for a person not to know when they should feel ashamed is deemed shameful, and to feel shame is virtuous. According to Ha (1995), feeling ashamed is regarded as virtuous in Asian cultures because it suggests that the person values respect, acceptance, and is “concerned about gaining the approval of in-group others” (p. 1117). In other words, feeling virtuous through the recognition of shame is regarded as a humbling experience for self-improvement. For many Asian cultures, shame is used as a form of social control to promote behaviors that are moral and socially acceptable. Moua (2003) states that Hmong families often use the concept of shame and honor to discipline their children as a way to shape their behaviors. Hmong parents often emphasize the importance of being a “good person” and bringing honor, pride, and respect, not only to their immediate family but also to their extended family and clan. Therefore, when an act that is viewed shameful is identified, such as the three situational taboos in this study, the only way to reconcile the situational taboo is for the two individuals to get married, regardless of whether or not they consent to the marriage. For Hmong parents, these “taboo” situations and the forcing of the individuals to marry are often justified because of the perceived shame that is brought upon the family. Moreover, Ha (1995) suggests that Asians and Asian Americans are more aware of their shame experience(s). This does not mean that Caucasians and other groups such as African Americans do not feel shame. Rather, previous studies have asserted that Asians are more aware of shame experiences due to the collectivist society that they are raised in (Edelmann, as cited in Ha, 1995; Edelmann & Iwawaki, as cited in Ha, 1995; Marsella, Murray, & Golden, as cited in Ha, 1995). For example, a recent comparison study conducted by Tang, Wang, Qian, Gao, and Zhang (2008) found significant differences in Chinese university 22 22 students and American university students’ levels of shame felt for themselves and others. The aim of Tang et al.’s (2008) study was to determine whether or not there was a difference in the levels of shame felt among individuals from interdependent self-culture and independent self-culture. Tang et al.’s (2008) study found a significant correlation between the closeness of the relationship and the intensity of shame felt. In other words, the closer the individual was to the person behaving shamefully the higher the level of transferred shame felt among the individual. The findings from their study support previous studies regarding Asians experiences with shame when they witness their family members’ shameful behavior(s) (Stipek, as cited in Tang et al., 2008; Yang & Rosenblatt, as cited in Tang et al., 2008). In addition to the study of how shame is experienced in different cultures, the gendered experience of shame has been a focus as well. According to Hernandez Rondero and Mendoza (2011), studies conducted on how men and women respond to shame have supported the notion that shame is “gender- responsive” (p. 376). It has been reported that regardless of age, females experience greater levels of shame when compared to males (Tangney & Dearing, as cited in Hernandez Rondero & Mendoza, 2011). From a theoretical standpoint, shame resilience theory (SRT) is one that emerged from the concept of shame and the impact that shame has on the individual self, particularly women. Brown (2006) conducted a grounded theory study on women and shame, and the theory that emerged from the study was termed shame resilience theory. According to Brown (2006), SRT suggests that shame is a psycho-social-cultural construct. First, the psychological component is the impact that it has on the individual’s emotions, thoughts, and behaviors as they relate to the self (Brown, 2006). Second, the social component pertains to the 23 23 experience shame has on the individual’s interpersonal relationships (Brown, 2006). Lastly, the cultural component refers to the cultural expectations related to roles and behaviors and the shame that is perceived when one fails to meet cultural expectations (Brown, 2006). SRT also suggests that individuals experiencing feelings of shame feel trapped, powerless, and isolated (three concepts that emerged from Brown’s data) (Brown, 2006). “Feeling trapped” for the women in the study included two properties: expectations and options. The women in the study described expectations and options provided to them as punitive and limited, making it impossible for them to adequately meet expectations put upon them (Brown, 2006). Additionally, feelings of powerlessness for these women were associated with their feelings of shame and the overwhelming emotions they felt that contributed to them feeling powerless (i.e., pain, judged, angry). They felt silenced by their shame; hence, their feelings of powerlessness and the inability to change their situation(s) (Brown, 2006). Lastly, feelings of isolation were a result of feeling trapped and powerless. The lack of choice and possibility of change led the women to feel disconnected and isolated (Brown, 2006). Being that shame is used as a form of discipline in the Hmong culture to instill and enforce morals and values in their children, Hmong women are more likely to experience a higher level of shame, as well as higher levels of scrutiny by the Hmong community. SRT as developed and described by Brown (2006) are possible experiences that Hmong women have with shame in the culture and their experience with forced marriage. Furthermore, although the discussion of the Hmong culture as a shame culture is limited, the Hmong value collectivism and saving face. Shame and the consequences of bringing shame upon the family are often used to perpetuate the practice of forced marriage in the Hmong community. 24 24

According to Tang et al. (2008), individuals in interdependent self-cultures tend to include others in their self-view. As a result of this, individuals in interdependent self-cultures often feel the same or similar feelings when they see their family members or close friends experience emotions such as shame (i.e., transferred shame) (Tang et al., 2008). The Hmong culture is an interdependent self-culture. Therefore, for Hmong parents, when their children engage in activities that are considered shameful they themselves experience the shame and vice versa. Wong and Tsai (2007) found in their study of cultural models of shame and guilt that when compared to European Americans, Hmong Americans were more likely to describe shame experiences as they relate to something someone else did versus something they themselves did. This finding suggests that Hmong Americans view of their self is interdependent and is conducive to what the literature has written about the Hmong being a collectivist society, and the value placed on shame and its impact on individuals in the culture. Shame is a socially defined construct and behaviors regarded as shameful in one culture may not be considered shameful in others (Owens & Goodney, 2000). For instance, the situational taboos in this study and the use of forced marriage, as a means to save the face of the girl and the family may be foreign to people outside of the culture. According to Ha (1995), culture impacts how shame is experienced and perceived. Therefore, Hmong women’s experience with forced marriage in the Hmong culture, and the situational taboos that suggest a “shameful” event has taken place is reflective of the Hmong culture’s use of shame and saving face as a form of discipline, to enforce moral behaviors and values. 25 25 Conceptualization of Forced Marriage in Western Societies

Views of Forced Marriage in the United States It is difficult to determine the extent to which forced marriage is recognized as a problem in the United States. The literature on forced marriage practices in the United States is limited. According to Chantler (2012), when compared to the United States and Canada, the recognition of forced marriage is more evident in Western Europe and Nordic countries. The researcher found this to be true in her examination of literature on forced marriage practices in the United States. However, the prevalence of human trafficking is recognized and the literature is abundant in this area. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA) (as cited in Clawson, Dutch, Solomon, & Grace, 2009) recognizes two severe forms of human trafficking: sex trafficking and labor trafficking. Sex trafficking is the sell of individuals for sex, either by force, coercion, or fraud where by the individual is under the age of 18 (Clawson et al., 2009). Labor trafficking is use of people for labor, either by force, coercion, or fraud. These individuals may be forced into labor as a means of servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery (Clawson et al., 2009). Forced marriage could possibly be considered a form of human trafficking. However, these types of data are not specified in human trafficking databases.

Views of Forced Marriage in Europe In contrast to the United States, attention to forced marriage within Europe has been a burgeoning discussion since the 1990s and is widely focused on the South Asian communities, specifically the Muslim community (Chantler, 2012). A review of the literature indicates that the practice of forced marriage in ethnic 26 26 communities in Europe has posed multiple issues for the people and the government. It has become a question of individual rights versus multiculturalism. Furthermore, the criminalization of forced marriage in European countries such as France and the United Kingdom has brought to the surface the complexity of the practice of forced marriage and the implication that the criminalization of it has on the individual(s) involved and their family(s). This section will provide a brief overview of the ways in which forced marriage practices in South Asian communities, specifically the Muslim community, is conceptualized and understood in Europe. Forced marriage can be defined as a marriage in which full and free consent has not been given by at least one of the spouses (Enright, 2009). Furthermore, the French parliament describes forced marriage as, “the situation in which a person is deprived of the freedom either to marry or to remain single, or to choose their spouse” (Delnatte, as cited in Clark & Richards, 2008, p. 501). Additionally, the English government defines forced marriage as a “marriage that has taken place without the consent of one or both parties or where consent is extracted under duress” (Clark & Richards, 2008, p. 502). Similar to the English government’s definition, Chantler (2012) describes forced marriage as a situation in which pressure is used to sanction the marriage or to provoke consent. The given definitions of forced marriage indicate that one’s individual right has been violated. Being that a majority of individuals involved in forced marriage are women, particularly South Asian women, it has been identified as a form of gender violence (Anitha & Gill, 2009). Additionally, it has been argued by some that the discussion of forced marriage in the literature and the media has created a racialized identity for ethnic communities, furthering stigmatizing and othering them. The process of othering ethnic groups is distinguishing who belongs to the 27 27 dominant group and who doesn’t (Enright, 2009). Lastly, policy implemented to address forced marriage and the risk it pose for women from these communities has been argued as a means to combat immigration, reflecting the country’s anti- immigration antics.

Gender Violence Gender equality is a value that European countries strive for in the national identities that they hope to establish. South Asian communities that are often patriarchal threaten the gender equality that is valued in local communities in France, the United Kingdom, Denmark, and Finland. The practice of forced marriage is a cultural practice that has been labeled as a form of gender violence. Forced marriage has been considered a form of gender violence because of its violation of individual right(s)/autonomy for many South Asian women. Clark and Richards (2008) provide that consequences of forced marriage lead to nonconsensual sexual relations, unwanted pregnancies, depression, psychological, and physical abuse. For many Western feminists, it has been a mission of theirs to empower the oppressed women from non-western cultures, such as Muslim women (Razack, 2004). Razack (2004) argues that Muslim women have been viewed as confined with their bodies being mutilated and murdered in the name of culture. For these very reasons, forced marriage has been framed as a cultural issue stigmatizing South Asian women as victims of their patriarchal culture. While it is agreed that forced marriage constitutes gender violence, Enright (2009), Gill and Anitha (2009), Razack (2004), and Keskinen (2012) argue that framing forced marriage as a cultural issue stigmatizes South Asian communities because it ignores the oppressive and discriminatory experiences that occur within the European context. 28 28 National Identity vs. Racialized Identity France, the United Kingdom, Finland, and Denmark seek to promote a national identity established around four core values: liberalism, freedom, individual autonomy, and equality (Keskinen, 2012). Immigrant communities that threaten the cohesion of the national identity with their “barbaric” and “cultural behaviors” become othered. From a Eurocentric perspective, the practice of forced marriage is viewed as a foreign practice that is “uncivilized” and “inhumane.” According to Anitha and Gill (2009), the problem of forced marriage in the U.K. continues to be framed as a cultural problem and the violence that is evoked from the practice of forced marriage is culturally sanctioned. Therefore, further stereotyping South Asian women as “third world women being victimsed by traditional patriarchal cultural practices” (Narayan, as cited in Anitha & Gill, 2009, pp. 166-167). Moving forth, cultural practices such as forced marriage distinguish a gap between those who belong and mark the line between “us” and “them” (Enright, 2009) in British citizenship. Enright (2009) argues that values associated with British “belonging” effectively exclude people, particularly members from ethnicized value systems that fail to recognize universal liberal values, such as respect for human rights and gender equality. South Asian Muslim communities are othered and their British belonging is questioned based on three assumptions around forced marriage. First, forced marriage is believed to be a cultural issue and carried out as a means to adhere to cultural values (Enright, 2009). Second, the practice of forced marriage threatens community cohesion because it signifies their rejection of British values (Enright, 2009). Third, the value of freedom of choice in British culture is the “gatekeeper of British belonging,” and the practice of forced marriage is viewed as violence against freedom of choice (Enright, 29 29

2009). Because there is the implication that South Asian Muslim communities would force a young woman into marriage, the chances of the Muslim community belonging or fitting in with British culture and values is farfetched (Enright, 2009); thus, perpetuating the stigmatization and othering of the South Asian Muslim communities in Britain. The formation of a racialized identity for South Asian Muslim communities defies their national identity by framing Muslim woman as “oppressed and lacking in agency” (Anitha & Gill, 2009, p. 166) when compared to their counterpart, the “liberated western woman” (Anitha & Gill, 2009, p 166). Therefore, communities that engage in forced marriage are different from their national counterpart, and this phenomenon is pinpointed as a cultural issue. Enright (2009) argues that forced marriage is understood entirely as a product of cultural difference. In doing so, inadequate attention is paid to social and economic contexts that intersect with the culture’s practice of forced marriage (Enright, 2009). In other words, the United Kingdom seeks to develop policy to address forced marriage by providing South Asian women with the capacity to “exit” the marriage. However, not enough support is provided by the state to enable their right to “enter” the state (Enright, 2009). Due to the stigma experienced by women in the South Asian community, women who choose to “exit” their marriage continue to experience racism and discrimination; even in shelters intended for South Asian women who are resisting violence and seeking a safe place (Wilson, 2007). Therefore, when forced marriage is framed as a cultural issue social and economic institutions that contribute to forced marriage are overlooked. Keskinen (2012) defines national self-images as progressive, supporting gender equality, and sexual liberation, especially in Denmark and Finland. These countries take pride in their belief that they are “women friendly” welfare states 30 30 that have made strides in achieving gender equality (Magnusson et al., as cited in Keskinen, 2012; Mulinari et al., as cited in Keskinen, 2012). The Muslim community in Denmark and Finland have been labeled as the “illiberal others” as a result of the racialized identities that have been fabricated through their conceptions of gender inequality in the Muslim community (e.g., forced marriage) (Keskinen, 2012, p. 263). In essence, for Denmark and Finland, gender equality has become an acceptable criterion distinguishing who belongs to a nation and who doesn’t.

Criminalization of Forced Marriage Forced marriage has raised complex and sensitive issues for France and England. These complex and sensitive issues are comprised of social, gender, ethnic, religious, and economic contexts that intersect with questions of gender, culture, and sexuality (Clark & Richards, 2008). In addressing the issues that have risen from forced marriage, there is an ongoing debate about the criminalization of forced marriage and whether or not it is the best solution. Clark and Richards (2008) discussed in their paper the complexity of criminalizing forced marriage in France and England. Supporters of criminalizing forced marriage provide various reasons for how it can decrease the practice of forced marriage; including, changing people’s views about forced marriage, possibly empowering victims to negotiate with their families, raising awareness and confidence of the employees who work with this population, and easing the prosecution process of perpetrators (Clark & Richards, 2008). Moreover, arguments for not criminalizing forced marriage include various risk factors for the individuals involved. These risk factors have been identified as their reluctance to report the forced marriage or seek help because of not wanting their families prosecuted, difficulty in 31 31 reconciliation with families, and the possibility of families removing children from the country at a younger age for forced marriage (Gangoli & McCarry, 2008). It has also been argued that current existing legislation in the United Kingdom such as the Marriage and Family Act of 1949 and the Children’s Act (1989 Section 1), are feasible enough to address the issue of forced marriage for adults and children at risk for this situation (Gangoli & McCarry, 2008). Additionally, recent legislation, The Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act of 2007 is intended to “provide protection to those at risk of forced marriage and to provide recourse for those who have already been forced into marriage” (Ministry of Justice, as cited in Gaffney-Rhys, 2009, p. 245). What this entails is that forcing an individual into a marriage is a “civil wrong and provides civil remedies” rather than criminalizing the act that would result in criminal prosecution (Gaffney-Rhys, 2009). In doing so, the hope is that victims of forced marriage will be more likely to seek help. However, despite the good intentions of The Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act of 2007, the possibility of a criminal prosecution could still follow due to a section in the Act. That section states, “failure to comply with a forced marriage protection order constitutes contempt of court, which is punishable by up to two years in prison” (Gaffney-Rhys, 2009, p. 254). Therefore, if victims seek help, family members are still at risk for prosecution. The divergence in whether or not forced marriage should be criminalized is complex because the perpetrators of forced marriage are more than likely to be family members. Therefore, women who do not wish to criminalize their families, especially their parents, are less likely to seek help. Gangoli and McCarry (2008) found in their study that survivors of forced marriage were more interested in supportive services available to them versus fighting battles in court. 32 32 Anti-Immigration Various proposals for legislation on forced marriages and transnational marriages have been highlighted as anti-immigration antics in the United Kingdom and Denmark. These legislative proposals have focused on probationary periods and the age of the spouse. Wilson (2007) states that proposals for legislation on forced marriages in the United Kingdom are not empowering to women. Rather, they are driven by the state’s need to police the South Asian communities. Until 2003, there was a one year wait before spouses could reunite in the United Kingdom. In 2003, the one year probationary period was extended to two years and it was added that women who are married to a British citizen must remain married to him for two years after her arrival. Should the marriage fail, the woman faces deportation (Wilson, 2007). The threat of deportation has forced many South Asian women to remain in violent marriages being that they face blame for bringing shame upon their families, humiliation, violence, and possibly death if sent back to South Asia (Wilson, 2007). This policy affects forced marriages being that some of these women are involved in “family-arranged” marriages that could be a result of a forced marriage. According to Gill and Anitha (2009), the line distinguishing a forced marriage from an arranged marriage is blurred and makes it difficult to tackle forced marriages from a policy level. It is also challenging to determine the line between coercion and consent in cultures that partake in family arranged marriages and forced marriages. In 2002, Denmark passed a provision stating that no one under the age of 24 is allowed to bring a spouse into the country. The logic behind this is that people under the age of 24 are least likely to resist family coercion to enter a marriage (Razack, 2004). Therefore, by raising the age to 24 it is assumed that the marriage is consensual for both parties involved. In addition to the raise in age 33 33 limit, it was established that the immigrant or Danish-born applicant demonstrate that he or she held stronger ties to Denmark than any other country (Danish Ministry of Refugees, Immigration and Integration, as cited in Razack, 2004). For Denmark, it is believed that forced marriages and transnational marriages create problems of integration and threaten the identity of what it means to be Danish and to belong to the country of Denmark. Moreover, Chantler (2012) argues that immigration measures established to address issues regarding forced marriage have been criticized by various people in the literature because it fails to address forced marriage issues that are “home grown.” It has been established that interventions have been “more about controlling immigration rather than preventing forced marriage” (Chantler, 2012, p. 180). Additionally, it has been argued that age alone does not prevent forced marriages from occurring, and such policies interfere with arranged marriages and consensual marriages where one spouse is outside of the country. Hence, other human rights are being violated in the European Convention of Human rights, specifically the one that guarantees the right to respect private and family life (Hester et al., as cited in Chantler, 2012). Legislative measures developed in Europe to address forced marriage practices have been controversial and the agenda(s) questionable. The lack of understanding of forced marriage and the impact that it has on the individuals involved and their families makes it easy to label it as a “cultural” issue, so that ethnic minority groups such as the South Asian community become further stigmatized and demonized for their oppressive and “backward” practices of marriage and the treatment of women. Anitha and Gill and Chantler, Gangoli, and Hester (as cited in Chantler, 2012) assert a valid point in their proposition that central to this argument is that “consent is context bound and embedded within 34 34 power relations rather than an act of pure individual agency” (p. 177). Therefore, the context of forced marriage and the meanings ascribed to them cannot be understood from the viewpoint of the outsider looking in; rather, the voices of those in the community are equally important, if not, more important in the discourse of forced marriage than any other voice. The forced marriage experience of Hmong women and how it is understood and conceptualized in the Hmong culture takes on a different stance in comparison to the South Asian community and how it is understood in Europe. There is also an absence of discussion regarding forced marriage in the United States, suggesting that forced marriage is an invisible issue in the United States. Thus, the intention of this study is to provide a different lens and context for understanding forced marriage.

Empirical Research Early martial practices and attitudes toward marriage have been a focus of study for the Hmong since taking refuge in the United States. An early quantitative study conducted by Meredith and Rowe (1986) examined the shift in marital attitudes among Lao Hmong men and women following their settlement in the United States in 1975, specifically Omaha, Nebraska. The participants consisted of 70 females and 64 males between the ages of 16 and 30. The researchers utilized a survey questionnaire with 31 statements that were determined to be values commonly held by the Hmong in Laos and America. They utilized a Likert scale and Faces scale to record the participants’ responses. The faces were in correspondence to the rating level on the Likert scale (e.g., strongly agree = happy face, strongly disagree = sad face) since many of the Hmong participating in the study were illiterate and were not familiar with numbers. 35 35

Meredith and Rowe’s (1986) results indicated that the Lao Hmong experienced some shifts in their attitudes towards marriage following their settlement in the United States. Significant differences in attitudes were found toward the age at which a woman should marry and general views in equality within a marriage. Furthermore, education was a contributing factor to changes in marital attitudes among participants (Meredith & Rowe, 1986). Their study found that participants who received some type of formal education were more likely to be open to new ideas. Meredith and Rowe’s (1986) study was one of the earlier studies on marital practices in the Hmong. A more current study conducted by Vang and Bogenschutz (2011b) examined the relationship between teen marriage in Hmong women and their socioeconomic status. Utilizing an electronic survey, the researchers mailed it out to several list-servers consisting of predominantly Hmong recipients. A total of 186 self-identified Hmong women aged 18 and over completed the online survey. In this study, Vang and Bogenschutz (2011b) had the women identify the age at which they married, as well as the type of marriage that took place (i.e., voluntary, voluntary arranged, forced arranged, and kidnapped). A majority of the women reported their marriage to be voluntary (87.5%), 2.1% reported their marriage to be voluntarily arranged, 9.7% reported their marriage to be forced arrange, and 1% reported their marriage to be kidnapped (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011b), or what was described earlier as “bride capture.” Vang and Bogenschutz’s (2011b) study is one of the few studies that collect data on the marital circumstance of the Hmong woman. However, based on what their results reported, the forced arranged marriage or what the present researcher refers to as “forced marriage,” was the second highest percentage for how the marriage took place for the participants. 36 36

Vang and Bogenschutz’s (2011b) study found that teenage marriage continues to be commonly practiced in the Hmong community and has a relationship to the level of educational attainment by the woman. The level of education attained by Hmong women who married early correlated with their earnings as well. Their study also indicated that women who married early were more likely to experience marital abuse. Their study findings support the belief that teenage marriage contributes to drawbacks for women in the areas of educational and economic attainment. Vang and Bogenschutz (2011a) also explored cultural marital practices and its impact on the mental health status of Hmong women. In the survey questionnaire the women self-rated themselves on a ten-item depressive symptoms scale, in the past 12 months. The questions were based on the DSM IV-TR criteria for major depressive disorder (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). For example, some of the items included feelings of hopelessness, crying, and excessive worry. The participants rated those items as often, sometimes, seldom, or never (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Their findings reported feelings of excessive worry to be the most commonly reported symptom, with at least 32.3% of the respondents reporting excessive worrying as often and 37.3% reporting excessive worrying as sometimes (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Therefore, excessive worrying accounted for almost 70% of the respondents (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Furthermore, Vang and Bogenschutz’s (2011a) study also reported a correlation between marital abuse and depressive symptoms. Women who married before the age of 17 reported marital abuse experiences more than those who married after the age of 17 (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Another important finding in their study is the association between feeling trapped and marital circumstances. According to Vang and Bogenschutz (2011a), Hmong women who 37 37 participated in forced arranged or voluntary arranged marriages were more likely to feel trapped when compared to Hmong women who married voluntarily without family arrangements. For this study, feeling trapped included feelings of helplessness and feelings of the inability to change one’s circumstances (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). The researchers suggested that although marital circumstances were not associated with depression in a statistically significant way, it does however, indicate that traditional Hmong marital practices such as forced marriage and bride capture, may have harmful impacts on the mental health status of Hmong women (Vang & Bogenschutz, 2011a). Other studies have examined Hmong American college student’s perceptions of early marriage in the Hmong culture. Ngo (2002) conducted a study on the perceptions of early marriage in Hmong American college students from a large metropolitan area in Midwestern United States. Ngo (2002) recruited nine participants, five females and four males between the ages of 20 and 25. The participants were either currently enrolled in college or recently (within a two year timeframe) dropped out of their undergraduate program (Ngo, 2002). Two of the nine participants recently dropped out, two were previous dropouts who recently re-enrolled, and the other participants were continuously enrolled in their undergraduate programs (Ngo, 2002). Of the nine participants, one was U.S. born, one was born in France, and the other seven participants arrived in the U.S. from Thailand, between 1979 and 1981. Ngo (2002) collected her data utilizing mix methods including audiotaped semi-structured interviews, participant observations, and analysis of cultural documents (p. 167). Ngo’s (2002) research findings disclosed the complexity of early marriage practices in the Hmong culture. Her findings indicated that the explanation for early marriage in the Hmong community moves beyond it being an acceptable 38 38 cultural practice. Rather, Ngo’s (2002) study revealed that early marriage was sometimes used as a tool for young Hmong females to gain independence and freedom from their families and the social constraints and restrictions outside of their families. For example, some Hmong females reported feelings of being othered and treated as outcasts in the academic setting. Feelings of not belonging in their academic settings and facing stressors and pressures in the family at home were identified as contributing factors to early marriage in Hmong American females. As stated by Ngo (2002): Hmong female students’ perception, construction, and practice of early marriage cannot be…characterized as resistance. Significant in Hmong American female students’ responses to unhappy experiences with parents and schooling is their appropriation of the practice of early marriage (p. 181). Another study conducted on the perceptions of Hmong women’s views of marital practices was conducted by Huong, Oosterhoff, and White (2011). Huong et al.’s (2011) qualitative study consisted of individual interviews and focus groups with Hmong women from different generations in three locations near the district town, in one district of Ha Giang Province (Vietnam). The Hmong women who participated in this study were residents of Northern Vietnam. Researchers Huong et al. (2011) explored the changes in the reality and desires of Hmong women, including early marriage. Fifty-eight in-depth individual interviews were conducted, as well as six focus group discussions. The women who participated in the individual interviews and focus group discussions ranged in age, from 16 to 70 years. The researchers included a wide age range to capture the changes in views of marriage, gender roles, education, and personal aspirations among different generations. 39 39

Huong et al. (2011) found in their study the shifting views Hmong women had of marriage and gender roles as a woman in the Hmong community in Northern Vietnam. According to Huong et al. (2011), Hmong marital practices have been depicted in exotic ways (e.g., bride capture) when comparing the “modern” Kinh4 and the “traditional” Hmong. Such depictions have stigmatized the Hmong in Northern Vietnam but Huong et al.’s (2011) study found that the “biased focus on the supposedly ‘backward,’ ‘exotic’ and static nature of Hmong society in Vietnam does not reflect the reality” (p. 212). Their study found that many Hmong women who participated in prearranged marriages or bride capture actually married the man of their choice. It was indicated that some women who experienced marriage through bride capture did it voluntary as a form of “play acting” (Huong et al., 2011). Additionally, marriages that occurred by what the researchers referred to as “forced wife snatching” (i.e., bride capture), were rare among older Hmong woman of the past and continues to be infrequent in present times (Huong et al., 2011). Their study revealed the complexities involved in marital practices in the Hmong culture, as it relates to the Hmong women of Northern Vietnam. However, it is important to note the relevance of this study to the preconceived notions the United States has on the Hmong community and the foreign marital practices in the Hmong culture. “Traditional” Hmong practices have clashed with American values, as well as the legal system in the United States. However, without providing a context for the ways in which these practices are carried out, we cannot fully understand how it is perceived from those within the community.

4 Kinh – the majority ethnic group in Northern Vietnam (Huong et al., 2011). 40 40 Gaps in the Literature There are obvious strengths and weaknesses in previous research conducted on Hmong marital practices. The strengths of previous research studies provide insight on how traditional marital practices of early marriage impact Hmong women in the United States and the mental health implications that it has on Hmong women. The previous researches also provided insight on educational attainment for Hmong women who married early and the reasons why they engaged in early marriage. The results from these studies showed the dual identities that Hmong women struggled with when it came to adhering to traditional roles of a Hmong woman, while trying to attain an American woman’s roles and value at the same time. In addition, previous research showed shifting views of early marriage among Hmong women, not only in America but also in Northern Vietnam and the contributing factors to those changes, such as attaining higher education. Overall, previous research provides understanding for martial practices in the Hmong culture and concerns for Hmong women in regards to early marital practices and the impact that it has on their mental health, access to higher education, and socioeconomic status. Weaknesses in the previous research studies include the location in which the study took place and distribution of the study. Huong et al.’s (2011) research study focused on Hmong women in Northern Vietnam and cannot be generalized or representative of Hmong women residing in the United States. Additionally, other research studies focused on female Hmong university students in the Midwest of the U.S. and one of the earlier studies on Hmong marital attitudes took place in Nebraska. Again, the lack of representation of the Hmong population in the United States makes it challenging to state that these studies are representative of Hmong women in the United States. Lastly, distribution of the study posed 41 41 limitations for some studies. Vang and Bogenschutz (2011a, 2011b) distributed their survey questionnaire via email. This suggests that their participants had to have internet access in order to participate in the study. Thus, Hmong women who did not have access to the internet were not reached or included in their study sample. A major gap in the literature is the lack of research in the ways early marriage takes place in the Hmong community. Although previous studies collected data on how the marriage took place (e.g., forced marriage, arranged marriage, elopement), further exploration of how Hmong women experience the way the marriage took place has not been considered. This study improves the existing literature by conducting a qualitative research study on the lived experience of Hmong women who experienced early marriage by force of the family, due to a situational taboo in the Hmong culture. This study is focused on how these Hmong women describe the experience of forced marriage in their lives and the Hmong culture. Furthermore, this study provides a broader context for understanding forced marriage by providing a cultural perspective.

Chapter Summary This chapter discussed significant information for understanding the Hmong culture and the impact that it has on Hmong women. The chapter began with a discussion of Hmong culture, specifically gender roles and Hmong marital practices. Then, it discussed the theoretical frameworks used to guide this study: feminist standpoint theory and shame cultures. Next, the chapter discussed the ways in which forced marriage is understood and conceptualized in the United States and Europe. Finally, previous research studies on Hmong marital practices 42 42 were discussed. The following chapter will discuss the methodology of this phenomenological research study.

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

This chapter discusses the methodological framework for conducting the research study and collecting the data. The chapter also explains procedures and steps taken to conduct the study.

Research Design This study is a qualitative exploratory phenomenological study. The researcher used the principles of hermeneutic phenomenology as described by Van Manen (as cited in Creswell, 2007) and Creswell (2007) for the study. Phenomenological studies are focused on the lived or existential meanings in the world with an emphasis on the importance of individual experiences. It is an examination of a central concept experienced by several individuals. Utilizing a hermeneutical phenomenology approach requires that the researcher first identify a concept (i.e., the phenomenon that raises a concern) (Van Manen, as cited in Creswell, 2007). After doing so, the researcher then orients his/her research toward interpreting the “texts” of life (hermeneutical) and lived experiences (phenomenology) (Van Manen, as cited in Creswell, 2007, p. 235). Due to the limited information on the practice of forced marriage in the Hmong community, this research is considered an exploratory study. Exploratory studies are studies in which new interests are examined or areas that are lacking information are studied, to provide more insight into the subject matter (Rubin & Babbie, 2011). Furthermore, because of the need to gain an in depth understanding of the phenomenon being studied qualitative inquiry was determined to be a better method versus quantitative inquiry. The focus of this study could not be quantified and the data could not be captured through the collection of numbers and statistics. 44 44 Data Collection Face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted with five self-identified Hmong women who said they married young by force of the family, due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. The location in which the interview took place was open for the participant to decide to ensure the comfort of the participant. The interview guide used was semi-structured with 16 open- ended questions created by the researcher (see Appendix A). With permission of the participant, the interview was tape recorded and later transcribed. Both quantitative and qualitative data was collected. The quantitative data provided descriptive statistics of the study sample, and the qualitative data focused on the phenomenon being studied.

Data Analysis All the interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using Creswell’s (2007) steps for phenomenological data analysis, as pulled from Moustakas (as cited in Creswell, 2007). First, significant statements, sentences, and quotes were highlighted and noted. Moustakas (as cited in Creswell, 2007) refers to this process as horizontalization. Second, clusters of meaning were formed. In other words, significant statements, quotes, and sentences identified were turned into themes (Moustakas, as cited in Creswell, 2007).

Participants The researcher used a snowball sampling method to recruit 5 participants. The criteria for inclusion in the study were as follows: 1. Self-identified Hmong women aged 18 and up, who say that have married young by force of the family, due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. 45 45

2. The situational taboos were: 1. Pre-marital pregnancy 2. Bringing the girl home later than the parent(s) liking 3. Visiting the girl without parental knowledge. To reach the desired targeted population for this study, the researcher posted the flyer on social media websites such as Facebook (see Appendix B) and asked that friends and family share the flyer with their friends and family. Potential participants were encouraged to contact the researcher via cell phone and e-mail if they were interested in participating in the study. The researcher’s contact information was provided on the research flyer posted on Facebook. Participants were given a consent form (see Appendix C) and the researcher discussed with them confidentiality and their right to self-terminate during any time of the interview. Participants were given a $5.00 gift card to Starbucks as a token of appreciation for their time and participation.

Potential Benefits Participants in this study received the opportunity to share their story and have their voices heard. Hmong women are often thought of as second-class citizens in the Hmong community. The practice of forced marriage can be a reflection of their inability to voice their wants as well as a lack of options provided to them to make decisions for themselves. Although gender violence and power were not the focus of this study, results from this study provide insight into the lives of these Hmong women who experienced forced marriage in their community. It also provides a broader context for understanding how forced marriage is practiced in communities other than the South Asian communities, as described in the United Kingdom. Additionally, this study contributes to the body 46 46 of literature on early marriage practices and understanding of marital practices in the Hmong community, including forced marriage practices in ethnic communities. This study provides greater understanding for the Hmong community, including members inside and outside of the Hmong community.

Potential Risk to Participants Risk of harm was perceived to be minimal for the participants involved. Potential psychological distress and discomfort could result due to the subject matter and the feelings and memories that surfaced. Had this occurred, if the participant were a current student at Fresno State, the participant was referred to psychological services available on campus at the Fresno State health center. Should the participant not be a student at Fresno State the researcher provided them with information as to where they could access psychological services. A pamphlet was provided to the participants with psychological services and additional support services for their use. Additionally, efforts were made to maintain the confidentiality of participants; however, possible identification of their participation in the study was a risk in this study

Management of Risk Participants who agreed to participate in the study were assured that their participation was voluntary and information on potential risks were provided. The researcher explained the risks prior to conduction of the interview. Participants were informed that should they feel discomfort or distress at any time during the interview, they could request to have the interview terminated. The researcher also discussed with the participants their right to self-terminate from the study altogether. The participants were provided with written and verbal information regarding potential risks and benefits by participating in the study. Consent forms 47 47

(see Appendix C) were provided to participants and they were signed and collected. The researcher provided the participants with a copy of the consent form. The confidentiality of the participants was maintained by keeping all data collection records, as well as consent forms, in a locked file cabinet. Only the researcher had access to the locked file cabinet. The researcher ensured the participants that their identities were not going to be disclosed, as their names were either coded or a pseudo name was used. Field notes and tapes were destroyed upon completion of the study.

Methodological Limitations For this study, the small study sample posed limitations in the method of this research. Due to the short timeframe of the researcher’s graduate program, a large study sample was not feasible, leaving the researcher to conduct no more than five interviews. For a more comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon, more research will need to be conducted with larger study samples. Furthermore, the reliability and validity of the interview instrument used by the researcher may be flawed since the researcher created the interview instrument. This raised concern for possible bias. Additionally, responses from participants were assumed to be accurate depictions of their experience of the phenomenon. However, the researcher made a conscious effort to present the findings in an objective manner.

Chapter Summary This chapter provided an account of how the researcher gained access to the participants and the potential risks and benefits involved in this study. The researcher also discussed the design of the study, the data collection, and data 48 48 analysis methods, as well as the limitations of the methodological approach used. The following chapter will discuss the findings of this study.

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

This chapter attempts to describe the experiences and insights of forced marriage as depicted by the participants. The purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the lived experience of Hmong women who married young by force of the family, due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. As a Hmong woman herself, the researcher struggled with how she positioned herself in the study as a researcher from the outside, without compromising her position and identification as part of the community that she was studying. During the process of this research study, the researcher made a conscious effort not to further stigmatize the Hmong community by being aware of her biases and prejudices during the interview and data analysis process. Islam (2000) described in her article the ethical and methodological dilemmas she dealt with as an antiracist Bangladeshi-American researcher in the Bangladeshi community. Her statement, “I would be the informant and translator, and therefore possibly the ambassador and traitor to the community” (Islam, 2000, p. 35) captures what the researcher struggled with as a Hmong-American woman conducting a research study on a cultural practice that may be viewed as barbaric and inhumane from members outside of the Hmong community. The researcher often asked herself, am I interpreting what they are stating correctly? Is the language that I am using neutral, or is my judgment and the way that I am portraying the information biased and prejudiced? The stories shared by the participants were rich and honest. It was also an empowering experience for those who had not shared their story before. And for the researcher, it was a learning process in terms of how she positioned herself in the community and the culture and how the information and data was to be carried out. 50 50 Research Participants The names and descriptions of the participants have been altered to ensure their confidentiality. Five self-identified Hmong women who stated that they married young due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture were interviewed. Their current ages ranged from mid-20s to early-30s. The age at which the participants married varied. One participant was 13-years-old, two were 14-years-old, one was 16-years-old, and the last participant was 18-years-old. Three of the five participants are divorced from the husband whom they were forced to marry. Although it was not a requirement to participate in the study, the participants were first generation born in the United States. They currently reside in the Central Valley of California. Zoua is a 29-year-old Hmong woman with wavy dark brown hair. She proudly comes from a family of 15 and what she refers to as a “traditional” Hmong family. She is soft spoken but her words deep and meaningful. Her face lit up when she spoke of her love for children and the treasured times that she spends with her family. Zoua has been married for 13 years. Her compassion and empathic nature allows her to forgive and see the good in people. She is currently a graduate student at a University in the Central Valley and is set to graduate in May 2013. See is a 26-year-old Hmong woman with big brown eyes and a smile that will light up your day. Although she appears tiny and petite, she has the heart of a lion. She is a mother to five beautiful children and they are her pride and joy in life. She is eager to share her story and experience in hopes that it will provide inspiration and support to others with similar experiences. See has a soft spot for the elderly and is currently attending a community college to become a nurse for the elderly. 51 51

Pa is a 33-year-old Hmong woman with a vibrant personality. She comes from a family of 15 and is the fifth oldest. Her laugh is contagious and one can’t help but laugh with her. She loves to shop and claims that she has a shoe fetish. Pa has been married for 15 years and is a mother to her 6-year-old son. Pa’s voice is strong and lively and shows no indication of the passivity that she once carried. She loves her job as a teacher has been teaching for ten years. Shoua is a 31-year-old Hmong woman who is a wife, mother, and teacher. She loves to read and cuddle with her three dogs. Shoua is an avid baker and is constantly trying new recipes. Petite with short brown hair, her strength and comfort in knowing who she is and what she is worth shined through during my interview with her. She is courageous and strong willed with no trace of regret in her decisions in life. Yer is a 30-year-old Hmong woman with her children as her pride and joy. She has a boisterous laugh that complements her outgoing and spontaneous personality. Yer loves to shop and enjoys going to concerts. She is currently a card dealer at a casino. Her confident voice and openness to share her story shows the headstrong person that she is, even as a teenager.

Emergent Themes Analysis of the interviews was guided by the principles of hermeneutic phenomenology as described by Van Manen (as cited in Creswell, 2007) and Creswell (2007). The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using Creswell’s (2007) steps for phenomenological data analysis, as pulled from Moustakas (as cited in Creswell, 2007). First, significant statements, sentences, and quotes were highlighted and noted. Moustakas (as cited in Creswell, 2007) refers to this process as horizontalization. Second, clusters of meaning were 52 52 formed. In other words, significant statements, quotes, and sentences identified were turned into themes (Moustakas, as cited in Creswell, 2007). Phenomenological research is oriented toward lived experience and interpretation (Creswell, 2007). It is both a description and interpretive process conducted by the researcher and the participants. The themes that emerged from the interviews that the researcher feels best represents the participants’ experiences are: shame, freedom, and resilience.

Shame Shame is a strong emotional force that is evoked from one’s social and cultural context. An individual may experience feelings of shame when they have engaged in behaviors deemed undesirable by culture-specific sanctions. The participants expressed feelings of shame and how it was a driving force in their forced marriage. Feelings of shame and the association that they had with “saving” their family’s “face” were indicated in the participants feeling obligated to go through with the marriage. Participants also expressed hiding or not exposing their reason for getting married from their parents and extended family, to avoid bringing shame upon their family. The emotion shame and the value placed on saving face were deeply ingrained in the participants so that they carried those values on their shoulder and sleeve. Zoua found out that she was pregnant after seeing her boyfriend for two months. Although he had refused to marry her and requested that she get an abortion, she shared with her sister that she may be pregnant and so her sister insisted that they get married. Zoua refused to share with her parents her reasons for getting married and no questions were asked. During her wedding ceremony her parents were not aware that she was pregnant and no indication of it was made 53 53 to her extended family. However, her husband’s side of the family was well aware of why they were getting married. When asked why she did not disclose the news of her being pregnant to her parents and family, Zoua replied, “My mom always told us growing up if you go get pregnant don’t ever think that you’re gonna get away with that you know. If you get pregnant don’t let us know. If you let us know then that’s gonna be big trouble for you.” Zoua also expressed feelings of obligation, “I’m pregnant, what else am I gonna do? I mean there’s really no choice.” Zoua expressed her understanding of forced marriage in the Hmong culture to be “Shame, to not bring shame to the family.” She expressed how growing up her parents instilled in her the value placed on not giving the family a bad name. Zoua stated, “growing up (in) shame (it) was like you don’t shame us, you don’t give us a bad name, to the clan and stuff like that.” For Zoua it was easier to voluntarily get married rather than face telling her parents what had happened. She had internalized the shame that she had brought upon her family by getting pregnant and knew that her only choice was to get married. If she had shared the news with her parents, it was evident to her that the she would be ostracized by her parents and forced to get married. Zoua felt that facing her parents would have been more painful than insisting that her boyfriend marry her. Despite the fact that her boyfriend did not want to marry her, it was more shameful to her to return home than to wait in front of his door step for two hours until she was asked to come inside the house to start the pre wedding ritual, what is popularly referred to as the “chicken ritual.” The chicken ritual is a live rooster that is waved in a circle at the top of the bride’s head to call her spirits into the groom’s home. See also expressed feelings of shame and the obligation she felt to save her parents’ face, especially her father’s with her marriage. See was forced to get 54 54 married by her older half brother when he found out that she had her boyfriend over without her parent’s consent, nor his. Her older half brother was considered the head of the household at the time because he was taking care of the family financially. Reflecting back on the night that she was forced to get married, she expressed that she felt the same fear and nervousness as she did then. See indicated that she had the “chance to really say you know what, I want out of this marriage before the wedding but, like, I wanted to save my parents face. I was more concerned for them than I was for me so I stuck around you know, did the wedding and stayed.” See’s father was a well-respected man in the Hmong community for he was a shaman and a traditional Hmong instrument player. She recalls experiencing feelings of shame during her wedding ceremony and described how she felt ashamed because “A lot of people respected him and they knew him. So when I did that you know, it like shamed him, shamed his face and his name.” She later stated that she felt really ashamed, not for herself but for her parents. Although she felt compelled to marry her boyfriend for the sake of saving her father’s name, she expressed, “I know to this day that I didn’t do anything wrong.” During the interview with See it was apparent that she had strong ties to the cultural values and expectations that were taught to her by her parents. She repeatedly expressed that the feelings of shame did not come from her but from her immediate and extended family. Her father did not confront her about what she had done but she felt within herself that she had shamed him because she was being forced to get married. Shoua described her marriage as a means to make amends with what she had done to save her parents face. Her forced marriage was a complex situation in that she was pregnant and had an abortion. After her abortion, she went into a 55 55 friend’s home when she shouldn’t have. In doing so, she had offended the spirits that protected her friend’s household. Therefore, her parents were informed of what she had done and so “my mom and dad had to go fix their house so that made them lose face.” Shoua also described how “other people had found out that I had an abortion and in order for them to save face you know they had to force us to get married.” When asked where her source of shame came from, Shoua reported that it came from multiple things: I felt very ashamed because I felt that I had let my parents down. It wasn’t just like I got pregnant and we’re just getting married and now we’re gonna have a baby. It was like I got pregnant and I got an abortion. So a lot of those feelings came because of that too. She described her understanding of why she was getting married as “I had basically shamed the family by doing that. So it made my parents lose face. It was like I was obligated to get married because I had made my parents lose face.” When asked whether or not she felt that she had a choice in getting married, she replied, “No, I never felt like I had a way out. I felt very obligated to go through with it.” The shame experienced by the participants and the obligation they felt to save their family’s face was a strong influence on their forced marriage, even for those who willingly or voluntarily chose to get married as a way to avoid facing their parents and family. A sense of responsibility to not shame their family strongly tied them to their forced marriage, and for those who are no longer married to the person whom they were forced to marry, it was also a driving force in why they stayed in the marriage for as long as they did. For the participants who are currently still married to their husbands, although they have had their ups and downs, their reasons for staying with their husbands goes back to the cultural 56 56 values and beliefs engrained in them about what it means to be a Hmong daughter and a Hmong wife. Divorce in itself is a shameful situation and so to face that shame twice is not something that they want to experience.

Freedom Marriage was a source of freedom for the participants. The participants reported that although they were getting married under the wrong circumstances, they perceived their marriage to be a way for them to escape their families. The participants described the pressures of what was expected of them as a Hmong daughter and how those expectations and restrictions influenced some of their behaviors. They also expressed that although they were saddened by their marriage, they were happy at the same time for they believed that with their marriage they would gain some freedom and independence. Pa married under the circumstance that her boyfriend kept her out too late. She describes how her marriage indicated to her the opportunity to leave her parents home because she felt that they were too strict: At that time I wanted to leave my parents home in the first place. It just happened that way and I had wanted to get married to him anyway. Then I thought I was ready but you know…I think my parents were really strict. I always joke(d) with my younger siblings that if my parents were as lenient with me as they are with them I would’ve never gotten married. But my parents were really strict. You had to come home at a certain time, you had to do this and do that. And at that time you’re young and you don’t know that they just want what’s best for you. When asked what getting out of her parents home meant to her Pa stated: 57 57

I thought I was getting freedom…there was no life outside of school. It was either you stay home or you go to work and you come home, you go to school and you come home. No extracurricular activities. I lived a shelter(ed) life for a long time. So for me getting married was ‘Oh, I have freedom I can do whatever I wanted.’ See expressed similar feelings to Pa about her wedding and the marriage. When asked to describe thoughts or feelings she had during her wedding ceremony she replied: I was kind of happy. Just because I wanted to get out of the house so bad. Because we were so like restricted. And so I was hoping that with this marriage I would get to go out there more and see what’s out there. See also described what was expected of her as a Hmong daughter and how she was expected to behave contributed to her feeling deprived: You can’t go anywhere. You’re supposed to just stay home and do chores and go to school and nothing else. You just be like a good daughter. Stay home, no going out, no dating, nothing like that…I actually wanted to be a good Hmong daughter. I did (follow) all the rules. I did the household chores. Listened to my parents and never argued. Nothing like that but I skipped school, I had my outside life. Because you know, you’re so deprived; you’re deprived of so many things being a Hmong daughter. Like you can’t go anywhere…I felt like my only freedom, time to explore was when I was at school because I got to like see what was out there. Zoua expressed her longing to behave like a normal teenager and how she thought getting married would “release” her from her parents: I felt that marriage at the time, at the time I honestly felt marriage would release me and let me go places and you know, me and my husband would 58 58

do things and stuff like that. That ideal teenager thinking of ‘Oh, marriage is gonna free me of you know the strictness of my parents…so I think that the traditional role as a Hmong daughter, not being able to go out and having to do chores and stuff did contribute to me getting married. Shoua described her mom’s expectations of her as a Hmong daughter to be “very traditional expectations”: It was like she was grooming me to be a good housewife. Made sure I knew how to clean, made sure I knew how to cook and take care of my siblings and the house. And she wanted me to be very demure. She never wanted me to talk back to her. She had conflicting emotions when it came to her marriage. She described how she went from a home where her mother was very controlling into a home where she was being controlled not by her mother but now by her husband: I tried to make myself feel like it was better that I wasn’t with my parents anymore. I actually had my own husband now and I had more freedom, you know, but I really didn’t. I had a husband who was controlling me all the time. Through the participants’ descriptions of what the marriage signified to them, freedom and the thought of having an identity other than a Hmong daughter was a way for them to cope with the forced marriage. For the participants independence was tied to being a wife and starting a life of their own. Therefore, although they were getting married under circumstances that they had not preferred they managed to see the positive outcome of their forced marriage. 59 59 Resilience Resilience was woven in the participants’ descriptions of the forced marriage that they experienced. Many of them expressed how the marriage strengthened them as individuals and how they gained independence from it. The independence that they gained was different from what they had anticipated being that many of them experienced some form of abuse in their marriage (i.e., physical, emotional, verbal). They described how the marriage was a learning process for them and their ability to pull through made them the person that they are today. Yer who married under the circumstance that she was pregnant described the difficult relationship she had with her in laws and her husband while married to her husband (she is now divorced from him) and how that experience helped shape her into the person that she is today: I think I’m a better person…I experienced life the hard way. I’m very independent. I don’t need someone to hold my hands and do things. I figured my own shit out. Shoua also expressed how the marriage contributed to her discovering who she was and what she wanted in life: It’s made me a better person. It’s brought me to where I am today. I’m married to a wonderful person. Being in a loveless, unhappy marriage made me realize what I didn’t want. Sometimes you don’t know what you want but you know what you don’t want. When asked what contributed to Shoua’s decision to leave her husband whom she was forced to marry, she replied: I started going to college so I felt a little bit more freedom because I was out by myself more without him…it was more like a transformation of 60 60

gaining my independence from our marriage and that was when I really started feeling like I could be independent was when I started going to college. Zoua described how her husband and her marriage have been a motivational factor for her in completing college and pursuing her post-graduate degree: My husband has motivated me to finish my education and make myself a better person as a woman and become independent and know that no matter what happens, I’m good to myself…it’s made me more independent and self-determined. For Zoua, her marriage may not be where she would like it to be but she knows that so long as she continues with her education and maintains her independence she will not rely on him too much, and that has allowed her to cope with the marriage. In describing how this experience affected See she was very reflective in her answer, and there was no trace of blame or bitterness toward her family even though she experienced severe physical and emotional abuse in her forced marriage: Even though I went through a lot, it’s a very good life learning process for me. I have learned a lot more and I know a lot about life. It’s difficulties and hardships. Having to go through this situation it helped me to be who I am today. It helped me to think differently on how I want to raise my kids and how I view marriage. I think it was a big learning process for me. The participants did not express ill feelings toward their families despite the hardships that they experienced in their marriage. Many of them described how the marriage contributed to the strength that they have acquired and their ability to 61 61 carry on with life. The marriage became a symbol of strength and perseverance. The participants coped with the hardships by developing their own sense of self and realizing their worth as a Hmong woman. For some, it was through college and for others, it was through the marriage itself and what they were able to overcome. The mere fact that they overcame the marriage as abusive as it was, indicated to them that they were strong, giving them a sense that they can bounce back from difficulties that come their way.

Chapter Summary This chapter discussed the themes discovered in the interviews with the participants utilizing the principles of hermeneutic phenomenology as described by Van Manen (as cited in Creswell, 2007) and Creswell (2007). Shame, freedom, and resilience are the three themes that arose from the participants’ description of how they experienced the forced marriage. The next chapter concludes the study. The concluding chapter will discuss major findings generated by the research question for the study, strengths and challenges of the study, implications for social work practice, and recommendations for future research.

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION

This chapter provides a summary of the results for this qualitative study. The strengths and weaknesses of the study will also be discussed as well as the implications for social work practice. Additionally, recommendations for future research will be suggested. This chapter has been divided into the following sections: (a) discussion of findings, (b) limitations, (c) implications for social work practice, and (d) recommendations for future research.

Discussion of Findings The participants described shame and the value placed on saving face in the Hmong culture to be the major contributing factors to the practice of forced marriage in the Hmong community. Many of the participants discussed the roles and expectations that were expected of them as a Hmong daughter to be traditional roles, such as obeying one’s parents, carrying out household chores such as cooking and cleaning, and taking care of their younger siblings. They also expressed their inability to behave like a normal teenage girl in America because they were not allowed to participate in extracurricular activities at school, or to hang out with their friends outside of school. For many of the participants, their lives were very confined and they were expected to either be at school or at home. Therefore, when they engaged in an activity that was outside of what was deemed appropriate for them as a Hmong daughter it was perceived to be shameful and gave other members in the community the impression that their daughter was defiant, or for lack of a better word, unclean. Three of the five participants were forced to marry due to premarital pregnancy, one for staying out too late, and one for having her boyfriend over without parental consent/knowledge. Their behaviors signified that they had 63 63 behaved inappropriately and thus have shamed their family. Being that the Hmong is a collectivist society, one’s actions are often viewed as a reflection of all members in that individual’s life. For the participants and their families, their actions were viewed as a reflection of their family, their parents, and because of that the best way to “clean” their family’s face was to get married since the girl was now thought of as unclean. Shweder (2003) states, “cultural communities differ in their ideas about what is good, true, beautiful…” (p. 2116) and therefore individuals often experience a mental state of shame that is manifested in a culture specific way. For the participants, their experience of shame and how they understood it was manifested in their culture and what it meant to be a Hmong daughter. Shame was woven in the emotional obligation that they felt to get married even if they felt that they had done nothing wrong. Shame was also a strong force for the participants who married without informing their parents that they were pregnant. As Zoua stated, “A lot of girls try not to shame their parents and try to get married before they start showing.” Therefore, the force that some of the participants felt in getting married was not necessarily physical or carried out by members in their family. Instead, the force that they felt in their family to get married was tied with shame and saving their family’s face. Another major finding is the participants reframing their forced marriage to signify freedom and independence. Many of the participants expressed how they rationalized and coped with the forced marriage by telling themselves or believing that since they were married they would be more independent and receive an opportunity to explore life outside of the house and school. As previously discussed in chapter four, See described herself as deprived and Shoua discussed how she was being controlled all the time. 64 64

This finding supports previous research findings of early marriage practices among the Hmong in the United States. Ngo’s (2002) study of the perspectives of Hmong American female students on early marriage found that for some Hmong American female students, early marriage was a way to gain independence from their parents. Ngo (2002) states, “In the course of my research, I learned that Hmong females and their peers engage in or understand early marriage as an expression of defiance to parents’ control and restrictions on social life” (p. 170). However, for the participants, their marriage became the opposite of what they had anticipated. They discovered that the restriction and control was still present. Instead, it was now being carried out by their in laws and their husbands. As stated by Ngo (2002), “Although Hmong women may perceive marriage as an option for escaping parents’ control, they actually end up replacing one set of authority with another” (p. 182). For the participants, the forced marriage provided them with a sense of false independence and it was through this belief that they coped with the marriage and the shame that they had experienced. The findings also maintained the resilience that individuals develop through the experience of shame. The participants expressed the strength and self-worth they gained from their experience. Three of the five participants are no longer married to the person whom they were forced to marry. For the three who divorced their husband, overcoming that shame and realizing that they were not tied to their husband and the marriage, allowed them to gain their independence. In Van Vliet’s (2008) grounded theory study on shame and resilience in adulthood, participants reported becoming “stronger, more confident, and better able to resist future assaults on the self” (p. 242) having experienced shame and overcoming it. The participants in this study expressed that they were a “better person today” having gone through the experience of their forced marriage. 65 65

The participants who divorced their husbands also expressed how they reached a point in their lives where it no longer mattered to them what other people thought of them. Developing that sense of confidence and self-trust provided them with the power and control that they had been longing for in their lives. For the participants, finding that power and control was something that they gained through their experience with the forced marriage and being in a marriage where they were unhappy and either physically, verbally, or emotionally abused. This finding aligns with Van Vliet’s (2008) finding of participant’s indicating that “through their struggles with shame, the judgments’ of other people came to matter less and their own opinions mattered more” (p. 242). The participants’ separation of themselves from the marriage signified their separation from the shame. Resilience was also a major finding in the participants’ description of how they experienced the forced marriage. Many of the participants expressed feelings of powerlessness and feeling trapped in their marriage. They described how the shame that they had brought upon their family made them feel as though they had no other choice than to get married. Their voice was invisible because of the sense of responsibility that they felt to save their family’s face. However, through awareness and understanding of the marriage in a way that did not encompass who they were as a person, the participants were able to grow from their experience. Brown’s (2006) shame resilience theory emerged from her grounded theory study of women and how they experienced shame. According to Brown (2006), SRT proposes that women who experience shame can become resilient to shame by reducing their feelings of isolation, powerlessness, and feeling trapped. By reducing the feelings associated with shame they develop power and control. Many of the participants expressed how the realization of their own worth, power, 66 66 and freedom allowed them to overcome the shame because they recognized that it no longer defined them, nor did it tie them to their marriage. For the participants, recognition of their power and worth came from different sources: education, time, maturing with age, and empathy and support from their families and friends. Although participants were forced to marry by the obligation owed to their families to save their face, they continued to receive support from their family when things in the marriage were hard. The participants who made the decision to divorce their husbands expressed the support that they received from their families and how that prevented them from feeling shamed. Many of the participants also had friends or other family members who married under the same circumstance as they did. Therefore, comfort in knowing that they were not alone provided them with support. The resilience developed by the participants also support Van Vliet’s (2008) finding that the pain and adversity accompanied by shame works as a motivational factor in individual’s self-improvement in intellectual, physical, or social competencies. Overall, the findings from this study suggest that forced marriage and the use of shame and value placed on saving face in the Hmong culture fostered resilience for these women. Many of them expressed that they did not condone the practice of forced marriage and would not continue the practice with their own children. However, they did not express feelings of hate or bitterness toward their family for the hardships that they experienced in their marriage. The participants in this study took the experience as an event in their lives that helped strengthen them as a Hmong woman. The experience also provided these women with motivation to better themselves; whether it was pursuing and completing college, being a good mother to their children, or finding that voice within themselves as a means to express that their lives are valuable and their happiness is meaningful. 67 67 Limitations This study was limited by its small sample size and its geographical boundaries. The Hmong population is spread throughout the United States as well as other countries including Thailand, China, Australia, and France. Therefore, the findings from this study cannot be generalized to all Hmong women who experienced forced marriage. It would be beneficial to conduct a study with a larger sample size and with participants from other geographical regions. Another limitation was the research instrument used to conduct the study. The research instrument was created by the researcher and may not capture all dimensions of the phenomenon of the experience of forced marriage for the Hmong women.

Implications for Social Work Practice A question asked of the participants was whether or not they felt that the practice of forced marriage would continue to be practiced in the Hmong culture. All of the participants indicated that they did not believe this practice to be as prevalent and that it would eventually disappear as Hmong families become more acculturated and assimilated to American culture. Their insights and descriptions of forced marriage in the Hmong community suggests that culture is much more complex than what is read in the textbook. It is ever changing and fluid. Therefore, from a culturally competent perspective, it is important that social workers be mindful of the fluidity of culture. Gaining information about culture from a textbook does not imply that one is culturally competent, nor does it suggest that all members who identify with that specific community function in the same manner. Forced marriage is a complex issue and this study provides a different perspective on forced marriage in regards to how it is understood and experienced from a community other than the South Asian community, as they have been discussed and described in the European literature. 68 68

Shame has universal abstract definitions but culture specific meanings determine what behaviors are inappropriate and how those behaviors are addressed and repaired, based on that individual’s culture. This study not only reflected the complexity of forced marriage in varying cultures, it also brought to surface the complexity of the experience of shame and how one’s culture influences its experience and understanding, as well as its use. Social workers and other professionals working with clients who experience high levels of shame may want to consider how shame is identified for that individual and what it means to them. Shame is a complex emotion and multiple factors contribute to how it is experienced and dealt with.

Recommendations for Future Research This exploratory study uncovered the complexity involved in Hmong marital practices, specifically forced marriage and its interpretation through the voices of the Hmong women who participated in this study. Shame and the value placed on saving face in the Hmong culture were influential factors on the situations that led to the forced marriage. It has been suggested in the literature that women experience higher levels of shame than men. To examine whether or not Hmong women’s experience of shame in forced marriages differ from Hmong men, it would be beneficial to examine the perception of Hmong men who experienced forced marriage. Hmong men position themselves differently in the culture and they have roles and expectations that they too must adhere to. Therefore, it is likely that their experience of shame and forced marriage is different from that of Hmong women. Whether or not Hmong women experience higher levels of shame than Hmong men should be examined as well. 69 69

In addition, early studies on marital practices in the Hmong culture have indicated that many Hmong females marry as a means to escape their parents’ control. Although the present study aligned with early findings of marital practices in the Hmong culture, there is a possibility that the participants in this study experienced those same feelings as a result of their status as first generation born in the United States. Thus, it is recommended that studies be conducted to examine more recent attitudes among Hmong youth and marriage to determine whether or not the previous perceptions still hold some truth. Members in the Hmong community, especially Hmong Americans, continue to have a convoluted relationship with the Hmong culture and its values. As the Hmong become more acculturated and assimilated their culture and all of its complexities become more complicated as Hmong men, women, and youth work through their competing identities of what it means to be Hmong and what it means to be American. Examining this population will provide insight into what support systems and services can be placed to address the needs of a population with a culture that is continuously changing. Lastly, three of the five participants in this study are presently divorced from the husband whom they were forced to marry. It was reported by the participants that many of their friends who married young are either unhappy or have divorced their spouse. Although divorce is considered a taboo in the Hmong culture, it is becoming more common. A study on the cause of divorce and whether or not early marriage by force of the family is a contributing factor will enhance our understanding of divorce in the Hmong community. The recommended future research in the areas provided will continue to educate helping professionals who work with diverse communities, including the Hmong. 70 70

Since culture continuously changes it is important that helping professions such as social work, have a nuanced understanding of culture.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: RESEARCH INSTRUMENT 79 79

Title of Research: Forced Marriage: A Phenomenological Study of Hmong Women’s Experience with Forced Marriage in the Hmong Culture

Research Instrument

Research Question to Address:

1. How do Hmong women describe the experience of forced marriage in their lives and the

culture?

Demographic Data:

1. Current age ______2. Ethnicity ______3. Current relationship status (Please circle the answer that best applies to you) a. Single b. Married i. If you are currently still married to your husband who you were forced to marry, how long have you been married to him? ______c. Separated i. If you are currently separated from your husband who you were forced to marry, how long has it been since you separated from him? ______d. Divorced i. If you are currently divorced from your husband who you were forced to marry, how long has it been since you divorced him? ______4. Age at which you married ______a. If you are currently divorced from the husband who you were forced to marry, how old were you when you divorced him? ______Interview Questions:

1. Can you describe to me the events that led to your forced marriage? 2. How did you meet your husband? How long did you date for until you married him? 3. When you reflect on the event how would you describe your understanding of it then? What about now? 4. How do you perceive the reasons for the practice of forced marriage to be in the Hmong community? What is your understanding of it? 80 80 5. Please describe to me the wedding ceremony that you had? Was it a traditional Hmong wedding? Americanized? Or did you have it both ways? 6. Please describe to me the thoughts and feelings you recall having during your wedding ceremony? 7. How would you describe your relationship with your husband before the marriage? During? After? Currently? 8. How did you parents make you feel? Despite the influence of your parents, how did you feel about the wedding? 9. What about your extended family like aunts, uncles, and cousins, how did they react to your marriage? 10. Can you describe to me what life was like with your husband after the marriage? 11. How was your relationship with your in laws? What about your immediate family? 12. Do you have any children? If so, how many? What are their ages? 13. How do you think this experience affected you? 14. If someone were to ask you about this experience or the practice of forced marriage in the Hmong community, how would you explain it to them? 15. What lessons/advice would you like to share with other people form your experiences? 16. Is there anything that we haven’t talked about that you would like to share with me in understanding your experience?

APPENDIX B: RESEARCH INFORMATION FLYER 82 82

APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM 84 84

Forced Marriage: A Phenomenological Study of Hmong Women’s Experience with Forced Marriage in the Hmong Culture Principal Investigator: Kris Clarke, Ph.D. Co-Investigator: Paj Tshiab Vang, MSW Student PURPOSE

This qualitative study will explore the experience of Hmong women who married young by force of the family, due to situations that are considered taboo in the Hmong culture. You are being asked to participate in this study because you have self-identified as a Hmong woman, aged 18 or older, who married young by force of the family due to a situation that is considered taboo in the Hmong culture. The situational taboos are as follow: 1. Premarital pregnancy 2. Bringing the girl home later than the parent(s) liking 3. Visiting the girl without parental knowledge/getting caught alone with the girl Participation in this study is voluntary. If at any time you choose not to participate, you may withdraw at any time during the study.

PROCEDURE & CONFIDENTIALITY

If you agree to participate in the study you will receive a visit from me, Paj Tshiab Vang, who will ask you a series of in-depth questions about your experience as a Hmong woman who married young by force of the family, due to situations that are considered taboo in the Hmong culture. Any information shared in the interview will be held in strict confidentiality. Your individual answers will not be shared with anyone and identifying information will be altered utilizing falsified names or codes. The interview will take no more than (2) hours. If provided permission from you, the interview will be audiotaped. Data collected will be kept in a locked file cabinet. The only person who will have access to the locked file cabinet is I, Paj Tshiab Vang. Audiotapes and other data material collected will be destroyed at the completion of the study. The researcher will write out word for word, what you say on the tape, but will not use your real name or any information that will identify you. These written transcripts will later be analyzed for this study.

POTENTIAL RISKS & DISCOMFORTS

It is the researcher’s hope that participation in this study will not involve any risks or discomfort for you. However, if at any time during the interview process you experience discomfort, you may withdraw your participation. Potential risk in this study includes distressed emotions that may surface as you reflect on the experience and events that took place in regards to the forced marriage. Should you experience distress or discomfort during the interview, psychological services will be offered to you if you feel that it is necessary. If you are a current student at Fresno State, the researcher will provide you with an informational brochure on psychological services provided by Fresno State’s Student Health Center. If you are not a current student at Fresno State, the researcher will provide you with information as to where you can access psychological services. A pamphlet will be provided to non Fresno State students with psychological services and additional support services for your use. Also, the researcher will be available after the interview to provide comfort if needed. 85 85

BENEFITS

Your participation in this study stands to provide insight into the lives of Hmong women who experienced forced marriage in the Hmong community, as well as, provide a broader context for understanding how forced marriage is practiced in communities. Also, this study will contribute to the body of literature on early marriage practices and the understanding of marriage practices in the Hmong community, as well as, forced marriage practices in ethnic communities. This study may provide greater understanding for the Hmong community, including members inside and outside of the Hmong community.

PARTICIPATION

Your decision whether or not to participate will not prejudice your future relations with California State University, Fresno. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and to discontinue participation at any time without penalty. The Committee on the Protection of Human Subjects at California State University, Fresno has reviewed and approved the present research.

In return for participation in the study, you will receive a $5.00 gift card to Starbucks as a token of appreciation for your time.

You will be given a copy of this form to keep.

If you have any questions or concerns about your participation in this study, please do not hesitate to contact: Paj Tshiab Vang MSW Graduate Student (559) 304-0465 [email protected] Or

Dr. Kris Clarke Social Work Education Project Chair (559) 278-2985 [email protected]

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Forced Marriage: A Phenomenological Study of Hmong Women’s Experience of Forced Marriage in the Hmong Culture ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF CONSENT

I have been given a description of this study and had the opportunity to ask questions about it and have had my questions answered to my satisfaction. I understand what the procedures are and have had the potential risks and benefits explained to me. I also understand that my participation is voluntary, and that I may refuse to participate or withdraw at any time without penalty.

I understand that the information I have given is confidential and my identity will not be revealed in any way without my consent. I am not required to answer all questions but it is greatly appreciated if I do. I understand that findings from this study can potentially be published in the future. However, my identity will be held in strict confidentiality and only group results will be reported. I agree to allow the researcher, Paj Tshiab Vang to:

(Please place a check mark where applicable)

______make hand written field notes during my interview

______audiotape during my interview

I have been informed that if I have additional questions or concerns regarding participation in the study, I may contact Paj Tshiab Vang at (559) 304-0465 ([email protected]) or Dr. Kris Clarke at (559) 278-2985 ([email protected]). I give my voluntary consent to participate in this study.

Name (Print): ______

Telephone number(s) where I may be reached:

Home: ______Other: ______

E-Mail Address (If you have one): ______

Signature: ______Date: ______

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Paj Tshiab Vang

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April 5, 2013

Date